白頭宮女話當年
H:「白頭宮女」描繪青春消逝、白髮頻添、閒坐回憶的宮女形象。 「玄宗末歲初選入,入時十六今六十。」由「二八年華、破瓜之年、瓜字初分、碧玉年華:女子十六歲。」到「耳順、耳順之年、還歷之年、花甲之年:均指60歲。」44年宫女之職,青春歲月耗盡,只能閒話當年的情境。每個人的人生經歷各不同,只有成長成熟,甚至老成,追憶與學習,故事的驚奇曲折,才能與時並進。軍歌「我現在要出征」其中歌詞「我若是打不死,我總會回家來看你。」也只有健康活著的人才有權利追憶話當年。007是老情報員話當年的傑作。「太監談往錄」也是皇宫底層階級活著的太監回憶錄。「九州縹緲錄」第21集辰月秘術的最大貢獻,回溯往日而且細節可放大,提供記憶深刻的回憶,如同現在所稱的「錄影」是記憶大門。有意有意的錄影並保存,勝過你的腦袋記的。辰月之術,編輯,剪輯,是一個功課。20240608W6
維基百科
故事
故事是指過往發生的事,包含真實發生過歷史,如史書,也包含了從未發生過的虛擬故事,例如電影或小說。有很多種媒介可以乘載故事,例如:文字、聲音、及影像等。電影、電視劇、小說、遊戲、漫畫、ACG中的故事通常稱為劇情。
故事透過敘述的方式闡述幾個情節,對於研究歷史上文化的傳播與分布具有很大作用。一些研究認為,所有的人類文化都有故事,說故事是普遍存在於所有人類文化的現象,也就是說,說故事是普世文化通則之一。美國作家娥蘇拉·勒瑰恩聲稱「有些偉大的社會不使用輪子;但沒有一個社會是不講故事的」。[1]
網路資料:
「白頭宮女在,閒坐說玄宗」出自唐代詩人元稹所作的五言絕句《行宮》。 此句描繪青春消逝、白髮頻添、閒坐回憶的宮女形象。 白頭宮女:據白居易《上陽白髮人》,天寶末年,一些宮女被送到上陽宮,在這冷宮裡一閉四十多年,成了白髮宮人。 行宮,皇帝出行時居住的宮殿,這裡指當時東都洛陽的皇帝行宮上陽宮。
行宮
作者:元稹 唐本作品收錄於《全唐詩/卷410》一作王建詩
寥落古行宮,宮花寂寞紅。
白頭宮女在,閑坐說玄宗。
上陽白髮人
朝代:唐代
作者:白居易
陽人,上陽人,紅顏暗老白髮新。
綠衣監使守宮門,一閉上陽多少春。
玄宗末歲初選入,入時十六今六十。
同時採擇百餘人,零落年深殘此身。
憶昔吞悲別親族,扶入車中不教哭。
皆雲入內便承恩,臉似芙蓉胸似玉。
未容君王得見面,已被楊妃遙側目。
妒令潛配上陽宮,一生遂向空房宿。
宿空房,秋夜長,夜長無寐天不明。
耿耿殘燈背壁影,蕭蕭暗雨打窗聲。
春日遲,日遲獨坐天難暮。
宮鶯百囀愁厭聞,樑燕雙棲老休妒。
鶯歸燕去長悄然,春往秋來不記年。
唯向深宮望明月,東西四五百回圓。
今日宮中年最老,大家遙賜“尚書”號。
小頭鞵履窄衣裳,青黛點眉眉細長。
外人不見見應笑,天寶末年時世妝。
上陽人,苦最多。
少亦苦,老亦苦,少苦老苦兩如何!
君不見昔時呂向《美人賦》,
又不見今日上陽白髮歌!
美人賦
作者:呂向 唐本作品收錄於《全唐文/卷0301》
姊妹計劃: 數據項
帝初馳六飛之不測,奄四海而作君,曜明威,嶷崇勳,固盡善而盡美,又焉得而稱雲。時屯既康,聖躬之豫,樂以和操,色以怡慮。豈曰帝則,實惟君舉,庸克推腹心,增耳目。燕趙鄭衛楚越巴漢之邦,士農工商皂隸輿台之族,不鄙褊陋,不隔賤卑,工技者密聞,淑邈者遽知。上心由是震蕩,中使載以交馳,周若雲布,迅如飆發。以日係時,以時係月,德雋相次,為樂不歇。闐紫微,環帝座,蕖華灼爍,柳容婀娜,輕羅隨風,長縠舒霧。肌膚紅潤,柔姿靡質;妖豔夭逸,絕眾挺出。嬛然容冶,霍若明媚;曼錄騰光以橫波,修蛾濯色以總翠。齒編貝,鬢含雲;顏綽約以冰雪,氣芬鬱而蘭薰;腰佩激而成響,首飾曜而騰文。或纖麗婉以似羸,或穠盛態而多肌;有沈靜見節,有語笑呈姿。思若老成,體類嬰兒,真天子所禦者,非庶人當有之,洎懷春暮,睇情晷;列筵於林,方舟於水。自任縱誕,相與攀倚;鳥間關而共嬌,花散亂而增美。吹碧葉,吐紅蕊,左右相視,遊嬉未已。見頹景之迫濛汜,攜密親,召近臣;陳金罍與瑤席,朗月垂光而射人;列星奪采,長河滅津。然後絲竹發越,金石鏗鈜;守則異器,動則和鳴。妙舞謂何尚以輕,善歌取何矜以清;齊列捷獵,按次屏營。間直往以曳緒,炊轉入而旋縈;低視候節,紆體遺聲。遏行雲,結遺風;眾工相錯,迭美不同。夕以闌,樂亦闋;醉以蕩情,樂以忘節。帝曰:「今日為娛,前代固無,當以共悅,可得而說。」眾皆蹁躚,離席遷延。鹹齊首,互舉酒;歌千春,稱萬壽。因進曰:「妾家賤族,陋目褊心。陛下衣綺縠與羅紈,飾珠翠與碧金;燕私陳乎笙鼓,和樂象乎瑟琴。何恩渥以增極,而悅愉之備深;顧薄軀之無穀,空負惠以難任。」有美一人,激憤含顰;凜若秋霜,肅然寒筠。乃徐進而前止,遂抗詞而外陳,曰:「眾妾麵諛,不可侍君之側。指摘背意,委曲順色;故毀妍而成鄙,自崇謬而破直。妾異爾情,敢對以臆。若彼之來,違所親,離厥夫;別兄弟,棄舅姑。戚族愧羞,鄰裏嗟籲;氣哽咽以填塞,涕流離以霑濡;心絕瑤台之表,目斷層城之隅。人知君命乃天不可讎,尚懼盜有移國、水或覆舟。伊自古之��主,莫不躭此嫚遊;借為元龜,鑒在宗周;眾以為喜,妾以為憂。」於時天顏回移,聖心感通;竟夜罷寢,須明導衷。俾革進伎樂者為薦士之官,徵豔色者為聘賢之使;闕下駿奔,王庭麇至。野無遺材,山無逸人;賁然偕道,與物恆春。若此之淑美,豈同夫玉顏絳唇、巧笑工顰、惑有國之君臣者哉。
美人賦
作者:司馬相如 西漢
姊妹计划: 数据项
司馬相如美麗閑都,遊於梁王。梁王說之。鄒陽譖之於王曰︰「相如美則美矣,然服色容冶妖麗,不忠,將欲媚辭取悅,遊王後宮。王不察之乎?」王問相如曰︰「子好色乎?」相如曰︰「臣不好色也。」王曰︰「子不好色,何若孔墨乎?」
相如曰︰「古之避色,孔墨之徒,聞齊饋女而遐逝,望朝歌而迴車,譬猶防火水中,避溺山隅,此乃未見其可欲,何以明不好色乎?若臣者,少長西土,鰥處獨居,室宇遼廓,莫與為娛。臣之東隣,有一女子,雲髮豐艷,蛾眉皓齒;顏盛色茂,景曜光起。恒翹翹而西顧,欲留臣而共止。登垣而望臣,三年於茲矣,臣棄而不許。竊慕大王之高義,命駕東來。途出鄭、衞,道由桑中,朝發溱、洧,暮宿上宮。
「上宮閒館,寂寞雲虛。門閤晝掩,曖若神居。臣排其戶而造其堂,芳香芬烈,黼帳高張。有女獨處,宛然在牀,奇葩逸麗,淑質艷光。覩臣遷延,微笑而言曰:『上客何國之公子?所從來無乃遠乎?』遂設旨酒,進鳴琴。臣遂撫弦為幽蘭、白雪之曲。女乃歌曰:『獨處室兮廓無依,思佳人兮情傷悲。有美人兮來何遲,日既暮兮華色衰。敢託身兮長自私。』玉釵挂臣冠,羅袖拂臣衣。時日西夕,玄陰晦冥;流風慘冽,素雪飄零;閑房寂謐,不聞人聲。於是寢具既設,服玩珍奇,金鉔薰香,黼帳低垂;裀褥重陳,角枕橫施。女乃弛其上服,表其褻衣,皓體呈露,弱骨豐肌。時來親臣,柔滑如脂。臣乃脈定於內,心正於懷。信誓旦旦,秉志不回;翻然高舉,與彼長辭。」
女孩
年幼雌性人類
「少女」重新導向至此。關於其他用法,請見「美少女」。
女孩(英語:Girl)是指年輕的(通常是兒童或青少年)女性。當女性成年後,通常稱「女人」,從一個女孩變為一個女人的年齡在不同的社會定義各不相同。不過基本上都認為青少年期向成年期的轉變年齡在15歲至20歲之間。
一名女孩
女孩其實有兩種不同的年齡意義。最傳統和常用的含義是「女性孩童」,有時作為「女兒」的同義詞[1] 。這種稱呼往往用於嬰兒至12歲左右的女性,這個年齡之後她們更多地被稱為少女、女青年、女青、女郎或泛稱年青女性。
但現在女孩的用法更為寬泛,這個詞也可以用來指年輕的女人[2] ,可以幾乎涵蓋所有0歲至20歲代的女性,或者年齡更大但看上去比較年輕的女性,以及一些年長人士(指中老年人)對比自己年幼很多的女性稱呼或是一個成年人(通常是女性)用來稱呼成年女性朋友的愛稱。
