#unsex model

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Jorge Chacón

[the-feminist-philosopher]

Something I read that was really enlightening for my worldview was an essay by Bell Hooks where she reviewed Leni Riefenstahl: A Memoir. Leni Riefenstahl was a German, Nazi film director and propagandist probably best well known for directing Triumph of the Will. This essay really struck me because, much like Brooks, I recognized Leni Riefen­stahl in the (white) feminists around me. I recognized their tendency, like Riefen­stahl, to weaponize femininity, their whiteness, and their victimization under the patriarchy.

From Hooks:

"...it does not surprise me that it is women over the age of forty, many of whom were and are still active in the feminist movement, who passionately identify with the legacy of Leni Riefen­stahl. While many feminists criticize her lifelong support of white supremacy- demonstrated by her tacit complicity with the Nazi regime in her younger years and by her later neocolonial ap­proach to representing African societies- in the eyes of many women strug­gling to create art in patriarchal cultures, she remains an artist to study, admire, and emulate."

"As a filmmaker, she had no difficulty challenging patriarchal privi­lege at the same time that she exercised stereotypical feminine wiles to work with and around men so that they would not perceive her as a threat. Riefenstahl was determined to embody a sexist model of ‘femininity,’ even as she appropriated the space of the phallic imaginary in order to ‘think’ and ‘work’ like a man."

"Riefenstahl ap­peared always in the mask of feminin­ity, although she often rebelled against this role. As a young woman aspiring to become an artist-at this stage in her life, a writer- Leni proclaimed in a let­ter to a friend, ‘How l wish l were a man; it would be so much easier to carry on my plans.’"

"[I]n Feminism without Women, Tarua Mod­leski calls attention to the way the fem­inine pretense is ‘precisely, a feminine compensation on the part of the woman for having usurped what she perceives to be a ‘masculine’ authority and thereby ‘unsexed’ herself’ … Riefenstahl was able to push the boundaries of gender roles only by ob­sessively reinscribing herself within the drama of femininity. Again and again, she narrates tales of seduction in which she is victimized by thoughtless and brutal men. Riefenstahl desperately needed reassurance that her femininity remained intact- that she had not, in Modleski's terminology, become unsexed."

[elisemckenna1910]

Check out this listing I just added to my Poshmark closet: Brooks Brothers 346 Unisex Black Fleece Small.

[coochiequeens]

I am a butch lesbian. I live with gender dysphoria. This is the condition which, according to mental health professionals, means I am transgender. However, I do not define as transgender. I do not want to take hormones or have surgeries. I do not accept that it is possible to live “as a man”, without believing in old fashioned gender stereotypes. I do not believe my deep discomfort with my female body means that I should take steps to change it. This is my story.

In many respects, I live “as a man,” if you want to put it like that. I don’t want to put it like that, which is part of the problem I face. But I work in a warehouse. I shop in the men’s department. I have a wife and children, who I work to support. I am at ease in the company of men. My hobbies include turning wood, and fixing things. If I could click my fingers and be rid of my womb and my breasts, and not face lifelong medicalisation, I probably would. I have regularly felt, like Lady Macbeth, “unsex me here.” I am often “misgendered.” People call me “lad” or “sir,” until they hear my voice. It bothers me not at all. I meet the criteria, set out in the DSM 5, for medical transition. That is, if I went to a gender clinic and told them how I feel, and about my experiences, they would prescribe me testosterone and a double mastectomy. I choose not to transition. Instead, I am learning to love the skin I’m in. I have my own struggles with that skin, with my female body. Those struggles are not because my female body is wrong, but because my negative thinking around my body and my sexuality, which started in childhood, was not explored through therapy soon enough. I do not think it is in my interest to treat a condition that is in my head by making changes to my body. Psychiatry does not have a good history in this regard.I’m not hard line about transition. I support the right of adults to take what course of action they feel they need to take. However, I believe it is the responsibility of the medical establishment to explore options with individuals, before going ‘nuclear’. If counselling, feminism, learning to accept your sexuality shame free (which for me is butch femme dynamics), or even just growing into yourself can help you, why take life changing drugs and have life changing surgeries? It is not the job of clinicians to prescribe unthinkingly to satisfy another person’s desire to be validated; it is the job of clinicians to explore the reasons for an individual’s distress.

I choose not to transition. Instead, I am learning to love the skin I’m in. I have my own struggles with that skin, with my female body. Those struggles are not because my female body is wrong, but because my negative thinking around my body and my sexuality, which started in childhood, was not explored through therapy soon enough.

The affirmation model, the rush to the nuclear option first, is not good for individuals like me, who live with dysphoria. It closes down my options. I am less able, not more, to seek help for my distress, as the only help now widely available would, I believe, be damaging to my health and my life. The side effects of testosterone on women include, and may not be limited to – painful orgasm, vaginal atrophy, clitoromegaly, suicidal tendencies, violence, panic attacks, rage, jaundice, severe allergic reaction, nausea, vomiting, liver failure, cancer, kidney or urinary problems, infection of the injection site, stroke, or heart attack. Learning to love the skin I’m in sounds like a much better option to me.

Affirmation also solidifies a trans identity. Dysphoria is a condition affecting individuals; transition is only one treatment for that condition. “Being” trans seems as though it attaches an identity to a condition, and I don’t think that’s a helpful way to think. Individuals live with a variety of conditions, without letting those condition define them.

It is particularly important not to “affirm” children in identities which may take them down unhelpful routes in their lives. Telling a child they “are” anxious, for example, is less helpful than giving them support and strategies to deal with their worries.

How much more important is it, then, not to consolidate the identities of people in ways that will make them life long medical patients, reduce their choice of sexual partners, and may ruin their future fertility and sex life? If I had been “affirmed” as transgender as a child,  when I was a tomboy, if that option had been open to me, I would have taken it. It was not an option. I am glad it was not. I now have a life that I never thought was open to me.

My wife loves me, just how I am, with all my oddities. I’m very glad that I’m in a lesbian relationship. I would not want to be in a heterosexual relationship with a woman. That would wreck something important for me about who I am, and what I stand for and I could never have discovered that on my own if I had been transitioned young.

I still have difficulties with my sexed body. Periods are particularly difficult for me. But instead of seeking a hysterectomy, I tell myself, “Lauren, you’re a butch lesbian, are you really so afraid of a little blood?”, and then I get on with my day. My wife loves me, just how I am, with all my oddities. I’m very glad that I’m in a lesbian relationship. I would not want to be in a heterosexual relationship with a woman. That would wreck something important for me about who I am, and what I stand for and I could never have discovered that on my own if I had been transitioned young.

I stand for trashing the old fashioned, regressive stereotypes that say “if you can drive a forklift and operate a lathe, you must be a man.” No. I stand for a celebration of the amazing diversity that women are. I stand for smashing the nonsense that is the gender binary. I stand for loving the skin you’re in, and embracing who you really are, not for altering healthy bodies with drugs and surgeries in an endless quest to become someone that, in the end, you biologically can never be.

And so, I will put on my high vis vest, and my steel toe caps, and go to work with the lads, and I will hug my wife a little tighter when I’m suffering. I will clad my female body with muscle, and my female voice with chivalry, and I will know that this is who I am. And that it is good enough.

I’m so glad to hear of women strong enough to resist social pressure to change themselves.

[rabbitcruiser]

Bronx Zoo, New York City (No. 3)

In 1895, a group made up largely of members of the Boone and Crockett Club founded the New York Zoological Society (later renamed the Wildlife Conservation Society) for the purposes of founding a zoo, promoting the study of zoology, and preserving wildlife. Credit for this belonged chiefly to Club members Madison Grant and C. Grant LaFarge.

The zoo (sometimes called the Bronx Zoological Park and the Bronx Zoological Gardens) opened its doors to the public on November 8, 1899, featuring 843 animals in 22 exhibits. The first zoo director was William Temple Hornaday, who had 30 years of service at the zoo.

Heins & LaFarge designed the original permanent buildings as a series of Beaux-Arts pavilions grouped around the large circular sea lion pool. In 1934, the Rainey Memorial Gates, designed by noted sculptor Paul Manship, were dedicated as a memorial to noted big game hunter Paul James Rainey.The gates were listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1972.

The Rockefeller Fountain, that today adorns the gardens just inside the Fordham Road Gate, was once a famous landmark in Como, Italy. Originally built by Biagio Catella in 1872, it stood in the main square (Piazza Cavour) by the lakeside. It was bought by William Rockefeller in 1902 for 3,500 lire (the estimated equivalent then of $637, and today of around $17,600) and installed at the Bronx Zoo in 1903. In 1968, the fountain was designated an official New York City landmark, and is one of the few local monuments to be honored in this way.

The New York Zoological Society's seal was designed by famed wildlife-artist Charles R. Knight. The seal depicted a ram's head and an eagle to reflect the society's interest in preserving North American wildlife. While no longer in use, the seal can still be found on the lawn in the center of Astor Court.

On December 17, 1902, the zoo became one of the seven zoos outside of Australia, and one of only two in the United States, to ever hold the now-extinct thylacine. The first animal was a male obtained from famous German animal dealer, Carl Hagenbeck. The animal died on August 15, 1908. The zoo received a second male on January 26, 1912, from the Beaumaris Zoo in Tasmania, who later died on November 20 of that year. The zoo received their final two animals from Sydney animal dealer, Ellis S. Joseph. The first was an unsexed individual who arrived on November 7, 1916, in poor condition and died seven days later. The second and final animal was a female purchased from the Beaumaris Zoo by Joseph for £25 (~$35) and then was resold to the zoo, arriving on July 14, 1917. On a visit, the director of the Melbourne Zoo, Mr. Le Souef, said upon seeing the animal:

I advise you to take excellent care of that specimen; for when it is gone, you never will get another. The species soon will be extinct.

The zoo's final thylacine died on September 13, 1919.

In early 1903, the zoo was gifted a pair of Barbary lions, a subspecies which is extinct in the wild. The female was named Bedouin Maid and male Sultan, who went on to become one of the zoo's most popular animals. Displayed in the Lion House, Sultan was four years old at the time and described as being both "a perfect specimen" and "unusually good tempered". In May 1903, the pair produced three cubs, the first to be born at the zoo. On October 7, 1905, Charles R. Knight painted a portrait of Sultan and the animal went on to be the focus of many of the zoo's postcards. Sultan was also the model for the lion which sits atop the Rainey Memorial Gates.

In 1916, the zoo built the world's first animal hospital located at a zoo.

In 1926, W. Douglas Burden, F. J. Defosse, and Emmett Reid Dunn collected two live adult Komodo dragons for the zoo. Burden's chapter "The Komodo Dragon", in Look to the Wilderness, describes the expedition, the habitat, and the behavior of the dragon.

In 1937, the zoo became the first in North America to exhibit okapi.

Source: Wikipedia

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Jorge Chacón

[caddyxjellyby]

Alcott Readathon 2018: Diana and Persis (1878)

Chapter 1: A Pair of Friends It says friends but I’m shipping the hell out of them. Diana, 28, is a sculptor and partly inspired by Harriet Hosmer, according to Sarah Elbert’s introduction. Percy, 25, is a painter and her mixture of fun-loving and artistic dedication resembles May Alcott. Percy’s only family is her grandmother, while Diana lives alone, “denying herself the pleasures of youth, the honors of sex and beauty, the joys of love, the solaces of home.”