從歷史上來看,女孩的待遇和地位通常與女性在該文化中的地位密切相關。在婦女社會地位低下的文化中,女孩可能會被父母遺棄,國家可能會減少對女孩的服務投資。所以面對女孩常常受到歧視和對她們社會角色的限制,聯合國計劃在2010年之前消除女孩在受教育權方面的不平等。對於女孩和男孩的社會角色的形成和差別,始終存在着「先天決定論」(或基因決定論)與「後天決定論」(或環境決定論)的爭論。女孩在藝術、文學和流行文化中以什麼形象出現往往反映了社會對女孩性別角色的認知。女孩的成長環境從與男孩相對相同到完整的性別隔離和完全不同的性別角色。
用法
女孩是一個近代才出現的雙字詞,傳統的用法是指年齡小的女性,往往在10歲以下。並且在口語用的時候,還可以加一個後綴成為女孩子,有一種親昵的意味。古代多以女娃、女童來稱女性兒童。而近來女孩這個詞的使用空間逐漸變大,甚至可以涵蓋20歲以下或者年齡更大但看上去比較年輕的女性。不過最近這個詞正在另一個含義更寬泛的詞女生所取代。這裡的「女生」源自台灣,並不限於正在上學或者處於上學年齡的女孩,而是可以指青年期的成年的女性。
各地同(近)義方言
普通話:小姑娘
中國北方:小嫚兒(青島等)、小妮子、小識字班(魯南部份地區)、小閨女(膠遼官話區)。丫頭
中國大陸網絡:妹子、小姐姐
吳語:小娘、院主兒(溫州)
粵語:女仔、儬妹。
長沙話:妹陀。
武漢話:姑娘伢(er)
台灣話、台灣華��:少女。
日文中しょうじょ shoujo也勉強譯作「少女」,但它本身包含的意義更為複雜。指涉的是無知、沒有性態 sexuality、像永不長大的寵物、擁有カワイイ kawaii,譯作「可愛」,是氣質、對別人沒有威脅的理想化女兒、妹妹身份(Napier 1998),而Treat這個詞更申辯的是在資本主義—消費主義建構下的「第三種性/別」:既不是「男」亦不是「女」,而是「遠離異性戀的生產經濟」的自戀個體(Treat 1996)。
美式英語:GAL,但這個用法對象不能過小,所以其實是專指青少年女性,而不是女性兒童。
稱謂彙總
0歲
度:小兒初生之時。
赤子、襁褓:未滿週歲的嬰兒。
湯餅之期:指嬰兒出生三日。舊俗小兒出生三日,設筵招待親友謂之“湯餅筵”,也作“湯餅宴”、“湯餅會”。
1歲
牙牙:象聲詞,嬰兒學語的聲音。如牙牙學語,因亦指小孩過程子開始學話。清袁枚《祭妹文》:“兩女牙牙,生汝死後,才周晬耳。”周晬,指嬰兒週歲。
2歲
孩提:指初知發笑尚在襁褓中的幼兒。也有寫作“孩提包”或“提孩”的,韓愈詩中就有“兩家各生子,提孩巧相如”句。孩提:指2——3歲的兒童。
8歲
總角:古代幼童把垂髮紮成兩結於頭頂把頭髮紮成髻,形狀如角,因而也用“總角”來代指人的幼童階段。借指幼年。在這裏,“總”就是聚攏束結的意思。總角之交(幼年就相識的好朋友)。總角是八九歲至十三四歲的少年(古代兒童將頭髮分作左右兩半,在頭頂各紮成一個結,形如兩個羊角,故稱“總角”)。
童齔[chèn]:齔,《説文》中有“男八月生齒、八歲而齔;女七月生齒、七歲而齔”的説法。可以看出,孩子乳牙脱落,長出恆牙,稱為“齔”。“童齜”,往往是指人的兒童少年時期。也有説成“髫齔”的,如《後漢書·董卓傳》:“其子孫雖在髫齔,男皆封侯,女為邑君。”
始齔、髫年:女孩七歲。
始齔、齠年:男孩八歲。説明:根據生理狀況,男孩八歲、女孩七歲換牙,脱去乳齒,長出恆牙,這時叫“齔”,“齠年”或“髫年”。
9歲
九齡:為9歲。
黃口:十歲以下。
指數之年:兒童九歲。
10歲
幼學:十歲。(《禮記?曲禮上》:“人生十年曰幼,學。”因為古代文字無標點,人們就截取“幼學”二字作為十歲代稱。)
外傅之年:兒童十歲。
12歲
金釵之年:女孩十二歲。
13歲
豆蔻:指女子十三歲。源自唐朝詩人杜牧的一首詩——《贈別》。杜牧年輕時曾隨丞相牛僧孺在揚州供職,後離開揚州,臨行時寫了兩首七絕給一位女子。“娉[ pīng ]娉嫋嫋十三餘,豆蔻梢頭二月初。春風十里揚州路,捲上珠簾總不如。”杜牧用二月初含苞待放的豆蔻花比喻十三歲的少女。
十三:為13歲。
舞勺之年:少年十三至十五歲。
15歲
及笄:笄[jī],本來是指古代束髮用的簪子。古代女子一般到15歲以後,就把頭髮盤起來,並用簪子綰住,表示已經成年。“及笄”即年滿15歲的女子。及笄:指女子十五歲。
結髮:束髮,紮結頭髮,古人男20歲束髮而冠,女子15歲束髮而笄,表示成年。男女成年的標誌分別為“加冠”、“加笄”。
志學之年:因為“三十而立,四十而不惑。”(孔子曰:“吾十有五而志於學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順,七十而從心所欲”。——《論語·為政》),所以後代稱15歲為“志學之年”。
束髮:古人以十五歲為成童之年,把頭髮束起來盤在頭頂。束髮是男子十五歲(到了十五歲,男子要把原先的總角解散,紮成一束)。
及笄:女子十五歲。(《禮記?內則》:“女子十有五年而笄。”)
舞象之年:少年十五至二十歲。
成童:十五或十五稍上的年歲。鄭玄:“成童,十五以上”。
16歲
二八:為16歲。
碧玉年華、破瓜之年:女子十六歲。(舊時文人拆“瓜”字為二八紀年,謂十六歲,多用於女子。)有關碧玉的詩句很多,其中晉人孫綽的《碧玉歌》最為有名。“碧玉破瓜時,郎為情顛倒。芙蓉陵霜榮,秋容故尚好。碧玉小家女,不敢攀貴德。感郎千金意,慚無傾城色。碧玉小家女,不敢貴德攀。感郎意氣重,遂得結金蘭。碧玉破瓜時,相為情顛倒。感郎不羞郎,回身就郎抱。”寫出二八妙齡少女的清新美好。《通俗編·婦女》“宋謝幼盤詞‘破瓜年紀小腰身。’按俗以女子破身為破瓜,非也。瓜字破之為二字,言其二八十六歲耳。”
20歲
加冠:指二十歲。古時男子二十歲行加冠禮,表示已成年。加冠:指男子二十歲(又“弱冠”)。
結髮:束髮,紮結頭髮,古人男20歲束髮而冠,女子15歲束髮而笄,表示成年。男女成年的標誌分別為“加冠”、“加笄”。
弱冠:古人二十歲行冠禮,以示成年,但體猶未壯,故稱“弱冠”。指剛成年。指二十歲。弱冠:古代男子20歲叫作“弱”,這時就要行“冠禮”,即戴上表示已成人的帽子。“弱冠”即年滿20歲的男子。後世泛指男子二十左右的年紀。弱冠是男子二十歲。
桃李年華:女子二十歲。
24歲
花信年華:女子二十四歲。
30歲
而立(而立之年):因為“三十而立,四十而不惑。”(孔子曰:“吾十有五而志於學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順,七十而從心所欲”。——《論語·為政》),所以後代稱30歲為“而立之年”。而立之年:指三十歲。而立是三十歲(立,“立身、立志”之意)。
始室:三十歲。《禮記·內則》:“三十而有室,始理男事”。
克壯:正當壯年。古代三十歲為壯。唐魏徵《是漸不克終疏》:“貞觀之初,時放克壯。”
半老徐娘:女子三十歲。
40歲
不惑(不惑之年):因為“三十而立,四十而不惑。”(孔子曰:“吾十有五而志於學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順,七十而從心所欲,不逾矩。”——《論語·為政》),所以後代稱40歲為“不惑之年”。不惑之年:指四十歲。不惑是四十歲(不惑,“不迷惑、不糊塗”之意)。
50歲
艾:古稱五十歲的人為“艾”。《禮記·曲禮上》:“五十曰艾。”艾稱年老的。
半百、知天命、知命之年:知命之年,指五十歲(又“知天命”、“半百”)。
知命:五十歲(知命,“知天命”之意)。“知命”是“知天命”的縮略語。