Percy comes to tell Diana that one, she’s rejected her suitor, and two, she’s leaving in a week to study in Paris then Rome. Diana heartily approves of both items. Percy shows her a painting of a lark flying in the sky and Diana says “it is very good!” Grandmother thought the lark should have a nest for a home. Diana disagrees, liking that the bird “does not stoop to fill gaping beaks with worms.” The symbolism needs no explanation.

In Percy’s opinion Frenchman can draw but have no eye for color, while she is good at color but bad at drawing. “I so much admire color, strength and stature in both men and women,” she says. Harold, they’re queer.

They cry and hug as Percy boards her ship.

Chapter 2: Letters Sept – Percy attends classes at K’s studio for women, which costs more than J’s school for both sexes but is more pleasant. She boards with Anna and Cordelia, a pair of cousins, as May roomed with sisters Kate and Rosa Peckham. Apparently there are 40,000 art students in France.

Nov – The women are enraged over a letter in the newspaper calling out J’s students for “unsexing” themselves. The idea being that women shouldn’t draw from nude models, particularly not in the same room as the men artists. Percy claims that the presence of the women creates “a purer atmosphere.” Okay.

“We are twitted with getting no medals at the Salon,” she writes. “How can we when hitherto we were not allowed to study at the life schools yet expected to do as well in a third of the time and with half the help men have?”

She befriends Miss Cassal, and older woman, a reference to Mary Cassatt. Percy and Miss Cassal want to start their own school.

Diana asked her about clothes and she responds that she doesn’t think about them one bit. She uses all her money on lessons. Given that Diana doesn’t seem to care much about clothes, I think she asked because she knows Percy cared more.

Dec – A black man models for the class; two American Southerners are “rather scornful” of him and Percy gives them a lecture.

They cook a turkey for Christmas and their friend Durant sends a pie.

Mar – Percy dashes off a still life at home one day and shows it to the master. He tells her to send it to the salon. WTF? she thinks. Anna paints Percy’s portrait.

April – The Salon accepts both, two of 2,000 chosen out of 8,500 submitted. Now I’m even more impressed at May. Percy is still confused why people think “that ordinary little thing” is so great. After visiting the Salon display she decides the painting’s simplicity causes the praise.

Chapter 3: Puck Diana visits the Pincian Hill in Rome, feeling homesick and thinking of Percy, married now and too busy for friendship. A little boy mistakes her for his aunt and she shows him her sketchbook. His papa is Antony Stafford the sculptor, a name she recognizes. Nino runs off with the book and Antony returns it.

Diana waits for him to visit, wanting his opinion on the statue of Saul. After a week she assumes he forgot, then Nino arrives with flowers, saying he was ill. Antony is very charmed by the sight of Diana playing with his son.

Of the stature he says, “There is virile force in this, accuracy as well as passion – in short, genius.” He offers to have it cast in marble. Her other project is a head of Nino. She adds wings to the shoulders to call it Puck.

”Puck” by Harriet Hosmer. I’m still looking for a picture of Saul

Antony thinks to himself that Diana is like a man and a woman put together, and he doesn’t know which to admire most.

Chapter 4: At Home Percy writes that her daughter is born, so Diana visits her in Paris. Did Percy skip Rome? It doesn’t say.

August Muller, a Swiss man, plays the violin while Percy sketches baby Diana. Like Bhaer, he uses thee and thy.

“How well and glad and beautiful you look, my Percy,” says Diana. She forgives August for taking her friend away. Percy claims motherhood has hardly interrupted her art, but Diana notes that her paints look dry.

They have lunch – “salad and fruit, hot coffee and delectable rolls and a pot of butter still in its grape leaf fresh from the dairy.” (I include this because I like food history.) And wine, although Percy says it’s kept for special occasions.

Fanchette the maid puts baby to bed and they watch the sunset from the chateau ruins. Diana tells them she wants to visit Switzerland and then Rome. Instead of love she seeks fame. August insists that women can have both – “A man expects them, achieves them, why is not a woman’s life to be as full and free as his?”

Diana isn’t convinced, noting that Percy brought her knitting to the sunset.

At home, August plays from Mendelssohn’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream. Percy thinks about what to have for breakfast while Diana wonders if a musician husband might make her happy.

“So they went merrily to bed, and the rivals shook hands with new cordiality as they said ‘Good Night!’”

And that’s where it ends. It is a shame that it’s unfinished – both because I want to read the rest and because May’s death is presumably what led LMA to abandon it. Will Diana fall in love with Antony or will she remain single? I could see either ending.

[melforbes]

Restrained

post Founder’s Mutation

Her hands are tied behind her back, the tethers invisible but tight, her wrists aching against their everlasting pull. Though she rarely sleeps on her stomach - he noticed that too, furrowed his brow as she shifted positions in bed, wondered what other habits she’d picked up of late - she lies chest-down now, her cheek hot against the starched pillow, her lungs heavy upon the mattress. He’s still awake, so of course, he knows she’s still awake.

Once upon a time - he used to always begin his stories like that, once upon a time, two agents named Mulder and Scully scurried out to the far reaches of the planet and learned that, in the end, it doesn’t matter what we see but with whom we see it - they shared a bed like this. Not in the romantic way, no, but in the incidental and apologetic way that two non-lovers subdued daily by mutual but silent attraction would. Once upon a time, they checked into a Motel 6 and found, well, damn it, there’s one room left, only a queen-size open. Though she knew better than to believe in the law of averages, she still mused the statistical improbability, the way that the theorems of the world should at least have allowed for one or two cancellations that night; last week, she read a theory on how the world is all Matrix - she still knows where that DVD is in their home, wedged up between Contact and Interstellar on the shelf - and just a computer simulation, and if that’s true, then the mathematical modeling that binds everyone together should have given them another option. They could have driven to another hotel even though it was past midnight, or they could have crashed on the local sheriff’s couch, or they could have slept in the car while parked alongside two RVs and a truck in a starkly-lit Walmart lot. Instead, Mulder looked to her, then agreed to one room, and the way her heart had stopped at the prospect made her wonder if morals could ever be absolute; if pain and terror could be so exciting, then why are the body’s warning signs? Why are the things that terrify us so indulgent? 

But she digressed and came into bed with him and silenced her scientific mind while he stayed above the sheets. He slept in sweats and a tee shirt while she wore all-too-proper pajamas, a night suit as he’d once called them. Then, she slid onto her side and stared toward the motel room’s window, one blocked off by a shabby curtain that let flickers of parking lot light in, and she waited for something she couldn’t identify.

“You’re still awake,” he said after minutes, hours, days, she couldn’t tell.

“You are too,” she gave softly, hesitantly.

“Of course I am,” he said. “I don’t sleep.”

Uncomfortably, she lay there, her body tense in a workday kind of way: shoulders up, eyes wide open and stinging with tiredness, stomach empty, legs aching. Back then, her restraints were looser around her wrists, and sometimes, they threatened to fall beyond her fingers, so regularly, she tightened them. Occam’s Razor, she used to explain to herself; it was far more likely that she was simply unsexed and bored with her personal life than that she was silently but genuinely in love with him, so she kept her professional rigidity, left her mask of scientific indifference on.

“I’m sorry,” he said after a long pause.

Though she too was sorry, she knew their reasonings wouldn’t align, so she kept quiet. In the morning, they didn’t discuss how he curled up against her back at some point in the night, and they didn’t make a big deal about how she stared a second too long after walking in on him while he was in the shower. Most of all, they never talked about what they would do if such a thing happened again.

And it did happen again, though new context forced previous awkwardness away. Instead of wasting money on two required hotel rooms, they were forced into one when they would’ve used only one anyway; with his hands strong around her hips, his mouth warm and wet against her skin, she found those nights similar to any other night of that time, the room situation disregarded. For a while, she only stayed in hotels during medical conferences in far-off places, so she reserved one room with one bed, the practice easy and simple and everyday. Nowadays, they’re back to two rooms, one bed each, and as they did once upon a time, they both retreat to their own rooms at night, only now she wears his old shirts to bed while she doubts he wears anything at all.

Tonight, she asked for two rooms, and, what do you know, they’re booked. After all, this motel’s tiny, and up here in the Adirondacks during on-season, kitschy cabin-style places that are cheap and have enough parking for a boat rack sell out quickly. Though there are eight units total, seven were full upon their arrival, only one left to boot. The next closest establishment is at least twenty miles away, and here in lake-and-land country, the roads are dark and narrow, begging a driver to lose control. In terms of probability, it seems the world wants her to lose control in some way or another. This time, she accepted the one room while he stared on blankly. 

“You’re still awake,” he says, and she feels the restraints grow tighter.

“I am,” she says blandly.

“I can feel you thinking.”

“That’s an absurd thing to say.”

Her eyes close. She pictures a time not so long ago, a morning in their house back when they’d hung white summery curtains in their bedroom; she imagines how he would nuzzle up against her collarbone and ask what was on that exquisite mind of hers.

“What’s keeping you up?” he asks with bored interest. Way out here in the country, they don’t put TVs in motel rooms because, apparently, technology takes away from the experience; for now, she’s his only entertainment, that irony hardly lost on her.

She takes a deep breath, feels the press of her lungs against the top-sheet beneath her. Cloth barriers cover their skin. He smells like himself again.

And what is keeping her up? Was it the way he offered to sleep on the floor as though they’d never shared a bed before, as though such a thing would never be commonplace again? Or was it how lonely she’d felt after their last case together, after thoughts of their son returned to the front of her mind? Or was it the way she now stayed awake until the small hours of the morning, her bed too big and her apartment too quiet, her heart rate quickening when she wondered if, now that they’re back at the Bureau, he would start calling her at two am just to ask her opinion on an arbitrary extraterrestrial matter again? Was it how he could take his medications in front of her without second-guessing himself? Or was it the serendipity of the evening, how the one room left at the motel meant her craving to sleep next to him would finally, finally, be nourished? 

Occam’s razor, she thinks. 

“I read this theory on humanity,” she explains, “about how we’re all in some big computer simulation. It makes sense in certain ways. After all, the world can be reduced to series of patterns if we really need it to be. However, it doesn’t account for the inaccuracies, the places where our theorems aren’t fully held.”

“Huh,” he says.

Huh. In her imagining, he kisses where her neck meets her jaw and says tell me more.

“I don’t know,” she continues. This room is small and creaky, the wood cheap and painted a muddy brown, the one window shielded by ungodly curtains. Side by side, their suitcases sit close to the door, her 360-degree wheels and his hell-and-back duffel a modest distance apart. Absentmindedly, she wonders which one is hardier, more applicable to the kind of travel they do: the expensive and ergonomic bag or the bag that’s been to worse places but survived nonetheless. “There are some things that seem mathematically unpredictable to me.”

“Like what?”

Softly, her wrists relax. She turns onto her side so that she can face him, but suddenly, she stares down at his chest, at the shirt she washed so many times that it got holes in the sleeves; a man so close to her in bed is an indulgence she’s foregone since she left him. With late-night scruff and eyes renewed with light, he looks younger somehow. 

“Like…” she furrows her brow and looks down as she searches for an example. “Like meeting you that first time. Statistically improbable. There’s got to be some other explanation.”

Giving that half-smile he used to shoot her from across the console of a cheap rental car, he shifts in bed, asks, “And why do you think that was an anomaly?”

“Well,” she continues, “there were plenty of other agents around my age with scientific backgrounds at that time, and in the end, they wanted logic to derail your findings, not science. Science is the language of change; logic is the language of control. We both know which of those they wanted more.”