知天命:孔子曰:“吾十有五而志於學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順,七十而從心所欲”。——《論語·為政》,所以後代稱50歲為“知命之年”。
知命之年:因為“三十而立,四十而不惑。”(孔子曰:“吾十有五而志於學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順,七十而從心所欲”。——《論語·為政》),所以後代稱50歲為“知命之年”。知命之年:指五十歲(又“知天命”、“半百”)。
54歲
六九年:即五十四歲。
60歲
耳順、耳順之年、還歷之年、花甲之年:均指60歲。因為“三十而立,四十而不惑。”(孔子曰:“吾十有五而志於學,三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳順,七十而從心所欲”。——《論語·為政》),所以後代稱60歲為“耳順之年”。
高齡:敬辭,稱老人的年齡,多指六十歲以上。
花甲:天干地支配合用來紀年,從甲起,六十年成一週,因此稱六十歲為花甲。花甲:古代用干支記時間。所謂干支,是天干地支的簡稱。天干有十,地支十二,十天干和十二地支按照順序搭配成六十個單位,通常就叫作“六十花甲子”,也稱“花甲”。把這種記時間的詞語移用到記人的年齡上,就以“年屆花甲”或“花甲之年”來指人到60歲了。
年紀
1.丱(ㄍㄨㄢˋ)角之年:童年,約八至十歲。
2.舞勺之年:十三歲。
3.荳蔻年華:女子十三歲。
4.沖齡之年:童年,約八至十三歲。(用於古代帝王幼年而登基)。
5.抓髻之年:童年,約八至十三歲。
6.志學之年、束髮之年:十五歲
7.及筓之年、許嫁之年:女子十五歲。
8.束髮之年:男子十五歲,成童結髮。
9.二八年華、破瓜之年、瓜字初分、碧玉年華:女子十六歲。
10.弱冠之年:男子二十歲。
11.花信之年、花期之年:女子二十四歲。
12.而立之年、壯室之年:三十歲
13.不惑之年、強仕之年:四十歲
14.知命之年、知非之年:五十歲
15.艾服之年、大衍之年、知非之年:男子五十歲。
16.耆使之年、耳順之年、花甲之年、杖鄉之年:男子六十歲。
17.古稀之年、從心之年、老傳之年、致事之年、懸車之年、鳩杖之年:男子七十歲。
18.杖朝之年:男子八十歲。
19.耄(ㄇㄠˋ)耋(ㄉㄧㄝˊ)之年:男子八、九十歲
20.凍梨之年、鮐背之年、黃髮之年:男子九十歲。
21.期頤之年、大齊之年、上壽之年:男子一百歲。
太監談往錄
作者:信修明 , 周春暉 , 朱家溍
語言:繁體中文
出版社:香港中和出版
出版日期:2015/07/13
內容簡介
他們是中國最後的太監
他们是歷史的旁觀者
他們親聞目睹了晚清宮廷最後的秘辛
本書為一部晚清太監回憶錄、口述史的合集,包括《宮廷瑣記》《清宮太監回憶錄》《太監往談錄》三部著作。著者或口述者入宮的時間與經歷均不相同,從各自的視角記述了在清宮中身之親歷、目之親睹、耳之親聞,下至末代太監宮女的差役生涯,清宮大內的關防規矩、歲時講究,上至慈禧太后、光緒帝、珍妃、榮祿、載灃等皇室與貴冑的日常生活和言談舉止,無不纖毫畢現,展現了一段鮮活細膩、有血有肉的晚清皇廷歷史。
目錄
宮廷瑣記
自述:太監生活二十四年
皇帝后妃之困窘
慈禧不算有福之人
太后生活起居
宮中規矩多
大內之神秘
歲歲平安如意
民國早期之皇宮
選秀女異於前代
宮監因嚴獲福
太監軼事
昇平署及其他
清宮太監回憶錄
難忘的酷刑
「畢五」、「小刀劉」和慎刑司
進宮和拜師父
入宮後我們是怎樣「受訓」的
御前太監一天的生活
王祥親眼看見珍妃被丟到井裡
女主的生活
太監的生活
太監與寺院
太監往談錄
暢音閣演戲
樂壽堂傳膳
太監、廚役住處
慈禧在寧壽宮
編後記
軍歌
我現在要出征
我現在要出征 我現在要出征
有伊人要同行 唉有伊人要同行
你同行決不成 我現在要出征
我若是打不死 我總會回家來看你
倘���人不來欺負我 我怎���離開你
但國內每個人民都要靠我保護
我所以要出征 就因為這緣故
再會 再會 再會
0 notes
SGZ Biography of Zhuge Liang (Until Liu Bei’s Death)
I had a draft of this I was working on earlier. Daolun might appreciate it for his articles.
諸葛亮字孔明,琅邪陽都人也。漢司隸校尉諸葛豐後也。父圭,字君貢,漢末為太山郡丞。亮早孤,從父玄為袁術所署豫章太守,玄將亮及亮弟均之官。會漢朝更選朱皓代玄。玄素與荊州牧劉表有舊,往依之。玄卒,亮躬畊隴畝,好為《梁父吟》。身長八尺,每自比於管仲、樂毅,時人莫之許也。惟博陵崔州平、潁川徐庶元直與亮友善,謂為信然。
Zhuge Liang, styled Kongming, was a native of Yangdu county in Langye commandary. He was a descendant of the Han dynasty's Colonel-Director of Retainers, Zhuge Feng.
Zhuge Liang’s father was Zhuge Gui, styled Jungong, who served as a Minister of Taishan commandary during the final years of the Han dynasty. But Zhuge Gui passed away while Zhuge Liang was still young. Zhuge Liang thus went to live with his uncle, Zhuge Xuan, when Zhuge Xuan was appointed by Yuan Shu as Administrator of Yuzhang. Not long afterwards, the Han court appointed Zhu Hao to replace Zhuge Xuan as Administrator. So since Zhuge Xuan had an existing relationship with the Governor of Jingzhou, Liu Biao, he and his nephews went to stay with Liu Biao instead.
By the time Zhuge Xuan passed away, Zhuge Liang had taken up farming, and he was fond of the Song of Liangfu. He grew to be eight chi tall. He was always comparing himself to the ancients Guan Zhong and Yue Yi. Hardly anyone agreed with such an assessment; only Cui Zhouping of Boling commandary and Xu Shu of Yingchuan commandary (styled Yuanzhi), who were his good friends, said he was right to think so.