He nods against his pillow. In the darkness, his face is a greyscale, all age-lines and soft eyes and timelessness, a sense that he’s always been looking at her in this way. As her restraints loosen, she reaches her arms forward, folds them in front of her chest.

“What if your assignment was part of the math of it all?” he asks, and she remembers how he told her he failed his one statistics course in college. “What if that is the most logical thing that could have happened? What if anything other than that would have been statistically improbable?”

“Fate?” she asks with a dry laugh. “You’re really bringing fate into this?”

“Well, if you put it that way-”

“The second law of thermodynamics,” she states. “The disorder in a system tends to stay the same. It’s more likely that things will go wrong than that they’ll go right.”

“So meeting me was cosmically right.”

I don’t know, she thinks, but his words set her wrists free, so she reaches toward him, places a single hand on his chest.

“Newton’s third law,” she says quietly; through his shirt, she can feel his pulse quicken.

“Scully,” he warns but simultaneously begs.

“We haven’t share a bed in-”

He mumbles a number of days that she pretends not to hear, not to already know.

“If it’s all fake, just some number-cruncher putting in values,” he says, trying to sound casual as he places his hand over hers, “then why did this happen?”

Defining that indeterminate why, she says, “God creates man.”

He huffs. “You and that God of yours.”

“There was no room for Mary and Joseph at the inn.”

“We’re not at an inn, and they had room for us here.”

"There’s only eight units, and it’s on-season,” she explains. “Statistically speaking, this was likely to happen.”

“Two probabilities walk into a bar,” he quips.

“Occam’s razor,” she supplies.

“The simplest explanation is often the correct one.”

“Yes,” she says, then leans forward to kiss him.

[definitionpaper1-blog]

Suicide and Durkheim Essay

Essay Topic:\n\nThe enigma of felo-de-se according to the seek of Durkheim.\n\nEssay Questions:\n\nWhy has self-annihilation become an extremely consequential cordial turn in both contemporary club? What is the list of potential designers that discharge possible result in a self-destruction? How bottom religion pr tied(p)t a man from committing felo-de-se?\n\ndissertation Statement:\n\nThere is a bulky range of opinions on the issue of felo-de-se and some of the scientists both bridge over Durkheim and chalk up much inflective variables to his studies or beg his results, providing contradicting certainty.\n\n \nSuicide and Durkheim Essay\n\n \n\n fudge of contents\n\n1. Introduction\n\n2. Denomination, spiritual context, and self-annihilation\n\n3. Sociology as a science and self-annihilation\n\n4. The tinge of alcohol, divorce, and unemployment on felo-de-se\n\n5. resultant\n\n1. Introduction\n\nSuicide has today become an extremely primal mixer iss ue in all(prenominal) contemporary bon ton. A large fall of sociologist has move to identify the truthful reason that lead deal towards committing self-destruction. The unexampled dangerous tendencies have a bushel of reasons that model its increment or abate. The primary(prenominal) anteriority of the sociologists is to unsex these reasons in battle array to prevent the performance of such(prenominal) behaviour. One of the well-nigh wide spread theories concerning the suicide number is the Durkheims surmisal which originally studies the influence the society oer the dangerous tendencies. The chief(prenominal) sociable aspect that Durkheim reveals in his studies is the affable integration of for each one mortal so that the high aim of loving integration prevents the soul from committing suicide and the small take of integration implies the predispose to unsafe de retrieveor.\n\nDurkheim chiefly studies the solution of sociable integration thought the sacred communities. fit in to his studies, the decrease of the self-destructive endangerment at heart the society is conditi unmatchabled by the game the spectral communities provide and the hindrance of unsafe conduct as the spectral law. There is a wide range of opinions on the issue of suicide and most of the scientists either embody Durkheim and fit more inflective variables to his studies or cope his results, providing contradicting evince. Nevertheless all of them travail to fetch the primal to steal or at leas decrease the suicide risk. The analysis of the future(a) three obliges represents three unlike smudges of stack on dangerous behavior in term of Durkheims theory.\n\n2. Denomination, spiritual context, and suicide\n\nThis expression written by Frank van Tubergen, Manfred te Grotenhuis and W proscribed Ultee is opposing Durkheims theory. The formers view a lot into the preeminence of the confederation norms and the social support of t he community which could possible influence the suicide level. The obligate provides a deep analysis of the religious context within the Catholics and the Protestants evaluating the squargon contri exception that these communities deliver out into the transfer of the suicide risk within the society. The provided information states that religious communities non ace set aside suicide entirely also do truly discourage things that scum bag indirectly influence the incident of suicidal behavior such as divorce. According to the studies of Campbell and Curtis the US Catholic and Protestant religious communities have more queen on their member in terms of preventing suicide through with(predicate) reverseion than the religious communities in Netherlands, where Durkheim held his look and therefore interrogate the objectivity of Durkheims conclusions. The clause completes a good credit line through trying to go on blanks in Durkheims theory and therefore to get compresse d to the suicide solution. One of the briny issues provided against Durkheim is that the communities do not eternally reveal the required social support to people and this support is not nevertheless positive. The writers violencee the notion that community norms do not necessarily prohibit suicide, but take it as a position and in such cases sometimes religious communities fail to provide the lively positive support. The connection surrounded by religion and suicide that has been skeletal by Durkheim is being criticized in the most professional way. As Durkheim states that the suicide level of Protestants is high than the suicide level of the Catholics he put certain demarcation line on the issues of suicide risk the expression develops the thought that this is not necessarily applicable to every society as the carry has been done in Netherlands and even in the USA the seat is antithetic. Therefore the general record do by Durkheim arse be viewed as spotty and not enough to make global conclusions. The main point of the article is that it is not equal to base the theory of suicidal tendencies on the antithetical amid Protestant and Catholics notwithstanding, but to make a more dialyzed analyses of the religion- suicide connection. It was Pescosolido made an attempt to refashion the ideas of Durkheim and suggested that religious context affects the gracious relationship betwixt denomination and suicide (Tubergen, Grotenhuis& Ultee, 2005).The article presents strong evidence that the community-norms argon not the yet source to predict the suicidal tendencies of the region any more and nowadays the influence of religious component over church and non-church members has decreased since the moment Durkheim conducted his research in 1950s. The presented surveys show that 8% of conservative Protestants turn over that a mortal does have the in resultant role(p) to end his or her consume purport; 8% of Catholics piece this believe ,to o; 16% of costless Protestants 37% of non-church members believe in the corresponding thing. The article utterly examines the two positionors Durkheim believes influence the suicide risk the most the community support and the prohibition of suicide and concludes that the decrease of suicide in Catholic communities if present is primarily actual for the elderly and the suicide risk should not be establish on the different between the Catholics and Protestants.\n\n \n\n3. Sociology as a science and suicide\n\nThe due south article absolutely argues the Durkheims positivism. The author Ken physiognomy emphasized the fact that Durkheim made a special artistic style on social restrictions such as religious communities as the way to keep the behavior of the society members in a certain limits, including suicide. Browne argues the fact that these external factors atomic number 18 the list ones in defining and predicting the valet de chambre behavior. In simple lyric people do not kill not only be cause the Law and religion prohibit it. The author implies that such factors actual outside the soul ar the original elements that form the behavior of all society members. According to the Browne Durkheim did not on the whole explore the true causes of suicide but only gave counterbalance base for it and revealed the restraining institutions, without considering the magnificence of the individuals personalized motives that cannot be left aside.\n\nThe main stock of the article is that every single individual is a cognizant being and therefore posses let go will, feelings, motives and intentions. for each one person has a personal perception of life and puts a special personal marrow in every single decision he or she takes. The significance of the motives in the life of every adult male being is not to be underestimated according to the author of the article, because motives argon the driving forces of the behavioral manifestations of each person. Another very all- eventful(a) thing to extension is that the article questions the capability of sociology as a science to analyze this classic element of each personality within the society, but only measures the external behavior with the benefactor of soft data that whitethorn be deceiving at times.\n\nThe main priority of the article is to make a special emphasis on the notion that human behavior cannot be in all predictable and equal linguistic context influence different people in diverse ship canal resulting in completely different manifestations. In other delivery if two people are put under the same negative conditions it does not mean they will commit suicide, but the one that have a personal motive for it will. The article also mentions the famous Hawthorne cause in order to constitute that the behavior of people that are selected for a research may trade their behavior unconsciously and therefore make the culture results invalid and therefore sociology canno t fulfill its original aim.\n\nThis article basically puts a parallel between the opinion of positivists sharing the opinions of Durkheim and the interpretivists, believe that it is impossible to predict the behavior of individual only on the basis of empirical data, qualitative data and observation as it is done in sociology. The author goes deep into the defining the true motives of suicide through the set of human motives: a sudden, paranormal death only becomes a murderor a suicide because people define it as such, and these definitions can change from place to place and from person to person (Browne, 2005). The article critisies the Durkheims theory from the position of interpretivists, who believe that it is impossible to measure the inwardness that people put into this or that act, and especially in suicide. The main criticism of Durkheims conclusions is presented in the notion that Durkheim was mislead by the actual data he obtained from his studies but still as it does not measure the motives and the meaning this character reference of data is ludicrous to make any type of social laws. The weakest point is that the article absolutely neglects the important of the discernable and measurable data in terms or suicide.\n\n \n\n4. The jar of alcohol, divorce, and unemployment on suicide\n\nThor Norstrom in his article states that Durkheim in his suicide research left out a very important factor such as the alcohol. It is common knowledge that the issue of alcohol horror is one of the vital problems of the society. The article is based its main key points on the alcohol vilification producing suicidal behavior. The author analyzed the jounce of alcohol abuse, unemployment, and divorce on suicide on the level of micro- and macro- levels data.\n\nNorstroms research revealed that the effect of divorce on the suicide risk is relatively unimportant on the macro- level, as only 4% of the whole amount of suicides result from the divorce issues . The ef fect of unemployment is significant but on the background of alcohol abuse effect seems to be inconsistent. The author states that:the neglect of the alcohol factor is further indicated by the fact that out of a add of 3,610 references on suicide listed in Social Sciences Citation business leader 1981-93, only 28 mention alcohol(Norstrom, 1995).\n\nAs alcoholics are often not authoritative in the society at all it causes them to have a low level of social integration and therefore makes them predisposed to suicide. According to the Murphys research presented in the article 72% of the alcohol abusers who commit suicide had almost no social support and their interactions with their families were either unproductive or they did not have any at all. 26% of the alcohol abuse suicides were committed due to the garbled relationships with important people that occurred because of the alcohol abuse itself.\n\nThough the evidence provided by the author reveals a new factor that has been befuddled by Durkheim, it still underestimates that importance other factors only concentrating on the alcohol abuse issue. The article supports the emphasis on social integration held by Durkheim, but adds a new key element that from the point of view of the author may cause suicidal behavior.\n\n \n\n5. Conclusion\n\nEach of the articles presents its own opinion on Durkheims explanation of suicide tendencies, but offers either arguments against or adds new information to it. Nevertheless, each of the articles has one priority to find to true treason of suicidal behavior and stop it.If you lack to get a beat essay, order it on our website: Custom essay writing service. Free essay/order revisions. Essays of any complexity! Courseworks, term papers, research papers. 100% confidential! Homework live help. Custom Essay Order is available 24/7!