〈《獻帝春秋》曰:初,豫章太守周術病卒,劉表上諸葛玄為豫章太守,治南昌。漢朝聞周術死,遣朱皓代玄。皓從揚州刺史劉繇求兵擊玄,玄退屯西城,皓入南昌。建安二年正月,西城民反,殺玄,送首詣繇。此書所云,與本傳不同。〉〈《漢晉春秋》曰:亮家于南陽之鄧縣,在襄陽城西二十里,號曰隆中。〉〈按《崔氏譜》:州平,太尉烈子,均之弟也。《魏略》曰:亮在荊州,以建安初與潁川石廣元、徐元直、汝南孟公威等俱游學,三人務於精熟,而亮獨觀其大略。每晨夜從容,常抱膝長嘯,而謂三人曰:「卿三人仕進可至刺史郡守也。」三人問其所至,亮但笑而不言。後公威思鄉里,欲北歸,亮謂之曰:「中國饒士大夫,遨遊何必故鄉邪!」臣松之以為《魏略》此言,謂諸葛亮為公威計者可也,若謂兼為己言,可謂未達其心矣。老氏稱知人者智,自知者明,凡在賢達之流,固必兼而有焉。以諸葛亮之鑒識,豈不能自審其分乎?夫其高吟俟時,情見乎言,志氣所存,既已定於其始矣。若使游步中華,騁其龍光,豈夫多士所能沈翳哉!委質魏氏,展其器能,誠非陳長文、司馬仲達所能頡頏,而況於餘哉!苟不患功業不就,道之不行,雖志恢宇宙而終不北向者,蓋以權御已移,漢祚將傾,方將翊贊宗傑,以興微繼絕克復為己任故也。豈其區區利在邊鄙而已乎!此相如所謂「鵾鵬已翔於遼廓,而羅者猶視於藪澤」者矣。公威名建,在魏亦貴達。〉
(The Annals of Emperor Xian states, "When the Administrator of Yuzhang, Zhou Shu, passed away of illness, Liu Biao originally sent up a petition stating that he had appointed Zhuge Xuan as the new Administrator, with his headquarters at Nanchang. But when the Han court heard that Zhou Shu had died, they sent Zhu Hao to take over the post from Zhuge Xuan. Zhu Hao asked the Inspector of Yangzhou, Liu Yao, for troops and then attacked Zhuge Xuan. Zhuge Xuan withdrew to camp at Xicheng, while Zhu Hao entered Nanchang. In the second year of Jian'an (197), the first month, the people of Xicheng rebelled; they killed Zhuge Xuan and brought his head to Liu Yao." This account naturally conflicts with the base biography.
Xi Zuochi's Annals of Han and Jin states, "Zhuge Liang's family lived in Deng county in Nanyang commandary, twenty li west from the city of Xiangyang, at a place called Longzhong."
According to the Registry of the Cui Clan, this Cui Zhouping was "the son of the Grand Commandant, Cui Lie, and the younger brother of Cui Jun".
The Weilue states, "During the days that Zhuge Liang lived in Jingzhou at the beginning of the Jian'an reign era (after 196), he spent his time wandering and learning in the company of such people as Shi Guangyuan and Xu Yuanzhi (Xu Shu) of Yingchuan commandary and Meng Gongwei of Runan commandary. Now these three fellows each had their talents, but Zhuge Liang still saw himself as greater than them. Whenever they were enjoying a moment of respite during the mornings or evenings, Zhuge Liang would often rub his knees and make a long sigh. He would say to the other three, 'Perhaps you gentlemen will rise high enough to become Inspectors or Administrators.' When they asked him what fate he saw for himself, he would only laugh without answering. Later, when Shi Guangyuan grew homesick and wished to return north, Zhuge Liang said to him, 'The Middle Kingdom is full of great leaders and gentlemen. Wander if you like, but can you really be sure of getting home again?'"
This Meng Gongwei was named Meng Jian; he also enjoyed honor and success in Wei.
In my (Pei Songzhi's) view, both Zhuge Liang's comments to Shi Guangyuan and his earlier words were indications that Zhuge Liang felt that he was not yet able to fulfill his desires. Laozi commended those who could recognize the value of others as knowledgeable and those who could appreciate their own worth as wise, and truly worthy and successful were those who displayed both these talents. Could a man of Zhuge Liang's perception and intellect have failed to recognize his own worth? He may have been indulging in songs and playing for time, but judging by his words and his feelings, his great ambitions and passions were already formed by this time.
Suppose Zhuge Liang had decided to wander through the heartlands of the dynasty and display his magnificence. Even a deluge of talents would not have been enough to obscure him! He might have given himself over to Wei, and there developed his potential and his abilities. Had he done so, he truly would have outshone even Chen Changwen (Chen Qun) and Sima Zhongda (Sima Yi), much less anyone else! No deed or endeavor would have been impossible for him; no path would have been closed to him. Yet despite being a man of such boundless ambition, in the end, he did not go north. He must have done so because he perceived that the dynasty's authority was already gone and it was on the brink of collapse, and so he wished to serve and assist some worthy relative of the dynasty to restore what had fallen, continue what had been broken, and revive what had been ended. Would he have ever limited himself to merely eking out a meager living in some border region? The proverb sums it up: "the great birds soar across the wide world, but even a bound one will still glance longingly towards the lakes and ponds."
時先主屯新野。徐庶見先主,先主器之,謂先主曰:「諸葛孔明者,臥龍也,將軍豈願見之乎?」先主曰:「君與俱來。」庶曰:「此人可就見,不可屈致也。將軍宜枉駕顧之。」由是先主遂詣亮,凡三往,乃見。因屏人曰:「漢室傾頹,姦臣竊命,主上蒙塵。孤不度德量力,欲信大義於天下,而智術淺短,遂用猖(獗)〔蹶〕,至于今日。然志猶未已,君謂計將安出?」亮答曰:自董卓已來,豪傑并起,跨州連郡者不可勝數。曹操比於袁紹,則名微而眾寡,然操遂能克紹,以弱為強者,非惟天時,抑亦人謀也。今操已擁百萬之眾,挾天子而令諸侯,此誠不可與爭鋒。孫權據有江東,已歷三世,國險而民附,賢能為之用,此可以為援而不可圖也。荊州北據漢、沔,利盡南海,東連吳會,西通巴、蜀,此用武之國,而其主不能守,此殆天所以資將軍,將軍豈有意乎?益州險塞,沃野千里,天府之土,高祖因之以成帝業。劉璋闇弱,張魯在北,民殷國富而不知存恤,智能之士思得明君。將軍既帝室之冑,信義著於四海,總攬英雄,思賢如渴,若跨有荊、益,保其巖阻,西和諸戎,南撫夷越,外結好孫權,內修政理﹔天下有變,則命一上將將荊州之軍以向宛、洛,將軍身率益州之眾出於秦川,百姓孰敢不簞食壺漿以迎將軍者乎?誠如是,則霸業可成,漢室可興矣。先主曰:「善!」於是與亮情好日密。關羽、張飛等不悅,先主解之曰:「孤之有孔明,猶魚之有水也。願諸君勿復言。」羽、飛乃止。
At this time, Liu Bei was camped at Xinye. Xu Shu came to see him, and Liu Bei appreciated him. Xu Shu told Liu Bei, "Zhuge Kongming (Zhuge Liang) is known as Sleeping Dragon. General, would you be willing to meet him?"
Liu Bei said, "Sir, let him come with you to see me."
Xu Shu replied, "He is the sort of man whom you may visit, but he will not deign to come to you. I hope you will condescend to visit him."
So Liu Bei went to meet Zhuge Liang, finally seeing him on his third visit. Liu Bei privately said to him, "The house of Han is in dire straights; a wicked (or perverse) minister is eyeing the Mandate for himself, while our sovereign suffers in exile. Though I am not possessed of virtue or blessed with strength, still I wish to restore what is right to the realm. My cunning and my skills are shallow and lacking, which has caused me to suffer several terrible stumbles. But even so, I have not given up on my ambition. Sir, what do you propose that I should do?"
Zhuge Liang replied, "Ever since Dong Zhuo's day, countless heroes have risen up to stand astride the provinces and control the commandaries. Consider Cao Cao: if we compare him to Yuan Shao, his reputation was not as great, and his army was not as numerous. Yet in the end, he was able to overcome Yuan Shao. This was an instance of the weak defeating the strong. Even if you say that Heaven had willed it to be so, it still required the planning of mortals to see it through. By now, Cao Cao has already assembled an army of a million soldiers, and he keeps the Son of Heaven in his power so that he may 'command the feudal lords' to heed his will. He cannot be confronted directly. There is also Sun Quan to consider: he wields control over the Southland, where his family has enjoyed power for three generations. His domain enjoys good natural defenses, his people are bonded to him, and he employs the worthy and able. You would be able to gain support from him, but he too cannot be conquered.
"Now consider Jingzhou: it is flanked by the Han and Mian Rivers to the north while enjoying all the bounty of the southern sea, and it borders Wu and Kuaiji to the east and Ba and Shu to the west. It is well suited for supporting military endeavors. Yet the lord of Jingzhou is unable to defend it. General, it is almost as though Heaven has furnished Jingzhou in order to deliver it right into your own hands; can you have no desire for it? Not only that, there is Yizhou: blessed with both sturdy natural defenses and a thousand li of fertile fields for harvest, it is a storehouse of Heaven's produce. It was for that reason that Gaozu (Liu Bang), using this region as his base, was able to achieve his ambition of becoming Emperor. But the current lord of Yizhou, Liu Zhang, is blind and weak, and Zhang Lu is to his north. Yizhou is a rich land and filled with people, yet he cannot (or, does not know how to) bring them comfort, and people of ability and intellect long to be ruled by a wise sovereign.