[shannara-fashion]

DEVELOPED PHOTOSHOP

here I developed my models by adding more samples to the garment and adding a mixture of pattern to give it a juxtapose vibe to it. I really enjoyed doing these experiments and it has really helped me to develop my ideas further , it has made me want to add sleeves to my shift dress as it will challenge me as I have not done sleeves before and it will make my shift dress look very interesting. As I will incorporated  patterns to the sleeve but not just one repeat pattern it will be mixture of patterned to give it a different effect.

I wanted to see what it would look like if I also tried this onto a male model and I liked the outcome. I think these prints can be unsexed and anyone can wear them.

[filtrationproducts1us]

Gender Construction

“Come you spirits that tend on mortal thoughts, unsex me here; and fill me, from crown to the toe, top-full of direst cruelty”. “To be or not to be”….. How does it happen? (Shakespeare, 1606-7)

The following five points may be significant for an understanding of how gender is socially constructed. (1) The first point is that there are a range of sometimes conflicting theories that attempt to explain gender and gendered behaviours, that raise questions that further research may not answer absolutely. The second point is that gendered behaviours have been viewed as responses/reactions to power and authority in such things as British Colonization, Capitalism, Patriarchy, families, adult/child relations, workplace, groups, and institutions such as schools. Point number three is that messages from media, texts, history, popular culture and social structures are believed to have a powerful influence on gender construction. Point number four is that gender construction has been viewed as taking place through ‘discourse’. The final point, number five, is that public places such as schools are important sites of gender construction/production, reproduction. These points are all interrelated and cannot be discussed in depth without overlapping into another.

THEORIES

The concept of Gender is ‘one of the muddiest concepts’ according to Constantinople (Connell, 1993, 174). It is ‘problematic’ (Thorne, 1993, 58), because it means different things to different people. Some use the word interchangeably with the word sex. Eg. ‘Gender’ is written on some documents to find out the biological nature of the person filling out the form. For some who view it from a biologically determined perspective, it is a natural outcome of such things as genetics, hormones and brain organisation. (Weiten, 1998, 464). For some who view it from an environmentally determined perspective, the word is used when referring to the variable and negotiable, culturally and socially constructed ways of being ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ in a particular historical or cultural circumstance (Measor and Sykes, 1992, 5). The concept is as problematic as the ‘nature versus nurture’ debate! It is also problematic because the concept of gender has introduced a range of influential and derogatory vocabulary that is reinforced, through popular beliefs and usage. E.g. ‘Tomboy’, ‘Wimp’, ‘masculine’, and ‘feminine’.

The concepts raise questions such as: Why use the words ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ when referring to behaviours and characteristics, thereby inferring that some are normal for a particular sex? Why not just call them behaviours and characteristics? Surely leadership qualities are not ‘masculine’ or male behaviours. Surely caring qualities are not ‘feminine’ or female behaviour. Are there any behaviours that are only socially constructed? Are all but physical differences between the sexes socially constructed?

How much control does a person have in becoming and being who they are? Would genderless behaviour mean eliminating the word ‘gender’, ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’? Do we want to become so indiscriminate that we accept as many ways of being that are possible or desired?

In the field of gender research there are ‘problems’ also. Although much research has been done on gender differences, conclusions have sometimes been postulated in the form of group stereotypes about ‘average people’ which fail to show the range of individual differences (Weiten, 1989, 462-3), and make the presumption that girls and women / men and boys are a homogeneous group (Sturrock, 1995, 127). Differences between and within the sexes, have been magnified because similarities have been neglected in studies. According to Howard and Hollander (1987, 12), differences between the sexes have been found to be minimal.

There are a number of frameworks that have been used to classify the different gender theories. E.g Connell (1993, 41-65) uses, ‘extrinsic’ and ‘intrinsic’ to classify theories. The frameworks make it appear that the dominant academic theory has moved in stages from (1) favouring a biological imperative orientation to (2) a socially contracted one, to (3) a socially constructed one and now to (4) a more holistic one. I will use the framework that Howard and Hollander (1997) have used as a base to explain and discus some of the gender theories. Ie. Essentialist Theory, Socialisation Theory, Social Construction Theory, and Post-structural Theory. Essentialist theories suggest that ‘natural’ things like sex, genetics, hormones and brain organisation determine gender (Weiten, 1989, 464), (Howard and Holland, 1987, 153). These theories neglect to account for the interaction of cultural and structural influences and of human agency. They tend to equate gender with sex.

In Socialisation Theory gender differences have environmental origins and are mainly the result of socialisation via the three main processes of ‘operant conditioning’, ‘observational learning’, and ‘self socialisation’ (Weiten, 1989, 465-7). They suggest that children actively learn through observation of role models and the reinforcements of powerful ‘others’ to classify themselves as male or female and to further value the characteristics and behaviours associated with their sex. Families, schools and media are considered to be the three most influential sources of gender socialisation. These theories do not explain the structural and physiological influences, nor why people develop ideological positions contrary to the significant others in their environment. They do explain some gendered behaviour. E.g. A number of mothers excuse what could be called anti-social behaviour on the grounds that it is ‘real boy behaviour’, when boys are preschoolers. The community is not so pleased with similar behaviours when the boys get a little older.

Social Constructionists theorise that gender is constructed by individuals through their actions. It sees the influence of the positions people have in social structures, character, cognition, and resources as deterministic but neglects to include the effects of human agency.

Post-structural Theories suggest that gender is consciously and unconsciously constructed as the result of cultural and social activities. It takes into account the complex interactions of human agency with the ‘constraining nature of social structure’ (Howard and Hollander, 1987, 43). It views gender construction as a process of ‘subjectification’ not socialisation and this takes place through the discourses they have available to them (Davies, 1993, 13-14). These theories tend to leave out the influence of the physiological area in the gender construction equation. The human being is a complex creature. If gender is only socially constructed, then aggression, which is sometimes referred to as a masculine trait, must be self-controllable. Yet brain injuries and medications such as Ritalin, and hormone treatments such as Progestin are known to impact on this social (or anti social) behaviour (Fausto-Sterling, 1992, 134). (2)

Franzoi (1996, 156), suggests that ‘together’ some of the theories give a better understanding than any single perspective. Each of the theories has something to offer. Biological potentials filtered through cultural beliefs and understandings have influenced the gendered division of labour, which in turn influences gender construction. Eg. the ability to sing soprano will influence choices about whether to do so or not. Some aspects of Gender are learned and maintained through socialisation. Social position in various social heirarchies such as race, class, age and sex orientation have an influence as do various structures. Human agency can also be seen at work in constructing and attempting to deconstruct gender realities

MESSAGES

Many cultural practices are involved in the construction of gendered subjectivity (Clark, 1993, 81) . (3) Cultural ideals about men, women, girls and boys are created and maintained through overt messages from media, and intrinsic messages everywhere. Messages are embedded in and affect every area of production, the labour force, the market and society. For example, when clothing is designed, it is influenced by messages from the past and present. These are popularised through various media channels. Even the production process sends messages about the product. Desires for the product are created and influenced by a whole range of things such as store layout and atmosphere, display design and advertising. Clothing is advertised and displayed using life style messages about its rightness, ‘coolness’, and appropriateness for a particular sex and group. The clothes become part of the stereotyping of a particular masculinity or femininity and send gender messages. Moral judgements about who do and don’t wear the particular clothing are formed. People then resist or accept the messages conveyed in the clothing package, although life style may preclude the power to but. These include lifestyle and promises of things like beauty, power and acceptability.

Gender messages have a powerful influence on gender construction. However they are not ‘simply absorbed’ (Clark, 1993, 81). They can be accepted or rejected. E.g. Hursthouse, a Victorian emigrant, immigrated to New Zealand because he wanted to ‘throw off the chains of effeminacy’ that pervaded/engulfed Britain, and ‘become a man’. He lectured and published a book that was ‘excerpted’ in a popular emigration publication. (Phillips, 1987, 4-5). Hursthouse, recognised and rejected the influence of the gender messages he perceived in the job situation in Britain (Phillips, 1987, 4-5). He rejected what he considered ‘effeminate’ masculinity, which he saw as the hegemonic masculinity in his English world and he encouraged others to do the same. Some may have been influenced by the overt messages Hursthouse published such as “New Zealand is a man’s country” and consequently emigrated. This may have increased the power of Patriarchy in New Zealand and the acceptance of the Fred Dagg image.

POWER

Power (force and influence) and authority (legitimate power) are ‘fluid and contextual’ (Thorne 1993, 159). They work in many ways through many means to genderize. According to the socialisation theory of operant conditioning, ‘gender roles are shaped by the power of reward and punishment’ (Weiten, 1989, 465). Significant others use the power of rewards and punishment to reinforce what they consider to be appropriate gender behaviour. They are able to do this because of their powerful positions. E.g. the adult/child relationship.

Power relations in cultural processes and social structure also genderize (Gilbert and Taylor, 6). According to James & Saville-Smith (1989, 14-16), New Zealand gendered culture emerged out of the ‘exigencies of British colonisation’. It was not imported, nor part of the Maori culture. It developed as a way to cope with struggles over land. This resulted in social problems which some believe resulted in the ‘elaboration of particular forms of femininity and masculinity’ and their organisation into distinct female (‘the cult of domesticity’) and male (‘the man alone’ and ‘the family man’) cultures. It is believed that these Patriarchal cultures were maintained because difference was seen as biological, therefore normal and desirable, benefiting those in dominant positions in the hierarchies of race, class and sex. There were also some benefits to some subordinated groups who were able to expand their access to power and resources. The ‘glass cellar’ effect, where men feel ‘drafted’ into hazardous jobs because of the money they pay, could be used to support this theory. (4)

Power has a constraining function on social practice (Connell, 1987, 107). Its role as a constraint can be seen in what is called the ‘glass ceiling’ effect where ‘male dominance’, among other things, has lead to conditions that keep women from advancing into positions of power and prestige (Connell, 1987, 83). 5 It can also be seen in the limiting, legitimising and/or marginalisation of some forms of masculinity and femininity. Power also plays a part in what is questioned or challenged. Clark (1993, 83) suggests that some forms of gender persist because they are not questioned or challenged.

Power shapes language and knowledge and this includes the definitions of words relating to gender. This power can be seen in how and what adults teach children, or what children learn from adults, and what educational institutions such as schools and universities put forward as acceptable language and knowledge to be learned. Some words, theories, and subjects are made more powerful in all sorts of ways because of the power that individuals, groups and institutions have . (6) Those who support, and /or use them are also invested in power.

Power works in all of the structures and processes of credentialing which in turn empowers those who are credentialed. 7 According to Connell (1993, 199) credentials open the door for a gendered identity for males, that include forms of passivity, rationality and responsibility, as opposed to ‘pride and aggression’ for those who are not. 8 According to Kerr (1991, 69 & 72) it is a sense of ‘separation’ and a refusal to acknowledge gender limitations, that allows eminent women to resist the ‘daily barrage of stereotypic sex-role images and media comments’, and ‘powerful peer group pressure to conform’. Fleming (1996, 138) puts forth an argument for social self-esteem as an important factor in androgyny and agency. (9) Perhaps the measure of the power within has the greatest influence on which form of masculinity or femininity (types of behaviour/characteristics etc.) a person exhibits/accepts/constructs/resists. (10)

DISCOURSE

The social construction of gender takes place through ‘Discourse’. Feminist Post-structural Theory changes the ‘ideological’ understanding of the word to mean the complex interactions between language, social practice and emotional investment (Yelland, 1998, 159).