"General, you yourself are a descendant of the royal lineage, and your trustworthy and righteous reputation has spread all throughout the Four Seas; you gather and command bold heroes, and you seek worthy people like one thirsts for water. So I propose that you take control of Jingzhou and Yizhou for yourself. Then guard their defensive points (or mountain ranges), while you achieve peace with the Rong tribes in the west, bring comfort to the Yi tribes of Yue in the south, form ties with Sun Quan without, and reform and perfect your government within. Eventually, once some great opportunity presents itself, you may appoint a supreme general to lead the armies of Jingzhou towards Wan and Luoyang, while you lead the armies of Yizhou out into Qinzhou. At that time, who will dare not to come to welcome you and present you with food and drink? By doing these things, you may achieve your design as a hegemon, and the Han royal family may flourish once more."
Liu Bei said, "Excellent!" And he became close to Zhuge Liang and spent days together with him. Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, and others were not pleased, but Liu Bei explained to them, "Now that I have found Kongming, I am like a fish that has found water. Gentlemen, please say nothing further about this." So Guan Yu and Zhang Fei stopped.
〈《襄陽記》曰:劉備訪世事於司馬德操。德操曰:「儒生俗士,豈識時務?識時務者在乎俊傑。此間自有伏龍、鳳雛。」備問為誰,曰:「諸葛孔明、龐士元也。」〉〈《魏略》曰:劉備屯於樊城。是時曹公方定河北,亮知荊州次當受敵,而劉表性緩,不曉軍事。亮乃北行見備,備與亮非舊,又以其年少,以諸生意待之。坐集既畢,眾賓皆去,而亮獨留,備亦不問其所欲言。備性好結毦,時適有人以髦牛尾與備者,備因手自結之。亮乃進曰:「明將軍當復有遠志,但結毦而已邪!」備知亮非常人也,乃投毦而答曰:「是何言與!我聊以忘憂耳。」亮遂言曰:「將軍度劉鎮南孰與曹公邪?」備曰:「不及。」亮又曰:「將軍自度何如也?」備曰:「亦不如。」曰:「今皆不及,而將軍之眾不過數千人,以此待敵,得無非計乎!」備曰:「我亦愁之,當若之何?」亮曰:「今荊州非少人也,而著籍者寡,平居發調,則人心不悅;可語鎮南,令國中凡有游戶,皆使自實,因錄以益眾可也。」備從其計,故眾遂強。備由此知亮有英略,乃以上客禮之。九州春秋所言亦如之。臣松之以為亮表云「先帝不以臣卑鄙,猥自枉屈,三顧臣於草廬之中,諮臣以當世之事」,則非亮先詣備,明矣。雖聞見異辭,各生彼此,然乖背至是,亦良為可怪。〉
(Xi Zuochi's Records of Xiangyang states, "Liu Bei discussed the affairs of the day with Sima Decao (Sima Hui). Sima Decao told him, 'What could mere scholars or common fellows understand of modern circumstances? It is those who are knowledgeable of such things that are the real talents. And among this sort are Crouching Dragon and Fledging Phoenix.' Liu Bei asked him who these two were, and Sima Decao replied, 'Zhuge Kongming and Xu Shiyuan.'"
The Weilue states, "During the time that Cao Cao was pacifying the region north of the Yellow River, Liu Bei was camped at Fancheng. Zhuge Liang knew that Jingzhou would be Cao Cao's next target. Yet Liu Biao had a complacent nature and did not grasp military matters. So Zhuge Liang went north to see Liu Bei.
“Since Zhuge Liang was a young man and had no prior relationship with Liu Bei, Liu Bei received him in the company of several other people. After the meeting had ended and the other guests all left, Zhuge Liang remained behind. However, Liu Bei did not ask him what he wanted to say. Instead, since Liu Bei had a habit of braiding bits of hair together and someone had given him some tail-hairs from horses and oxen, he was braiding them together. Zhuge Liang stepped forward and declared, 'A wise general ought to be considering long-term plans, not merely braid together some hairs!'
“Liu Bei realized that Zhuge Liang was no ordinary fellow. He tossed the hairs aside and laughed, saying, 'Why say such a thing? I was merely amusing myself to forget my concerns.'
“Zhuge Liang then said, 'General, do you think General Liu (Liu Biao) is any match for Lord Cao (Cao Cao)?'
“Liu Bei replied, 'He is not.'
“Zhuge Liang said, 'And how do you yourself compare?'
“Liu Bei replied, 'I am not his equal either.'
“Zhuge Liang said, 'So you recognize that neither of you is a match for him. Yet General, your army is no more than a few thousand soldiers. You intend to meet the enemy with such an army? What sort of plan is that?'
“Liu Bei replied, 'That is just what concerns me. But what am I to do about it?'
“Zhuge Liang said, 'Jingzhou currently has a considerable population. Yet the official population registries are quite meager. If you attempted to draft soldiers from among those who are already registered and have settled lives here, they will not be happy to suffer such disturbances. But you might tell General Liu to command all refugee households in the province to register themselves, and once they do so, you can further your numbers by drafting from among them instead.'
“Liu Bei followed his advice, and his army was thus strengthened. So Liu Bei knew that Zhuge Liang had heroic cunning, and he treated him as a guest of honor."
The Annals of the Nine Provinces has the same account.
Now regarding these two accounts, your servant Pei Songzhi notes that Zhuge Liang later wrote in his first petition to Liu Shan that "The First Sovereign (Liu Bei) overlooked my obscurity and humbled himself to come three times to my thatched cottage seeking me, in order to discuss the affairs of the age with me". So it seems clear that it cannot have been the case that Zhuge Liang was the one who approached Liu Bei first. Yet it does seem remarkable that two other texts would have an account of their meeting both so similar to one another and so different from Chen Shou's version.)
劉表長子琦,亦深器亮。表受後妻之言,愛少子琮,不悅於琦。琦每欲與亮謀自安之術,亮輒拒塞,未與處畫。琦乃將亮游觀後園,共上高樓,飲宴之間,令人去梯,因謂亮曰:「今日上不至天,下不至地,言出子口,入於吾耳,可以言不?」亮答曰:「君不見申生在內而危,重耳在外而安乎?」琦意感悟,陰規出計。會黃祖死,得出,遂為江夏太守。俄而表卒,琮聞曹公來征,遣使請降。先主在樊聞之,率其眾南行,亮與徐庶并從,為曹公所追破,獲庶母。庶辭先主而指其心曰:「本欲與將軍共圖王霸之業者,以此方寸之地也。今已失老母,方寸亂矣,無益於事,請從此別。」遂詣曹公。
Liu Biao's eldest son Liu Qi also highly esteemed Zhuge Liang. Now Liu Biao had heeded the words of his second wife and began to favor his younger son Liu Cong, and was no longer pleased with Liu Qi. Liu Qi thus kept asking Zhuge Liang for a plan to help secure his position. However, Zhuge Liang kept putting him off, not wanting to be compelled to make a plan for him.
Thus, during an occasion when Liu Qi had brought Zhuge Liang to walk through and observe the rear gardens and they went up into a tall tower together, Liu Qi ordered someone to take the ladder away. He then said to Zhuge Liang, "Today we are cut off from both Heaven above and the earth below, so the words you speak shall be heard by my ears alone. Will you not say something?"
Zhuge Liang replied, "Sir, you are perhaps familiar with the ancient Duke Xian of Jin, whose wife Li Ji turned him against his sons Shensheng and Chong'er. Do you recall that Shensheng remained with his family and thus met his doom, while Chong'er fled the state and thus saved his life and became Duke Wen of Jin in the end?"
Liu Qi realized what Zhuge Liang was suggesting, so he secretly developed a plan to make his own escape. Not long afterwards, the border general Huang Zu was killed, and thus offered an opportunity to leave Xiangyang, Liu Qi had himself appointed as Administrator of Jiangxia to succeed Huang Zu.
Soon afterwards, Liu Biao passed away. When Liu Cong heard that Cao Cao was coming to campaign against Jingzhou, he sent envoys to him asking to surrender. Liu Bei was still at Fan, but when he learned that Liu Cong was surrendering, he led his forces south. Zhuge Liang and Xu Shu both accompanied him. But Liu Bei's forces were pursued and routed by Cao Cao, and Xu Shu's mother was captured. Xu Shu then took his leave of Liu Bei; pointing to his heart, he said, "This little heart of mine dearly wished to help you achieve your conquest, General. But now my old mother is lost, and my heart is in such turmoil that I would be of no use to you. Please allow us to part ways." And he went to visit Cao Cao.