Language is used to categorise people on the basis of sex and gender. E.g. wife/husband, masculine/feminine, waitress/waiter. These categories give rise to expectations about how people should be. E.g. The category ‘girl’ influences gender specific expectations about what a girl is, looks like and does etc. Patterns of desire become associated with particular categories and social practises arise. (E.g. Clothing is designed to distinguish girls from boys). Emotional investments are made to ensure that the social practices are ‘right’. Discourses produce a sense of what is right and/or normal and can become institutionalised enabling some people to exercise power. E.g. parenting theories and Piaget’s ages and stages theories. Those discourses that have more political or social power dominate and can marginalise others. This political strength can be derived from their institutional location. E.g. schools.

Although gender is actively negotiated, ‘powerful discourses circulate in and via social structures and institutions’ and shape desires, making some ‘ways of being’ more possible than others (Yelland, 1998, 160). According to Weedon (Yelland, 1998, 160), the range and social power of discourses, the political strength of the interests they represent and a persons access to them will determine some of the gendered choices people make.

SITES

Gendered behaviour is more often visible in public places particularly in public places such as schools (Thorne, 1993, 49-55). Schools are important sites of gender construction and reproduction because they are invested consciously and unconsciously (The not so Hidden Curriculum!) with authority to reproduce dominant ideologies, hierarchies, and gendered culture. E.g. ‘Hegemonic masculinity and emphasised femininity’ (Connell, 1985, 183). This is done through such things as age separation, the choice of knowledge, timetables, resources, teacher expectations, interactions, control of space, and heirachical structures. 11 They are important sites also because of the inequalities that their gendered structures and practices produce for their ‘captive audience’, and because it is a site where changes can and are wrought. E.g. One of the changes that primary schools made in the name of anti-sexism, was to eliminate the images of females in traditional sex roles and include images of men in non traditional sex roles. This powerful practice was another form of ‘sexism’ and gendering. It sent and continues to send value-laden messages about (behaviours/characteristics) which forms of masculinity and femininity are acceptable. This may have contributed to the loss of social status and other negative attitudes, that women who choose to ‘stay at home’ now often face (McKenna, 1997, 130-1).

TEMPORARY CONCLUSION

Gender construction is as complex a subject as the human being, and would benefit from multi and interdisciplinary analysis (Miller, 1993, 17). It can be viewed as a form of self-preservation. As an individual and social construction, it is negotiated actively as a response and/or reaction to power and authority, and messages from everywhere including media. Gendered behaviours tend to vary with the context. Flexibility is seen not only in the development of a gender self-concept (Fausto-Sterling, 1992, 89), but also in its maintenance. It is not a rigid way of being or a passive form of ‘osmosis’ (Yelland, 1998, 7). However, desires can be shaped by external influences such as medications and the way in which powerful discourses circulate in, and via, social structures and institutions’ (Yelland, 1998, 149).

MacNaughton encourages people to continue to search for more effective ways to theorise and not assume to have found the ‘right way forward’ (Yelland, 1998, 172).

Perhaps the door might be opened to valuing the variety of behaviours that are possible and helpful for unique people to express themselves, not so much by deleting certain forms of masculinity and femininity, but by allowing more to be seen and experienced. Ie. Limiting the hegemonic nature of some forms.

Oh to be sexless where love can be unlimited!

To be or not to be? How does it really happen?

If the answer could be practiced, would it be what we really wanted?

Footnotes

1. ‘Are significant’ is too powerful for me to use after such a short excursion into this topic.

2. It is interesting to note also that a correlation has been found between giftedness and physical superiority, giftedness and intellectual ability, and intellectual ability and some forms of masculinity and femininity (Clark, 1992, 509, 516).

3. “Subjectivity” describes who we are and how we understand ourselves, consciously and unconsciously’ (Yelland, 1998, 13).

4. ‘Invisible barriers that keep men in jobs with the most hazards’ Farrell, 1994, 107)

5. ‘Invisible barriers and difficulties that prevent women rising in organisations’ (McLennan, 1995, 189).

6. The ‘sciences are connected to power”. ‘They represent an institutionalized version of the claim to power hat is central in hegemonic masculinity’ (Connell, 1993, 201).

7. According to Connell (1993, 200), ‘masculinity shapes education and education forms masculinity’. It could also be argued that femininity does the same thing. The ‘feminisation’ of schools is referred to as one of the reasons for boys lack of success in schools (Video Classroom).

8. It is interesting to note that gifted girls ‘who reject the traditional feminine sex typed behaviour have higher intellectual ability than those who accept the feminine stereotype (Clark, 1992, 509). Or put the other way, androgyny is a trait that is more often seen in gifted girls.

9. Instrumental traits (independence, decisiveness) that contribute to a ‘sense of agency are stereotypically viewed as masculine’ (Fleming and Hollinger, 1988, 254). Does a person need a sense of agency in order to construct it?

10. With more space and time, the links of power with fear could have been examined, as it has an important bearing on gender choices. Mckenna (1997, 132) calls it a ‘powerful adhesive’.

11. ‘Researchers found that gender separation and age separation went together’ (Thorne, 1993, 50).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Clark, M. (1992) Growing Up Gifted. 3rd Edition. New York: Merrill Publishing Company.

Clark, M. (1993) The Great Divide. Gender In The Primary School. Brunswick: Impact Printing

Connell, R. (1993) Gender & Power. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers

Davies, B. (1993) Shards Of Glass. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin.

Farrell, W. (1994) The Myth Of Male Power. Milsons Point: Random House Australia Pty Ltd.

Fausto-Sterling, A. (1985) Myths Of Gender. Biological Theories About Women And Men. Revised Edition. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.

Franzoi, S. L. (1996) Social Psychology. Dubuque: Brown & Benchmark.

Gilbert, P. and Taylor, S. (1991) Fashioning The Feminine. Girls, Popular Culture And Schooling. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.

Howard, J. and Hollander, J. (1997) Gendered Situations, Gendered Selves. Thousand Oaks: Sage publications, Inc.

James, B. and Saville-Smith, K. (1989) Gender Culture & Power. Critical Issues In New Zealand Society. Oxford: Oxford university press.

Kerr, A. (1991) Smart Girls, Gifted Women. Cheltenham: Hawker Brownlow Education.

Limerick, B. and lingard, B. (Ed.). (1995) Gender And Changing Educational Management. Rydalmere: Hodder Education

McKenna, E. (1997) When Work Doesn’t Work Any More. Adelaide: Griffin Press.

McLennan, R. (Ed.) (1995) People And Enterprises. Organisational Behaviour In New Zealand. 2nd Edition. Sydney: Harcourt Brace And Company.

Measor, L. and Sikes, P. (1993) Introduction To Educaton. Gender And Schools. London: Cassell.

Miller, B. (Ed). (1993) Sex And Gender Hierarchies. Cambridge: University Press.

Phillips, J. (1987) A Man’s Country? The Image of the Pakeha Male. A history. Auckland: Penguin Books

Rudduck, J. (1994) Developing A Gender Policy In Secondary Schools. Individuals And Institutions. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Shakespear, W. (no date given on this old book. Editor could be B. Hodek) Shakespear. Complete Works. Comedies. Histories. Tragedies, Poems. London: Spring Books

Thorne, B. (1993) Gender And Play. Girls And Boys In School. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Weiten, W. (1989) Psychology. Themes And Variations. Third Edition. Pacific Grove: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company.

Yelland, N. (1998) Gender In Early Childhood. (Ed) London: Routledge.

ARTICLES

Fleming, E. and Hollinger, C. (1984) Internal barriers to the realisation of potential: Correlates and interrelationships among gifted and talented female adolescents in Gifted Child Quarterly. Volume 28. Number 3.

Fleming, E. and Hollinger, C. (1988) Gifted and Talented Young Women: Antecedents and Correlates of Life Satisfaction in Gifted Child Quarterly. Volume 32. Number 2.

VIDEO

The Trouble With Boys. Education and Training Resources. Melbourne: VC Media Video Classroom

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[filtration-products]

Gender Construction

“Come you spirits that tend on mortal thoughts, unsex me here; and fill me, from crown to the toe, top-full of direst cruelty”. “To be or not to be”….. How does it happen? (Shakespeare, 1606-7)

The following five points may be significant for an understanding of how gender is socially constructed. (1) The first point is that there are a range of sometimes conflicting theories that attempt to explain gender and gendered behaviours, that raise questions that further research may not answer absolutely. The second point is that gendered behaviours have been viewed as responses/reactions to power and authority in such things as British Colonization, Capitalism, Patriarchy, families, adult/child relations, workplace, groups, and institutions such as schools. Point number three is that messages from media, texts, history, popular culture and social structures are believed to have a powerful influence on gender construction. Point number four is that gender construction has been viewed as taking place through ‘discourse’. The final point, number five, is that public places such as schools are important sites of gender construction/production, reproduction. These points are all interrelated and cannot be discussed in depth without overlapping into another.

THEORIES

The concept of Gender is ‘one of the muddiest concepts’ according to Constantinople (Connell, 1993, 174). It is ‘problematic’ (Thorne, 1993, 58), because it means different things to different people. Some use the word interchangeably with the word sex. Eg. ‘Gender’ is written on some documents to find out the biological nature of the person filling out the form. For some who view it from a biologically determined perspective, it is a natural outcome of such things as genetics, hormones and brain organisation. (Weiten, 1998, 464). For some who view it from an environmentally determined perspective, the word is used when referring to the variable and negotiable, culturally and socially constructed ways of being ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ in a particular historical or cultural circumstance (Measor and Sykes, 1992, 5). The concept is as problematic as the ‘nature versus nurture’ debate! It is also problematic because the concept of gender has introduced a range of influential and derogatory vocabulary that is reinforced, through popular beliefs and usage. E.g. ‘Tomboy’, ‘Wimp’, ‘masculine’, and ‘feminine’.

The concepts raise questions such as: Why use the words ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ when referring to behaviours and characteristics, thereby inferring that some are normal for a particular sex? Why not just call them behaviours and characteristics? Surely leadership qualities are not ‘masculine’ or male behaviours. Surely caring qualities are not ‘feminine’ or female behaviour. Are there any behaviours that are only socially constructed? Are all but physical differences between the sexes socially constructed?

How much control does a person have in becoming and being who they are? Would genderless behaviour mean eliminating the word ‘gender’, ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’? Do we want to become so indiscriminate that we accept as many ways of being that are possible or desired?

In the field of gender research there are ‘problems’ also. Although much research has been done on gender differences, conclusions have sometimes been postulated in the form of group stereotypes about ‘average people’ which fail to show the range of individual differences (Weiten, 1989, 462-3), and make the presumption that girls and women / men and boys are a homogeneous group (Sturrock, 1995, 127). Differences between and within the sexes, have been magnified because similarities have been neglected in studies. According to Howard and Hollander (1987, 12), differences between the sexes have been found to be minimal.

There are a number of frameworks that have been used to classify the different gender theories. E.g Connell (1993, 41-65) uses, ‘extrinsic’ and ‘intrinsic’ to classify theories. The frameworks make it appear that the dominant academic theory has moved in stages from (1) favouring a biological imperative orientation to (2) a socially contracted one, to (3) a socially constructed one and now to (4) a more holistic one. I will use the framework that Howard and Hollander (1997) have used as a base to explain and discus some of the gender theories. Ie. Essentialist Theory, Socialisation Theory, Social Construction Theory, and Post-structural Theory. Essentialist theories suggest that ‘natural’ things like sex, genetics, hormones and brain organisation determine gender (Weiten, 1989, 464), (Howard and Holland, 1987, 153). These theories neglect to account for the interaction of cultural and structural influences and of human agency. They tend to equate gender with sex.