〈《魏略》曰:庶先名福,本單家子,少好任俠擊劍。中平末,嘗為人報讎,白堊突面,被髪而走,為吏所得,問其姓字,閉口不言。吏乃於車上立柱維磔之,擊鼓以令於市鄽,莫敢識者,而其黨伍共篡解之,得脫。於是感激,棄其刀戟,更疏巾單衣,折節學問。始詣精舍,諸生聞其前作賊,不肯與共止。福乃卑躬早起,常獨掃除,動靜先意,聽習經業,義理精熟。遂與同郡石韜相親愛。初平中,中州兵起,乃與韜南客荊州,到,又與諸葛亮特相善。及荊州內附,孔明與劉備相隨去,福與韜俱來北。至黃初中,韜仕歷郡守、典農校尉,福至右中郎將、御史中丞。逮大和中,諸葛亮出隴右,聞元直、廣元仕財如此,嘆曰:「魏殊多士邪!何彼二人不見用乎?」庶後數年病卒,有碑在彭城,今猶存焉。〉
(The Weilue states, "Xu Shu was originally named Shan Fu. As a young man, he enjoyed being a wandering tough and fighting people with his sword.
“On one occasion during the Zhongping reign era (184-189), he took revenge on behalf of someone else. Then, marking his face with chalk and letting down his hair, he tried to flee, but was caught by the officials. They asked him to identify himself, but he refused to say anything. The officials then tied him to a post atop a cart and beat the drums as they paraded him through the marketplace, but no one dared to recognize him. However, his fellows were able to break his bonds and let him escape.
“Shan Fu was so moved by this experience that he gave up the life of the blade, and putting on a thin scarf and plain clothes, he began applying himself to his studies. When he first came to the house of refinement, the other students ostracized him because they had heard about his past misdeeds. But Shan Fu remained humble, rose early, often swept the place alone, thought before he acted, remained diligent in his studies, and perfected his morals and his reasoning. He became good friends with a man from the same commandary as him, Shi Tao.
“At the beginning of the Chuping reign era (~190), when civil strife in the Central Provinces began, Shan Fu and Shi Tao went south to live as refugees in Jingzhou, and upon arriving there Shan Fu became especially close to Zhuge Liang. After Jingzhou fell under the control of Cao Cao, Kongming left along with Liu Bei, while Shan Fu and Shi Tao returned home to the north.
“By the time of the Huangchu reign era (220-226), Shi Tao had served as an Administrator and as Colonel of Agriculture, while Shan Fu had served as General of the Household Gentlemen of the Right and Middle Assistant to the Imperial Secretary. During the Dahe [Taihe] reign era (226-233), when Zhuge Liang came to Longyou on his northern campaign, when he heard that Yuanzhi and Guangyuan had been given such meager ranks and salaries, he lamented, 'How many talents Wei must have! Why did they not make greater use of those two gentlemen?'
“Shan Fu passed away of illness several years later. A stele was erected for him at Pengcheng, and even today (~265) it is still there.")
[Due to the uncertainties of the end of quotes, it’s possible that Pei Songzhi was saying that this stele still existed in his own time, ie ~429.]
先主至於夏口,亮曰:「事急矣,請奉命求救於孫將軍。」時權擁軍在柴桑,觀望成敗,亮說權曰:「海內大亂,將軍起兵據有江東,劉豫州亦收眾漢南,與曹操并爭天下。今操芟夷大難,略已平矣,遂破荊州,威震四海。英雄無所用武,故豫州遁逃至此。將軍量力而處之:若能以吳、越之眾與中國抗衡,不如早與之絕﹔若不能當,何不案兵束甲,北面而事之!今將軍外託服從之名,而內懷猶豫之計,事急而不斷,禍至無日矣!」權曰:「苟如君言,劉豫州何不遂事之乎?」亮曰:「田橫,齊之壯士耳,猶守義不辱,況劉豫州王室之冑,英才蓋世,眾士仰慕,若水之歸海,若事之不濟,此乃天也,安能復為之下乎!」權勃然曰:「吾不能舉全吳之地,十萬之眾,受制於人。吾計決矣!非劉豫州莫可以當曹操者,然豫州新敗之後,安能抗此難乎?」亮曰:「豫州軍雖敗於長阪,今戰士還者及關羽水軍精甲萬人,劉琦合江夏戰士亦不下萬人。曹操之眾,遠來疲弊,聞追豫州,輕騎一日一夜行三百餘里,此所謂『彊弩之末,勢不能穿魯縞』者也。故兵法忌之,曰『必蹶上將軍』。且北方之人,不習水戰﹔又荊州之民附操者,逼兵勢耳,非心服也。今將軍誠能命猛將統兵數萬,與豫州協規同力,破操軍必矣。操軍破,必北還,如此則荊、吳之勢彊,鼎足之形成矣。成敗之機,在於今日。」權大悅,即遣周瑜、程普、魯肅等水軍三萬,隨亮詣先主,并力拒曹公。曹公敗於赤壁,引軍歸鄴。先主遂收江南,以亮為軍師中郎將,使督零陵、桂陽、長沙三郡,調其賦稅,以充軍實。
When Liu Bei arrived at Xiakou, Zhuge Liang said to him, "The situation is serious. Please grant me your authority to ask for aid from General Sun Quan."
At that time, Sun Quan was keeping his army held back at Chaisang, watching and waiting to see who was going to triumph. Zhuge Liang advised him, "General, you see for yourself how all the land within the seas is in great turmoil. You have risen up with troops and occupied the Southland as your own, while the Inspector of Yuzhou (Liu Bei) has gathered an army from those people living south of the Han River. Currently, both of you are contending with Cao Cao for control of the realm. However, Cao Cao has nearly already rooted out and vanquished the major internal threats to his rule, and now that he has routed General Liu, his authority shakes the Four Seas. Even heroes have not been able to stand against him, and thus General Liu has been compelled to flee here.
“As for you, General, you have considerable strength of your own at your command. Yet you remain waiting here. If you truly believe that the armies of the Wu and Yue regions are strong enough to oppose those of the Middle Kingdom, then you ought to break off relations with Cao Cao at once. And if you do not believe that you are a match for Cao Cao, then why haven't you disbanded your army, laid aside your armor, and faced north in submission to him? General, you give off an appearance of one who is about to submit, yet you continue to harbor uncertain plans as well. The situation is critical, yet you have made no decision. Disaster is at hand!"
Sun Quan said, "Sir, if my own situation is as serious as you say, then why hasn't General Liu submitted already?"
Zhuge Liang replied, "In ancient times, when the state of Qi was nearly conquered, Tian Heng still held fast to righteousness and refused to disgrace himself by surrendering to the enemy, and in the end he was able to restore Qi to its former glory. Now Tian Heng had no more personal attachment to Qi than that he was one of its generals. Could General Liu, who is a descendant of the royal family of the Han dynasty, fail to match Tian Heng's example and serve the dynasty to the end? He is a hero whose talents surpass the age, and both the great men and the people bow to and respect him like various rivers all flowing into the great sea. If he is defeated in the end, that will be one thing; it would have been the will of Heaven. But how could he possibly submit to another?"
Sun Quan then became agitated and declared, "I shall not give up my full possession of the Wu region or my army of a hundred thousand and submit to someone else. My plan is decided! None but General Liu can oppose Cao Cao. However, wasn't General Liu recently defeated? How then can he face such a threat?"
Zhuge Liang replied, "It's true that General Liu's army was defeated at Chang Slope. However, he still has personal command of an army of ten thousand elite soldiers counting those warriors who have returned to him and the reinforcements from Guan Yu's naval forces. And Liu Qi at Jiangxia also commands no less than another ten thousand warriors.
“As for Cao Cao, his army is far from home and suffering from exhaustion and illness. I heard that when he was pursuing General Liu, he made his light cavalry ride more than three hundred li in a single day and night. As the saying goes, 'when it's at the end of its flight, even a crossbow bolt cannot pierce the silk of Lu'. Even the Art of War argues against such a headlong march, warning that the army that does so 'will surely lose its vanguard commanders'. You should also consider that of the soldiers of Cao Cao's army, the northerners are unfamiliar with naval warfare, while the people of Jingzhou who are now serving Cao Cao have only been compelled by force to do so, and their hearts have not truly submitted to him.
“General, if you will only give the command for your fierce generals to lead a few tens of thousands of your soldiers to join forces with General Liu, you will surely rout Cao Cao's army. Having been defeated, Cao Cao will then return north. Power will split between the regions of Wu and Jing, and the realm will thus settle into a tripartite division. This is the very moment which will determine your triumph or your doom."
Sun Quan was greatly pleased with this advice. He thus sent Zhou Yu, Cheng Pu, Lu Su, and others with a naval force of thirty thousand to go with Zhuge Liang and join Liu Bei, so that with their combined strength they could oppose Cao Cao. Cao Cao was then defeated at Chibi, and he led his army back to Ye.
Liu Bei then occupied the region south of the Yangzi. He appointed Zhuge Liang as his Directing Instructor and General of the Household Gentlemen and had him administer the commandaries of Lingling, Guiyang, and Changsha, where Zhuge Liang collected taxes and rent in order to supply the army.
〈袁子曰:張子布薦亮於孫權,亮不肯留。人問其故,曰:「孫將軍可謂人主,然觀其度,能賢亮而不能盡亮,吾是以不留。」臣松之以為袁孝尼著文立論,甚重諸葛之為人,至如此言則失之殊遠。觀亮君臣相遇,可謂希世一時,終始以分,誰能間之?寧有中違斷金,甫懷擇主,設使權盡其量,便當翻然去就乎?葛生行己,豈其然哉!關羽為曹公所獲,遇之甚厚,可謂能盡其用矣,猶義不背本,曾謂孔明之不若雲長乎!〉〈《零陵先賢傳》云:亮時住臨烝。〉
(Yuan Zhun's Yuanzi states, "Zhang Zibu (Zhang Zhao) recommended to Sun Quan that he should employ Zhuge Liang as one of his own officers. However, Zhuge Liang declined to remain in his service. When people asked him why he left, Zhuge Liang told them, 'One could indeed call General Sun a leader of men. But when I judge his character, I recognize that although he would respect me, he would not make full use of me. That is why I could not stay with him.'"
Your servant Pei Songzhi notes that Yuan Xiaoni (Yuan Zhun) was very fond of Zhuge Liang as a person in all his collections of writings and recordings of discussions. But in this account he really goes too far. We have already seen that following their meeting with one another, Zhuge Liang and Liu Bei developed such a rare relationship. Who could have possibly come between them? In what situation would Zhuge Liang have gone so far as break off his relationship with Liu Bei to serve Sun Quan? And would it have made a difference whether Sun Quan really would have used Zhuge Liang to his full potential? Could Zhuge Liang possibly have been that kind of person, to then abandon his lord? Remember that when Guan Yu was captured by Cao Cao, Cao Cao treated him with great favor, and surely it could be said that he made full use of Guan Yu. Yet Guan Yu still remained righteous and would not abandon his former lord. How then could one claim that Kongming would have proved himself inferior to Yunchang?
The Records of the Past Worthies of Lingling states, "During the time of this appointment, Zhuge Liang had his base at Linzheng county (probably in Changsha commandary).")
建安十六年,益州牧劉璋遣法正迎先主,使擊張魯。亮與關羽鎮荊州。先主自葭萌還攻璋,亮與張飛、趙雲等率眾泝江,分定郡縣,與先主共圍成都。成都平,以亮為軍師將軍,署左將軍府事。先主外出,亮常鎮守成都,足食足兵。二十六年,群下勸先主稱尊號,先主未許,亮說曰:「昔吳漢、耿弇等初勸世祖即帝位,世祖辭讓,前後數四,耿純進言曰:『天下英雄喁喁,冀有所望。如不從議者,士大夫各歸求主,無為從公也。』世祖感純言深至,遂然諾之。今曹氏篡漢,天下無主,大王劉氏苗族,紹世而起,今即帝位,乃其宜也。士大夫隨大王久勤苦者,亦欲望尺寸之功如純言耳。」先主於是即帝位,策亮為丞相曰:「朕遭家不造,奉承大統,兢兢業業,不敢康寧,思靖百姓,懼未能綏。於戲!丞相亮其悉朕意,無怠輔朕之闕,助宣重光,以照明天下,君其勖哉!」亮以丞相錄尚書事,假節。張飛卒後,領司隸校尉。
In the sixteenth year of Jian'an (211), the Governor of Yizhou, Liu Zhang, sent Fa Zheng to bring Liu Bei to Yizhou and ordered him to attack Zhang Lu. Zhuge Liang and Guan Yu remained behind to defend Jingzhou. When Liu Bei marched back from Jiameng to attack Liu Zhang, Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei, Zhao Yun, and others led an army up the Yangzi to assist him. They split up to settle various commandaries and counties, then joined Liu Bei's army to besiege Chengdu together. After Chengdu was taken, Liu Bei appointed Zhuge Liang as Directing Instructor and Chief of Staff of the General of the Left (Liu Bei's title). Whenever Liu Bei went away on campaign, Zhuge Liang often remained behind to guard Chengdu and ensure a steady supply of troops and provisions.
In the twenty-sixth year of Jian'an (221), Liu Bei's subordinates urged him to declare himself Emperor, but Liu Bei would not agree to do so. Then Zhuge Liang advised him, "In former times, Wu Han, Geng Yan, and others urged Shizu (Emperor Guangwu of Han) to do the same as we now urge you to do. Shizu, too, tried to decline, four times in all. But then Geng Yan stepped forward and told him, 'The heroes of the realm are flailing, seeking someone they can place their hopes in. If you do not follow our counsel, then every man will turn towards his own master, and no one will follow you.' Shizu appreciated the truth of this advice, and he did as Geng Yan proposed. Now the Cao family has usurped the throne from the Han dynasty, and the realm is without a ruler. Great Prince, you are of the lineage of the Liu clan and you have risen to this height already, so you must follow Shizu's example and take up the title of Emperor. Those people who have followed you and worked hard on your behalf also wish to have a chance to gain merits for themselves, just as Geng Yan once said."
Liu Bei thus declared himself Emperor. He wrote an edict appointing Zhuge Liang as Prime Minister, stating, "Due to the tragedy that has befallen my family, I am compelled to inherit the grand role. 'I am full of terror and feel the peril', and I dare not be complacent; I ponder how to bring peace to the people, yet fear that I shall not be able to achieve tranquility. Alas! May Prime Minister Zhuge Liang realize my intentions, never fail to help make up for my shortcomings, help to expand and magnify my glory and make it bright and clear to all the realm. Sir, be thus encouraged!" Zhuge Liang was appointed as Prime Minister, Chief of Affairs of the Masters of Writing, and Credential Holder.
After Zhang Fei passed away, Zhuge Liang was appointed as acting Colonel-Director of Retainers.
〈《蜀記》曰:晉初扶風王駿鎮關中,司馬高平劉寶、長史滎陽桓隰諸官屬士大夫共論諸葛亮,于時譚者多譏亮託身非所,勞困蜀民,力小謀大,不能度德量力。金城郭沖以為亮權智英略,有踰管、晏,功業未濟,論者惑焉,條亮五事隱沒不聞於世者,寶等亦不能復難。扶風王慨然善沖之言。臣松之以為亮之異美,誠所願聞,然沖之所說,實皆可疑,謹隨事難之如左:其《一事》曰:亮刑法峻急,刻剝百姓,自君子小人咸懷怨歎,法正諫曰:「昔高祖入關,約法三章,秦民知德,今君假借威力,跨據一州,初有其國,未垂惠撫;且客主之義,宜相降下,願緩刑弛禁,以慰其望。」亮答曰;「君���其一,未知其二。秦以無道,政苛民怨,匹夫大呼,天下土崩,高祖因之,可以弘濟。劉璋暗弱,自焉已來有累世之恩,文法羈縻,互相承奉,德政不舉,威刑不肅。蜀土人士,專權自恣,君臣之道,漸以陵替;寵之以位,位極則賤,順之以恩,恩竭則慢。所以致弊,實由於此。吾今威之以法,法行則知恩,限之以爵,爵加則知榮;榮恩並濟,上下有節。為治之要,於斯而著。」◇難曰:案法正在劉主前死,今稱法正諫,則劉主在也。諸葛職為股肱,事歸元首,劉主之世,亮又未領益州,慶賞刑政,不出於己。尋沖所述亮答,專自有其能,有違人臣自處之宜。以亮謙順之體,殆必不然。又云亮刑法峻急,刻剝百姓,未聞善政以刻剝為稱。
(The Records of Shu states, "At the beginning of the Jin dynasty (~265), the Prince of Fufeng, Sima Jun, was stationed in Guanzhong. He was discussing the affairs of Zhuge Liang together with his Marshal, Liu Bao of Gaoping commandary, his Chief Clerk, Huan Xi of Xingyang commandary, and his other ministers and officials. During the discussion, most of the people present felt that Zhuge Liang had both pushed himself past his limit and exhausted the people of the Shu region. They felt that his meager power had been insufficient to carry out his grand plans, and that he had not taken proper measure either of his virtue or of his strength. But there was present a certain Guo Chong of Jincheng commandary, who put forth the view that Zhuge Liang had been a man of authority and intellect, heroic and cunning, and that he had surpassed even the ancient chancellors Guan Zhong and Yan Ying. It was only because he had been unsuccessful in the end that people did not properly appreciate him. Guo Chong then related five untold stories about Zhuge Liang, previously unknown. Having heard these stories, Liu Bao and the others could no longer offer any objections, and the Prince of Fufeng was deeply moved by Guo Chong's words."
Your servant Pei Songzhi interjects here to note that, naturally, I am most inclined to hear tales of Zhuge Liang's excellence. However, we have good reason to be suspicious of these five stories that Guo Chong reported. I will continue to relate his accounts one at a time, but with my own objections following each tale.