In Socialisation Theory gender differences have environmental origins and are mainly the result of socialisation via the three main processes of ‘operant conditioning’, ‘observational learning’, and ‘self socialisation’ (Weiten, 1989, 465-7). They suggest that children actively learn through observation of role models and the reinforcements of powerful ‘others’ to classify themselves as male or female and to further value the characteristics and behaviours associated with their sex. Families, schools and media are considered to be the three most influential sources of gender socialisation. These theories do not explain the structural and physiological influences, nor why people develop ideological positions contrary to the significant others in their environment. They do explain some gendered behaviour. E.g. A number of mothers excuse what could be called anti-social behaviour on the grounds that it is ‘real boy behaviour’, when boys are preschoolers. The community is not so pleased with similar behaviours when the boys get a little older.

Social Constructionists theorise that gender is constructed by individuals through their actions. It sees the influence of the positions people have in social structures, character, cognition, and resources as deterministic but neglects to include the effects of human agency.

Post-structural Theories suggest that gender is consciously and unconsciously constructed as the result of cultural and social activities. It takes into account the complex interactions of human agency with the ‘constraining nature of social structure’ (Howard and Hollander, 1987, 43). It views gender construction as a process of ‘subjectification’ not socialisation and this takes place through the discourses they have available to them (Davies, 1993, 13-14). These theories tend to leave out the influence of the physiological area in the gender construction equation. The human being is a complex creature. If gender is only socially constructed, then aggression, which is sometimes referred to as a masculine trait, must be self-controllable. Yet brain injuries and medications such as Ritalin, and hormone treatments such as Progestin are known to impact on this social (or anti social) behaviour (Fausto-Sterling, 1992, 134). (2)

Franzoi (1996, 156), suggests that ‘together’ some of the theories give a better understanding than any single perspective. Each of the theories has something to offer. Biological potentials filtered through cultural beliefs and understandings have influenced the gendered division of labour, which in turn influences gender construction. Eg. the ability to sing soprano will influence choices about whether to do so or not. Some aspects of Gender are learned and maintained through socialisation. Social position in various social heirarchies such as race, class, age and sex orientation have an influence as do various structures. Human agency can also be seen at work in constructing and attempting to deconstruct gender realities

MESSAGES

Many cultural practices are involved in the construction of gendered subjectivity (Clark, 1993, 81) . (3) Cultural ideals about men, women, girls and boys are created and maintained through overt messages from media, and intrinsic messages everywhere. Messages are embedded in and affect every area of production, the labour force, the market and society. For example, when clothing is designed, it is influenced by messages from the past and present. These are popularised through various media channels. Even the production process sends messages about the product. Desires for the product are created and influenced by a whole range of things such as store layout and atmosphere, display design and advertising. Clothing is advertised and displayed using life style messages about its rightness, ‘coolness’, and appropriateness for a particular sex and group. The clothes become part of the stereotyping of a particular masculinity or femininity and send gender messages. Moral judgements about who do and don’t wear the particular clothing are formed. People then resist or accept the messages conveyed in the clothing package, although life style may preclude the power to but. These include lifestyle and promises of things like beauty, power and acceptability.

Gender messages have a powerful influence on gender construction. However they are not ‘simply absorbed’ (Clark, 1993, 81). They can be accepted or rejected. E.g. Hursthouse, a Victorian emigrant, immigrated to New Zealand because he wanted to ‘throw off the chains of effeminacy’ that pervaded/engulfed Britain, and ‘become a man’. He lectured and published a book that was ‘excerpted’ in a popular emigration publication. (Phillips, 1987, 4-5). Hursthouse, recognised and rejected the influence of the gender messages he perceived in the job situation in Britain (Phillips, 1987, 4-5). He rejected what he considered ‘effeminate’ masculinity, which he saw as the hegemonic masculinity in his English world and he encouraged others to do the same. Some may have been influenced by the overt messages Hursthouse published such as “New Zealand is a man’s country” and consequently emigrated. This may have increased the power of Patriarchy in New Zealand and the acceptance of the Fred Dagg image.

POWER

Power (force and influence) and authority (legitimate power) are ‘fluid and contextual’ (Thorne 1993, 159). They work in many ways through many means to genderize. According to the socialisation theory of operant conditioning, ‘gender roles are shaped by the power of reward and punishment’ (Weiten, 1989, 465). Significant others use the power of rewards and punishment to reinforce what they consider to be appropriate gender behaviour. They are able to do this because of their powerful positions. E.g. the adult/child relationship.

Power relations in cultural processes and social structure also genderize (Gilbert and Taylor, 6). According to James & Saville-Smith (1989, 14-16), New Zealand gendered culture emerged out of the ‘exigencies of British colonisation’. It was not imported, nor part of the Maori culture. It developed as a way to cope with struggles over land. This resulted in social problems which some believe resulted in the ‘elaboration of particular forms of femininity and masculinity’ and their organisation into distinct female (‘the cult of domesticity’) and male (‘the man alone’ and ‘the family man’) cultures. It is believed that these Patriarchal cultures were maintained because difference was seen as biological, therefore normal and desirable, benefiting those in dominant positions in the hierarchies of race, class and sex. There were also some benefits to some subordinated groups who were able to expand their access to power and resources. The ‘glass cellar’ effect, where men feel ‘drafted’ into hazardous jobs because of the money they pay, could be used to support this theory. (4)

Power has a constraining function on social practice (Connell, 1987, 107). Its role as a constraint can be seen in what is called the ‘glass ceiling’ effect where ‘male dominance’, among other things, has lead to conditions that keep women from advancing into positions of power and prestige (Connell, 1987, 83). 5 It can also be seen in the limiting, legitimising and/or marginalisation of some forms of masculinity and femininity. Power also plays a part in what is questioned or challenged. Clark (1993, 83) suggests that some forms of gender persist because they are not questioned or challenged.

Power shapes language and knowledge and this includes the definitions of words relating to gender. This power can be seen in how and what adults teach children, or what children learn from adults, and what educational institutions such as schools and universities put forward as acceptable language and knowledge to be learned. Some words, theories, and subjects are made more powerful in all sorts of ways because of the power that individuals, groups and institutions have . (6) Those who support, and /or use them are also invested in power.

Power works in all of the structures and processes of credentialing which in turn empowers those who are credentialed. 7 According to Connell (1993, 199) credentials open the door for a gendered identity for males, that include forms of passivity, rationality and responsibility, as opposed to ‘pride and aggression’ for those who are not. 8 According to Kerr (1991, 69 & 72) it is a sense of ‘separation’ and a refusal to acknowledge gender limitations, that allows eminent women to resist the ‘daily barrage of stereotypic sex-role images and media comments’, and ‘powerful peer group pressure to conform’. Fleming (1996, 138) puts forth an argument for social self-esteem as an important factor in androgyny and agency. (9) Perhaps the measure of the power within has the greatest influence on which form of masculinity or femininity (types of behaviour/characteristics etc.) a person exhibits/accepts/constructs/resists. (10)

DISCOURSE

The social construction of gender takes place through ‘Discourse’. Feminist Post-structural Theory changes the ‘ideological’ understanding of the word to mean the complex interactions between language, social practice and emotional investment (Yelland, 1998, 159).

Language is used to categorise people on the basis of sex and gender. E.g. wife/husband, masculine/feminine, waitress/waiter. These categories give rise to expectations about how people should be. E.g. The category ‘girl’ influences gender specific expectations about what a girl is, looks like and does etc. Patterns of desire become associated with particular categories and social practises arise. (E.g. Clothing is designed to distinguish girls from boys). Emotional investments are made to ensure that the social practices are ‘right’. Discourses produce a sense of what is right and/or normal and can become institutionalised enabling some people to exercise power. E.g. parenting theories and Piaget’s ages and stages theories. Those discourses that have more political or social power dominate and can marginalise others. This political strength can be derived from their institutional location. E.g. schools.

Although gender is actively negotiated, ‘powerful discourses circulate in and via social structures and institutions’ and shape desires, making some ‘ways of being’ more possible than others (Yelland, 1998, 160). According to Weedon (Yelland, 1998, 160), the range and social power of discourses, the political strength of the interests they represent and a persons access to them will determine some of the gendered choices people make.

SITES

Gendered behaviour is more often visible in public places particularly in public places such as schools (Thorne, 1993, 49-55). Schools are important sites of gender construction and reproduction because they are invested consciously and unconsciously (The not so Hidden Curriculum!) with authority to reproduce dominant ideologies, hierarchies, and gendered culture. E.g. ‘Hegemonic masculinity and emphasised femininity’ (Connell, 1985, 183). This is done through such things as age separation, the choice of knowledge, timetables, resources, teacher expectations, interactions, control of space, and heirachical structures. 11 They are important sites also because of the inequalities that their gendered structures and practices produce for their ‘captive audience’, and because it is a site where changes can and are wrought. E.g. One of the changes that primary schools made in the name of anti-sexism, was to eliminate the images of females in traditional sex roles and include images of men in non traditional sex roles. This powerful practice was another form of ‘sexism’ and gendering. It sent and continues to send value-laden messages about (behaviours/characteristics) which forms of masculinity and femininity are acceptable. This may have contributed to the loss of social status and other negative attitudes, that women who choose to ‘stay at home’ now often face (McKenna, 1997, 130-1).

TEMPORARY CONCLUSION

Gender construction is as complex a subject as the human being, and would benefit from multi and interdisciplinary analysis (Miller, 1993, 17). It can be viewed as a form of self-preservation. As an individual and social construction, it is negotiated actively as a response and/or reaction to power and authority, and messages from everywhere including media. Gendered behaviours tend to vary with the context. Flexibility is seen not only in the development of a gender self-concept (Fausto-Sterling, 1992, 89), but also in its maintenance. It is not a rigid way of being or a passive form of ‘osmosis’ (Yelland, 1998, 7). However, desires can be shaped by external influences such as medications and the way in which powerful discourses circulate in, and via, social structures and institutions’ (Yelland, 1998, 149).

MacNaughton encourages people to continue to search for more effective ways to theorise and not assume to have found the ‘right way forward’ (Yelland, 1998, 172).

Perhaps the door might be opened to valuing the variety of behaviours that are possible and helpful for unique people to express themselves, not so much by deleting certain forms of masculinity and femininity, but by allowing more to be seen and experienced. Ie. Limiting the hegemonic nature of some forms.

Oh to be sexless where love can be unlimited!

To be or not to be? How does it really happen?

If the answer could be practiced, would it be what we really wanted?

Footnotes

1. ‘Are significant’ is too powerful for me to use after such a short excursion into this topic.

2. It is interesting to note also that a correlation has been found between giftedness and physical superiority, giftedness and intellectual ability, and intellectual ability and some forms of masculinity and femininity (Clark, 1992, 509, 516).

3. “Subjectivity” describes who we are and how we understand ourselves, consciously and unconsciously’ (Yelland, 1998, 13).

4. ‘Invisible barriers that keep men in jobs with the most hazards’ Farrell, 1994, 107)

5. ‘Invisible barriers and difficulties that prevent women rising in organisations’ (McLennan, 1995, 189).