This was Guo Chong's first tale: "Zhuge Liang administered the laws and punishments severely, laying a heavy hand upon the people, such that everyone from gentlemen to commoners were moved to anger and indignation against him. Fa Zheng remonstrated with him, saying, 'In former times, when Gaozu (Liu Bang) occupied the Qin dynasty's stronghold at Guanzhong, he charged the people only to keep his Three Precepts. Even so, the people of Qin knew virtue. Now you, Sir, have been granted power and authority and you stand astride this province. Having just come into control of the state, you rather ought to show leniency and demonstrate kindness and comfort. Besides, by the principles of host and guests, both should demonstrate humility to one another. Therefore, I ask you to slacken your restrictions and loosen your regulations, in order to reassure the people.'
"Zhuge Liang replied, 'Sir, you understand part of the situation, but you do not grasp the whole. The Qin dynasty ruled without principle, and their oppression roused the anger of the people against them. At that time, all it took was the great shout of some mere common fellow (Chen Sheng), and the whole realm came crashing down. Those were the circumstances under which Gaozu found success by demonstrating magnanimity and mercy.
“‘But it has been different with our recent past. Liu Zhang was a blind and weak ruler, and the people of the Shu region had enjoyed generous treatment even since the time of his predecessors. The law codes were such that everyone did whatever they saw best; the virtues of the administration were not upheld, nor was the authority of its punishments respected. All the people of the Shu region, from the gentry down to the commoners, claimed power for themselves and became arrogant, and the proper relationship between sovereign and subjects slowly decayed. If they were favored with offices, they looked upon even the highest of offices as cheap; if they were shown grace, they were slow to be grateful for even the most bountiful mercies. It was for those reasons that Liu Zhang's domain came to ruin.
“‘That is why I now overawe these people through laws. When the laws can be carried out, that is when the people will appreciate grace. And for the same reason, I am stingy with granting offices. For when such is the case, then when people are promoted, they will understand the honor in it. Once grace and honor are properly understood, then everyone will uphold their duty. That is the reason I govern them so."
Objections: According to the Biography of Fa Zheng, Fa Zheng passed away before Liu Bei did. So since Fa Zheng appears in this story, Liu Bei must have still been alive at the time. Yet Zhuge Liang always acted like one of the limbs of the state, which is to say, he referred all such matters to the head, that being Liu Bei. Furthermore, Zhuge Liang was never directly in charge of Yizhou itself while Liu Bei was still alive, and he did not make decisions on such matters as honors, rewards, punishments, or administration. I also note that Guo Chong's main point in his account of Zhuge Liang's response was to play up his talents and abilities. But at the same time, such a response would have demonstrated a violation of a subject's proper place. And considering how modest and submissive Zhuge Liang was, it is almost impossible that he would have done such a thing. Lastly, the tale states that "Zhuge Liang administered the laws and punishments severely, laying a heavy hand upon the people". I have never heard of good government coming about as a result of oppression.
其《二事》曰:曹公遣刺客見劉備,方得交接,開論伐魏形勢,甚合備計。稍欲親近,刺者尚未得便會,既而亮入,魏客神色失措。亮因而察之,亦知非常人。須臾,客如廁,備謂亮曰;「向得奇士,足以助君補益。」亮問所在,備曰:「起者其人也。」亮徐歎曰:「觀客色動而神懼,視低而忤數,姦形外漏,邪心內藏,必曹氏刺客也。」追之,已越牆而走。◇難曰:凡為刺客,皆暴虎馮河,死而無悔者也。劉主有知人之鑒,而惑於此客,則此客必一時之奇士也。又語諸葛云「足以助君補益」,則亦諸葛之流亞也。凡如諸葛之儔,鮮有為人作刺客者矣,時主亦當惜其器用,必不投之死地也。且此人不死,要應顯達為魏,竟是誰乎?何其寂蔑而無聞!〉
The second tale: "Cao Cao sent an assassin to visit Liu Bei. Having met, the two of them began discussing strategies for how best to campaign against Wei, and the man's proposals neatly accorded with Liu Bei's own ideas. During this time, the assassin slowly moved closer, and was about to have an opportunity to carry out his mission. But just then, Zhuge Liang entered the room, causing the assassin to lose his previously calm composure. Zhuge Liang thus scrutinized him, and discerned that he was no ordinary man.
“A short time later, the man left to go to the lavatory. Liu Bei mentioned to Zhuge Liang, ‘I have just obtained an exceptional fellow. He'll be well-suited to assist you, Sir, and cover your weak points.' When Zhuge Liang asked to whom he was referring, Liu Bei replied, 'I mean that man who just got up.'
“Zhuge Liang slowly sighed and replied, 'Did you not witness his strange movements and fearful trembling, how he looked down and mumbled so? A perverse exterior hides a wicked heart within. He is surely some assassin sent by the Cao clan.'
“Liu Bei sent someone after the man, but he had already climbed over the wall and fled."
Objections: The kind of person who would be an assassin is someone who would cast themselves into the tiger's maw or fling themselves into the roaring river, and die without any regrets. And Liu Bei was the kind of man who could appreciate someone's character. Yet he was enticed by this guest? If that were the case, the man must have been an exceptional talent of that era. Especially considering that Liu Bei comments that he could "cover Zhuge Liang's weak points"; in that case, he would have been nearly on par with Zhuge Liang himself. Would someone who was a match for Zhuge Liang ever play the part of an assassin? And even if so, any ruler of that time would have greatly lamented the loss of such a man, obviously of great use and potential, and would never have sent him on a suicide mission. And if the man really did not die, then he must have gone on to have an illustrious career in Wei. But who, indeed, was he? How could he have ever remained obscure, a mere nobody?)
章武三年春,先主於永安病篤,召亮於成都,屬以後事,謂亮曰:「君才十倍曹丕,必能安國,終定大事。若嗣子可輔,輔之;如其不才,君可自取。」亮涕泣曰:「臣敢竭股肱之力,效忠貞之節,繼之以死!」先主又為詔敕後主曰:「汝與丞相從事,事之如父。」
In the third year of Zhangwu (223), Liu Bei was bedridden with illness at Yong'an. He summoned Zhuge Liang from Chengdu and instructed him on what to do after his death. He told Zhuge Liang, "Sir, your talents are ten times greater than those of Cao Pi, so you will surely be able to restore peace to the state and bring our grand endeavor to its conclusion. If my heir can be supported, then support him. But if he lacks talents, take his place for yourself."
Zhuge Liang wept as he replied, "I have always done my utmost to support you as one of your own limbs and fully uphold my loyalty and faithfulness to you, and I shall continue to do so until the death!"
Liu Bei also arranged an edict instructing Liu Shan, "You must follow the Prime Minister's commands, and treat him as a father."
〈孫盛曰:夫杖道扶義,體存信順,然後能匡主濟功,終定大���。語曰弈者舉釭不定猶不勝其偶,況量君之才否而二三其節,可以摧服強鄰囊括四海者乎?備之命亮,亂孰甚焉!世或有謂備欲以固委付之誠,且以一蜀人之志。君子曰,不然;苟所寄忠賢,則不須若斯之誨,如非其人,不宜啟篡逆之塗。是以古之顧命,必貽話言;詭偽之辭,非託孤之謂。幸值劉禪闇弱,無猜險之性,諸葛威略,足以檢衛異端,故使異同之心無由自起耳。不然,殆生疑隙不逞之釁。謂之為權,不亦惑哉!〉
(Sun Sheng remarked, "It is when one wields propriety and holds fast to righteousness, and in their own person encourage trust and submission, that they may indeed assist their ruler to achieve success and bring about the fulfillment of the grand design. Even a weiqi player cannot expect to overcome their opponent if their formation is unorganized. How much less can a ruler expect to compel the submission of powerful neighbors and embrace all the realm within the Four Seas by first attempting to split power into two or three camps? Liu Bei's instructions to Zhuge Liang posed the potential for immense instability!
“There are some who claim that Liu Bei's instructions on his deathbed were only a ploy to stiffen the loyalty of the one he intended to entrust his heir to and ensure that the wishes of the people of Shu were all of one accord. But the superior fellow can dismiss this idea. It is quite useless to instruct anyone in such a manner, for if the minister is loyal and worthy they will never heed it, while if they are not, it is only further indulging their traitorous desires. And ever since ancient times, it has been critical that a ruler speaks the truth when they are on their deathbed; when it is time to entrust one's heir to another, deceit and falsehood have no place.
“It was fortunate indeed that Liu Shan was so blind and unassuming that he had no paranoia or suspicion, while Zhuge Liang's power and authority were just sufficient to guard against the divergent plans of anyone else. It was merely for those reasons that no cause ever arose for divisions between them. If it had not been so, then surely suspicions and grudges between them would have given way to an open confrontation.
“Thus, to say that Liu Bei's instructions were to support Zhuge Liang's authority is nonsense!")
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