6. The ‘sciences are connected to power”. ‘They represent an institutionalized version of the claim to power hat is central in hegemonic masculinity’ (Connell, 1993, 201).

7. According to Connell (1993, 200), ‘masculinity shapes education and education forms masculinity’. It could also be argued that femininity does the same thing. The ‘feminisation’ of schools is referred to as one of the reasons for boys lack of success in schools (Video Classroom).

8. It is interesting to note that gifted girls ‘who reject the traditional feminine sex typed behaviour have higher intellectual ability than those who accept the feminine stereotype (Clark, 1992, 509). Or put the other way, androgyny is a trait that is more often seen in gifted girls.

9. Instrumental traits (independence, decisiveness) that contribute to a ‘sense of agency are stereotypically viewed as masculine’ (Fleming and Hollinger, 1988, 254). Does a person need a sense of agency in order to construct it?

10. With more space and time, the links of power with fear could have been examined, as it has an important bearing on gender choices. Mckenna (1997, 132) calls it a ‘powerful adhesive’.

11. ‘Researchers found that gender separation and age separation went together’ (Thorne, 1993, 50).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Clark, M. (1992) Growing Up Gifted. 3rd Edition. New York: Merrill Publishing Company.

Clark, M. (1993) The Great Divide. Gender In The Primary School. Brunswick: Impact Printing

Connell, R. (1993) Gender & Power. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers

Davies, B. (1993) Shards Of Glass. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin.

Farrell, W. (1994) The Myth Of Male Power. Milsons Point: Random House Australia Pty Ltd.

Fausto-Sterling, A. (1985) Myths Of Gender. Biological Theories About Women And Men. Revised Edition. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.

Franzoi, S. L. (1996) Social Psychology. Dubuque: Brown & Benchmark.

Gilbert, P. and Taylor, S. (1991) Fashioning The Feminine. Girls, Popular Culture And Schooling. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.

Howard, J. and Hollander, J. (1997) Gendered Situations, Gendered Selves. Thousand Oaks: Sage publications, Inc.

James, B. and Saville-Smith, K. (1989) Gender Culture & Power. Critical Issues In New Zealand Society. Oxford: Oxford university press.

Kerr, A. (1991) Smart Girls, Gifted Women. Cheltenham: Hawker Brownlow Education.

Limerick, B. and lingard, B. (Ed.). (1995) Gender And Changing Educational Management. Rydalmere: Hodder Education

McKenna, E. (1997) When Work Doesn’t Work Any More. Adelaide: Griffin Press.

McLennan, R. (Ed.) (1995) People And Enterprises. Organisational Behaviour In New Zealand. 2nd Edition. Sydney: Harcourt Brace And Company.

Measor, L. and Sikes, P. (1993) Introduction To Educaton. Gender And Schools. London: Cassell.

Miller, B. (Ed). (1993) Sex And Gender Hierarchies. Cambridge: University Press.

Phillips, J. (1987) A Man’s Country? The Image of the Pakeha Male. A history. Auckland: Penguin Books

Rudduck, J. (1994) Developing A Gender Policy In Secondary Schools. Individuals And Institutions. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Shakespear, W. (no date given on this old book. Editor could be B. Hodek) Shakespear. Complete Works. Comedies. Histories. Tragedies, Poems. London: Spring Books

Thorne, B. (1993) Gender And Play. Girls And Boys In School. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Weiten, W. (1989) Psychology. Themes And Variations. Third Edition. Pacific Grove: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company.

Yelland, N. (1998) Gender In Early Childhood. (Ed) London: Routledge.

ARTICLES

Fleming, E. and Hollinger, C. (1984) Internal barriers to the realisation of potential: Correlates and interrelationships among gifted and talented female adolescents in Gifted Child Quarterly. Volume 28. Number 3.

Fleming, E. and Hollinger, C. (1988) Gifted and Talented Young Women: Antecedents and Correlates of Life Satisfaction in Gifted Child Quarterly. Volume 32. Number 2.

VIDEO

The Trouble With Boys. Education and Training Resources. Melbourne: VC Media Video Classroom

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Gender Construction

“Come you spirits that tend on mortal thoughts, unsex me here; and fill me, from crown to the toe, top-full of direst cruelty”. “To be or not to be”….. How does it happen? (Shakespeare, 1606-7)

The following five points may be significant for an understanding of how gender is socially constructed. (1) The first point is that there are a range of sometimes conflicting theories that attempt to explain gender and gendered behaviours, that raise questions that further research may not answer absolutely. The second point is that gendered behaviours have been viewed as responses/reactions to power and authority in such things as British Colonization, Capitalism, Patriarchy, families, adult/child relations, workplace, groups, and institutions such as schools. Point number three is that messages from media, texts, history, popular culture and social structures are believed to have a powerful influence on gender construction. Point number four is that gender construction has been viewed as taking place through ‘discourse’. The final point, number five, is that public places such as schools are important sites of gender construction/production, reproduction. These points are all interrelated and cannot be discussed in depth without overlapping into another.

THEORIES

The concept of Gender is ‘one of the muddiest concepts’ according to Constantinople (Connell, 1993, 174). It is ‘problematic’ (Thorne, 1993, 58), because it means different things to different people. Some use the word interchangeably with the word sex. Eg. ‘Gender’ is written on some documents to find out the biological nature of the person filling out the form. For some who view it from a biologically determined perspective, it is a natural outcome of such things as genetics, hormones and brain organisation. (Weiten, 1998, 464). For some who view it from an environmentally determined perspective, the word is used when referring to the variable and negotiable, culturally and socially constructed ways of being ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ in a particular historical or cultural circumstance (Measor and Sykes, 1992, 5). The concept is as problematic as the ‘nature versus nurture’ debate! It is also problematic because the concept of gender has introduced a range of influential and derogatory vocabulary that is reinforced, through popular beliefs and usage. E.g. ‘Tomboy’, ‘Wimp’, ‘masculine’, and ‘feminine’.

The concepts raise questions such as: Why use the words ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ when referring to behaviours and characteristics, thereby inferring that some are normal for a particular sex? Why not just call them behaviours and characteristics? Surely leadership qualities are not ‘masculine’ or male behaviours. Surely caring qualities are not ‘feminine’ or female behaviour. Are there any behaviours that are only socially constructed? Are all but physical differences between the sexes socially constructed?

How much control does a person have in becoming and being who they are? Would genderless behaviour mean eliminating the word ‘gender’, ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’? Do we want to become so indiscriminate that we accept as many ways of being that are possible or desired?

In the field of gender research there are ‘problems’ also. Although much research has been done on gender differences, conclusions have sometimes been postulated in the form of group stereotypes about ‘average people’ which fail to show the range of individual differences (Weiten, 1989, 462-3), and make the presumption that girls and women / men and boys are a homogeneous group (Sturrock, 1995, 127). Differences between and within the sexes, have been magnified because similarities have been neglected in studies. According to Howard and Hollander (1987, 12), differences between the sexes have been found to be minimal.

There are a number of frameworks that have been used to classify the different gender theories. E.g Connell (1993, 41-65) uses, ‘extrinsic’ and ‘intrinsic’ to classify theories. The frameworks make it appear that the dominant academic theory has moved in stages from (1) favouring a biological imperative orientation to (2) a socially contracted one, to (3) a socially constructed one and now to (4) a more holistic one. I will use the framework that Howard and Hollander (1997) have used as a base to explain and discus some of the gender theories. Ie. Essentialist Theory, Socialisation Theory, Social Construction Theory, and Post-structural Theory. Essentialist theories suggest that ‘natural’ things like sex, genetics, hormones and brain organisation determine gender (Weiten, 1989, 464), (Howard and Holland, 1987, 153). These theories neglect to account for the interaction of cultural and structural influences and of human agency. They tend to equate gender with sex.

In Socialisation Theory gender differences have environmental origins and are mainly the result of socialisation via the three main processes of ‘operant conditioning’, ‘observational learning’, and ‘self socialisation’ (Weiten, 1989, 465-7). They suggest that children actively learn through observation of role models and the reinforcements of powerful ‘others’ to classify themselves as male or female and to further value the characteristics and behaviours associated with their sex. Families, schools and media are considered to be the three most influential sources of gender socialisation. These theories do not explain the structural and physiological influences, nor why people develop ideological positions contrary to the significant others in their environment. They do explain some gendered behaviour. E.g. A number of mothers excuse what could be called anti-social behaviour on the grounds that it is ‘real boy behaviour’, when boys are preschoolers. The community is not so pleased with similar behaviours when the boys get a little older.

Social Constructionists theorise that gender is constructed by individuals through their actions. It sees the influence of the positions people have in social structures, character, cognition, and resources as deterministic but neglects to include the effects of human agency.

Post-structural Theories suggest that gender is consciously and unconsciously constructed as the result of cultural and social activities. It takes into account the complex interactions of human agency with the ‘constraining nature of social structure’ (Howard and Hollander, 1987, 43). It views gender construction as a process of ‘subjectification’ not socialisation and this takes place through the discourses they have available to them (Davies, 1993, 13-14). These theories tend to leave out the influence of the physiological area in the gender construction equation. The human being is a complex creature. If gender is only socially constructed, then aggression, which is sometimes referred to as a masculine trait, must be self-controllable. Yet brain injuries and medications such as Ritalin, and hormone treatments such as Progestin are known to impact on this social (or anti social) behaviour (Fausto-Sterling, 1992, 134). (2)

Franzoi (1996, 156), suggests that ‘together’ some of the theories give a better understanding than any single perspective. Each of the theories has something to offer. Biological potentials filtered through cultural beliefs and understandings have influenced the gendered division of labour, which in turn influences gender construction. Eg. the ability to sing soprano will influence choices about whether to do so or not. Some aspects of Gender are learned and maintained through socialisation. Social position in various social heirarchies such as race, class, age and sex orientation have an influence as do various structures. Human agency can also be seen at work in constructing and attempting to deconstruct gender realities

MESSAGES

Many cultural practices are involved in the construction of gendered subjectivity (Clark, 1993, 81) . (3) Cultural ideals about men, women, girls and boys are created and maintained through overt messages from media, and intrinsic messages everywhere. Messages are embedded in and affect every area of production, the labour force, the market and society. For example, when clothing is designed, it is influenced by messages from the past and present. These are popularised through various media channels. Even the production process sends messages about the product. Desires for the product are created and influenced by a whole range of things such as store layout and atmosphere, display design and advertising. Clothing is advertised and displayed using life style messages about its rightness, ‘coolness’, and appropriateness for a particular sex and group. The clothes become part of the stereotyping of a particular masculinity or femininity and send gender messages. Moral judgements about who do and don’t wear the particular clothing are formed. People then resist or accept the messages conveyed in the clothing package, although life style may preclude the power to but. These include lifestyle and promises of things like beauty, power and acceptability.

Gender messages have a powerful influence on gender construction. However they are not ‘simply absorbed’ (Clark, 1993, 81). They can be accepted or rejected. E.g. Hursthouse, a Victorian emigrant, immigrated to New Zealand because he wanted to ‘throw off the chains of effeminacy’ that pervaded/engulfed Britain, and ‘become a man’. He lectured and published a book that was ‘excerpted’ in a popular emigration publication. (Phillips, 1987, 4-5). Hursthouse, recognised and rejected the influence of the gender messages he perceived in the job situation in Britain (Phillips, 1987, 4-5). He rejected what he considered ‘effeminate’ masculinity, which he saw as the hegemonic masculinity in his English world and he encouraged others to do the same. Some may have been influenced by the overt messages Hursthouse published such as “New Zealand is a man’s country” and consequently emigrated. This may have increased the power of Patriarchy in New Zealand and the acceptance of the Fred Dagg image.

POWER

Power (force and influence) and authority (legitimate power) are ‘fluid and contextual’ (Thorne 1993, 159). They work in many ways through many means to genderize. According to the socialisation theory of operant conditioning, ‘gender roles are shaped by the power of reward and punishment’ (Weiten, 1989, 465). Significant others use the power of rewards and punishment to reinforce what they consider to be appropriate gender behaviour. They are able to do this because of their powerful positions. E.g. the adult/child relationship.

Power relations in cultural processes and social structure also genderize (Gilbert and Taylor, 6). According to James & Saville-Smith (1989, 14-16), New Zealand gendered culture emerged out of the ‘exigencies of British colonisation’. It was not imported, nor part of the Maori culture. It developed as a way to cope with struggles over land. This resulted in social problems which some believe resulted in the ‘elaboration of particular forms of femininity and masculinity’ and their organisation into distinct female (‘the cult of domesticity’) and male (‘the man alone’ and ‘the family man’) cultures. It is believed that these Patriarchal cultures were maintained because difference was seen as biological, therefore normal and desirable, benefiting those in dominant positions in the hierarchies of race, class and sex. There were also some benefits to some subordinated groups who were able to expand their access to power and resources. The ‘glass cellar’ effect, where men feel ‘drafted’ into hazardous jobs because of the money they pay, could be used to support this theory. (4)

Power has a constraining function on social practice (Connell, 1987, 107). Its role as a constraint can be seen in what is called the ‘glass ceiling’ effect where ‘male dominance’, among other things, has lead to conditions that keep women from advancing into positions of power and prestige (Connell, 1987, 83). 5 It can also be seen in the limiting, legitimising and/or marginalisation of some forms of masculinity and femininity. Power also plays a part in what is questioned or challenged. Clark (1993, 83) suggests that some forms of gender persist because they are not questioned or challenged.

Power shapes language and knowledge and this includes the definitions of words relating to gender. This power can be seen in how and what adults teach children, or what children learn from adults, and what educational institutions such as schools and universities put forward as acceptable language and knowledge to be learned. Some words, theories, and subjects are made more powerful in all sorts of ways because of the power that individuals, groups and institutions have . (6) Those who support, and /or use them are also invested in power.

Power works in all of the structures and processes of credentialing which in turn empowers those who are credentialed. 7 According to Connell (1993, 199) credentials open the door for a gendered identity for males, that include forms of passivity, rationality and responsibility, as opposed to ‘pride and aggression’ for those who are not. 8 According to Kerr (1991, 69 & 72) it is a sense of ‘separation’ and a refusal to acknowledge gender limitations, that allows eminent women to resist the ‘daily barrage of stereotypic sex-role images and media comments’, and ‘powerful peer group pressure to conform’. Fleming (1996, 138) puts forth an argument for social self-esteem as an important factor in androgyny and agency. (9) Perhaps the measure of the power within has the greatest influence on which form of masculinity or femininity (types of behaviour/characteristics etc.) a person exhibits/accepts/constructs/resists. (10)

DISCOURSE

The social construction of gender takes place through ‘Discourse’. Feminist Post-structural Theory changes the ‘ideological’ understanding of the word to mean the complex interactions between language, social practice and emotional investment (Yelland, 1998, 159).

Language is used to categorise people on the basis of sex and gender. E.g. wife/husband, masculine/feminine, waitress/waiter. These categories give rise to expectations about how people should be. E.g. The category ‘girl’ influences gender specific expectations about what a girl is, looks like and does etc. Patterns of desire become associated with particular categories and social practises arise. (E.g. Clothing is designed to distinguish girls from boys). Emotional investments are made to ensure that the social practices are ‘right’. Discourses produce a sense of what is right and/or normal and can become institutionalised enabling some people to exercise power. E.g. parenting theories and Piaget’s ages and stages theories. Those discourses that have more political or social power dominate and can marginalise others. This political strength can be derived from their institutional location. E.g. schools.

Although gender is actively negotiated, ‘powerful discourses circulate in and via social structures and institutions’ and shape desires, making some ‘ways of being’ more possible than others (Yelland, 1998, 160). According to Weedon (Yelland, 1998, 160), the range and social power of discourses, the political strength of the interests they represent and a persons access to them will determine some of the gendered choices people make.

SITES

Gendered behaviour is more often visible in public places particularly in public places such as schools (Thorne, 1993, 49-55). Schools are important sites of gender construction and reproduction because they are invested consciously and unconsciously (The not so Hidden Curriculum!) with authority to reproduce dominant ideologies, hierarchies, and gendered culture. E.g. ‘Hegemonic masculinity and emphasised femininity’ (Connell, 1985, 183). This is done through such things as age separation, the choice of knowledge, timetables, resources, teacher expectations, interactions, control of space, and heirachical structures. 11 They are important sites also because of the inequalities that their gendered structures and practices produce for their ‘captive audience’, and because it is a site where changes can and are wrought. E.g. One of the changes that primary schools made in the name of anti-sexism, was to eliminate the images of females in traditional sex roles and include images of men in non traditional sex roles. This powerful practice was another form of ‘sexism’ and gendering. It sent and continues to send value-laden messages about (behaviours/characteristics) which forms of masculinity and femininity are acceptable. This may have contributed to the loss of social status and other negative attitudes, that women who choose to ‘stay at home’ now often face (McKenna, 1997, 130-1).

TEMPORARY CONCLUSION

Gender construction is as complex a subject as the human being, and would benefit from multi and interdisciplinary analysis (Miller, 1993, 17). It can be viewed as a form of self-preservation. As an individual and social construction, it is negotiated actively as a response and/or reaction to power and authority, and messages from everywhere including media. Gendered behaviours tend to vary with the context. Flexibility is seen not only in the development of a gender self-concept (Fausto-Sterling, 1992, 89), but also in its maintenance. It is not a rigid way of being or a passive form of ‘osmosis’ (Yelland, 1998, 7). However, desires can be shaped by external influences such as medications and the way in which powerful discourses circulate in, and via, social structures and institutions’ (Yelland, 1998, 149).

MacNaughton encourages people to continue to search for more effective ways to theorise and not assume to have found the ‘right way forward’ (Yelland, 1998, 172).

Perhaps the door might be opened to valuing the variety of behaviours that are possible and helpful for unique people to express themselves, not so much by deleting certain forms of masculinity and femininity, but by allowing more to be seen and experienced. Ie. Limiting the hegemonic nature of some forms.

Oh to be sexless where love can be unlimited!

To be or not to be? How does it really happen?

If the answer could be practiced, would it be what we really wanted?

Footnotes

1. ‘Are significant’ is too powerful for me to use after such a short excursion into this topic.

2. It is interesting to note also that a correlation has been found between giftedness and physical superiority, giftedness and intellectual ability, and intellectual ability and some forms of masculinity and femininity (Clark, 1992, 509, 516).

3. “Subjectivity” describes who we are and how we understand ourselves, consciously and unconsciously’ (Yelland, 1998, 13).

4. ‘Invisible barriers that keep men in jobs with the most hazards’ Farrell, 1994, 107)

5. ‘Invisible barriers and difficulties that prevent women rising in organisations’ (McLennan, 1995, 189).

6. The ‘sciences are connected to power”. ‘They represent an institutionalized version of the claim to power hat is central in hegemonic masculinity’ (Connell, 1993, 201).

7. According to Connell (1993, 200), ‘masculinity shapes education and education forms masculinity’. It could also be argued that femininity does the same thing. The ‘feminisation’ of schools is referred to as one of the reasons for boys lack of success in schools (Video Classroom).

8. It is interesting to note that gifted girls ‘who reject the traditional feminine sex typed behaviour have higher intellectual ability than those who accept the feminine stereotype (Clark, 1992, 509). Or put the other way, androgyny is a trait that is more often seen in gifted girls.

9. Instrumental traits (independence, decisiveness) that contribute to a ‘sense of agency are stereotypically viewed as masculine’ (Fleming and Hollinger, 1988, 254). Does a person need a sense of agency in order to construct it?

10. With more space and time, the links of power with fear could have been examined, as it has an important bearing on gender choices. Mckenna (1997, 132) calls it a ‘powerful adhesive’.

11. ‘Researchers found that gender separation and age separation went together’ (Thorne, 1993, 50).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Clark, M. (1992) Growing Up Gifted. 3rd Edition. New York: Merrill Publishing Company.

Clark, M. (1993) The Great Divide. Gender In The Primary School. Brunswick: Impact Printing

Connell, R. (1993) Gender & Power. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers

Davies, B. (1993) Shards Of Glass. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin.

Farrell, W. (1994) The Myth Of Male Power. Milsons Point: Random House Australia Pty Ltd.

Fausto-Sterling, A. (1985) Myths Of Gender. Biological Theories About Women And Men. Revised Edition. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.

Franzoi, S. L. (1996) Social Psychology. Dubuque: Brown & Benchmark.

Gilbert, P. and Taylor, S. (1991) Fashioning The Feminine. Girls, Popular Culture And Schooling. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.

Howard, J. and Hollander, J. (1997) Gendered Situations, Gendered Selves. Thousand Oaks: Sage publications, Inc.

James, B. and Saville-Smith, K. (1989) Gender Culture & Power. Critical Issues In New Zealand Society. Oxford: Oxford university press.

Kerr, A. (1991) Smart Girls, Gifted Women. Cheltenham: Hawker Brownlow Education.

Limerick, B. and lingard, B. (Ed.). (1995) Gender And Changing Educational Management. Rydalmere: Hodder Education

McKenna, E. (1997) When Work Doesn’t Work Any More. Adelaide: Griffin Press.

McLennan, R. (Ed.) (1995) People And Enterprises. Organisational Behaviour In New Zealand. 2nd Edition. Sydney: Harcourt Brace And Company.

Measor, L. and Sikes, P. (1993) Introduction To Educaton. Gender And Schools. London: Cassell.

Miller, B. (Ed). (1993) Sex And Gender Hierarchies. Cambridge: University Press.

Phillips, J. (1987) A Man’s Country? The Image of the Pakeha Male. A history. Auckland: Penguin Books

Rudduck, J. (1994) Developing A Gender Policy In Secondary Schools. Individuals And Institutions. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Shakespear, W. (no date given on this old book. Editor could be B. Hodek) Shakespear. Complete Works. Comedies. Histories. Tragedies, Poems. London: Spring Books

Thorne, B. (1993) Gender And Play. Girls And Boys In School. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Weiten, W. (1989) Psychology. Themes And Variations. Third Edition. Pacific Grove: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company.

Yelland, N. (1998) Gender In Early Childhood. (Ed) London: Routledge.

ARTICLES

Fleming, E. and Hollinger, C. (1984) Internal barriers to the realisation of potential: Correlates and interrelationships among gifted and talented female adolescents in Gifted Child Quarterly. Volume 28. Number 3.

Fleming, E. and Hollinger, C. (1988) Gifted and Talented Young Women: Antecedents and Correlates of Life Satisfaction in Gifted Child Quarterly. Volume 32. Number 2.

VIDEO

The Trouble With Boys. Education and Training Resources. Melbourne: VC Media Video Classroom

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