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naijastudio · 3 years

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Nigerian History's Top 20 Dethroned Traditional Rulers

Dethronement can occur for a variety of reasons, including disagreements with the powers that be, particularly the government, which typically leads to official pronouncements of dethronement, self-exile to prevent abduction or removal from the throne through court injunctions. Dethronement is often brought about by uprisings and revolts among subjects in response to dissatisfaction with reigns or claims of misbehavior and misconduct. So, which Nigerian Kings have been deposed against their will? As a result, I've gone to the trouble of compiling this list in order to highlight the fact that history has been repeating itself without our notice. The following is a list of the 20 Nigerian Kings who have been dethroned 1. Ooni of Ife – Ogboru Ogboru is a 19th-century Ooni of Ife who was dethroned by the Ife Palace Chiefs who were bored of his 70-year reign. He was tricked into leaving his place to go see something in the historic Ile-Ife town's Atiba square, and he wasn't allowed to return to the palace. He stormed off to another continent, where he created and settled a small village called Ife-Odan. Ife Chiefs had to seek for him at Ife Odan to get him to return, but he resisted and offered them his daughter Moropo to sacrifice at the palace, after which his son Giessi became the next Ooni after him. 2. Oba of Benin Ovoranwen Nogbaisi (1888 – 1897) In 1897, he was removed by the British government for monopolizing trade forms that the British government, led by Vice-Consul Phillips Roberts, found objectionable, and hence rooted for his removal. The Consult attempted to elude the Oba's palace but was ambushed and slain by royal emissaries. Benin City was demolished and the palace was badly looted as a result of a military action led by Harry Hawson. The Oba was supposed to be hanged, but he managed to flee when his dethronement was revealed and was exiled to Essien, a tiny village in Calabar, where he died in 1914. 3. Emir of Bauchi – Umar Mohammed On the 16th of February, 1902, Mohammed was overthrown by Lord Lugard's second-in-command, William Wallace, for alleged slave trading, insubordination against the British government, and misrule of his people. His son was sworn in as Emir for the first time. 4. Emir of Kano Aliyu Ibn Abdullahi Maje Karofi When the Sultan of Sokoto appointed another prince named Tukur as the new Emir of Kano in 1894, he became the Emir of Kano, and he and his elder brother, Yusuf, launched a “Bassa” resistance battle known as the 3rd Kano Civil War. Aliyu, known as the Sango of Zaki (the gun runner) or Ali Balads for his heavy use of explosives in most fights, seized Kano and became the Emir in 1894 after a year-long struggle. Following an homage visit to the Sultan at Sokoto, he was deposed in 1903 when British-French forces assaulted Kano, putting an end to his reign. He was initially deported to Yola and then to Lokoja, where he died in 1926 as the capital of the new Northern Nigerian administration. 5. Emir of Ningi – Dan Yaya Dan Yaya was overthrown by the British Temple just months after Umar Emir of Bauchi was exiled in July 1902 for oppressing his people, resulting in the murder of a mallam, and siding with Emir of Bauchi. A new Sarkin Ningi, Mammadu, was enthroned as the heir to the throne. Dan Yaya fled to Bura Town, where he was slain by the Bura people in 1905 for his continuing terrorizing deeds. 6. Olu of Warri – Erejuwa I Between 1951,1964, 1966 and1989, Erejuwa was the traditional ruler of Itsekiri. Before becoming king, he was a senior officer with UAC who was dismissed by the NCNC eastern party in 1964 because of his support for Awolowo's Action Group, which is the party of many prominent Itsekiris. As a result of the political struggle, the Midwestern States were formed. After being restored by a military administration led by David Ejoor in 1966, Erejuwa was exiled to the village of Ogbesse, where he governed until 1989. 7. Alaafin of Oyo – Oba Adediran Adeyemi II Oba Adediran Adeyemi II (father of the current Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi) was dethroned for political rivalry with the Western government of Nigeria led by Chief Awolowo when he gave his political will and support to an opposition party led by Chief Nnamdi Azikwe, which was exacerbated by disagreement and conflict with the then Awolowo Action group leader, Bode Thomas. In July 1955, Oba Adediran was exiled from Oyo town and housed in Lagos by Alhaji N.B Soule, a wealthy NCNC member, following which Gbadegesin Ladigbolu was enthroned as the new Alaafin of Oyo until 1970. 8. Alaafin Adediran Adeyemi Timi of Ede – Abibu Lagunju Timi Abibu Languju, the first Muslim Yoruba king in history, reigned from 1855 to 1892 until being ousted and deported by the British to Ibadan, where he lived with Sunmonu Apampa, the Asipa of Ibadan at the time, until his death in 1900. One of his offspring, Raji Lagunju, was born to an Ile-Ife bride and raised to become the second Chief Imam of Ile-Ife. 9. Oba Adenuga, Awujale of Ijebu-Ode, 1892-1925 Awujale Adenuga In November 1925, Folagbade was named an Awujale of Ijebu Ode. He was 33 years old and lived in Igbeba, a small village near Ijebu Ode, with his mother. He was the “Odi” (Ijebu kingmakers) choice for the Tunwase ruling house, but other local chiefs objected to his appointment, believing he was too young and premature for the throne. In 1929, he was ousted and deported to Ilorin for corruption involving forestry fees and influencing the appointment of Oba Onipe of the IBU. He was succeeded by Oba Ogunnaike, who died in 1933. 10. Akarigbo of Remo – Oyebajo Oba Oyebajo was the traditional ruler of Ijebu Remo from 1811 until 1915 when he was in his mid-twenties. The British removed him as a de-facto ruler who refused to respect his senior chiefs (Bademowo – The Lisa of Remo & Awofala, the Losi of) and denied them their due portion of the constitutionally entitled stipends, as part of the 1914 amalgamation regulation that local rulers should be part of native courts. The British Officer in Charge of the Administrative District, H.F Ducoumbe, not only deposed him but also sentenced him and two others to hard labor in prison at Ijebu Ode. He was liberated 6 months later and later resided in Sagamu. 11. Alase of Remo, High Chief Awolesi In a grandiose coronation ceremony attended by British Officer Ducoumbe, Awolesi was crowned the new Akarigbo. On the 25th of February 1916, Awolesi died suddenly, and the British appointed Oba Oyebayo's clerk, an educated public writer, as the new Akarigbo of Remo. With rising Oyebajo groups calling for his reinstatement, he was imprisoned along with another follower named Ali and sent to Calabar in 1918, where he barely lived for 3 months. Ali died in 1922 after the Governor denied his clemency request. 12. Osemawe of Ondo – Oba Adekolurejo Jimosun II (Otutubiosun) In 1925, the Oba, who ruled from 1918 to 1925, was deposed and exiled to Ile-Ife, where he lived and died. Ondo town had its first secondary school, called Ondo boys high school, under the reign of Oba Jimosun. 13. Oba Adenuga Fidipote II, Osemawe of Ondo Oba Adenuga was said to be a wealthy ruler of Ondo town, and he is credited with constructing the town's first modern palace. He ruled for seven years before being overthrown and forced out of town to Ibadan in 1942. Here's where you may learn more about Ondo Obas. 14. Oba of Lagos – Ibikunle Akintoye & Kosoko Akintoye was Oba of Lagos twice, the first time from 1841 until 1845 when he was ousted and sent to Badagry for advocating against the slave trade. Oba Kosoko was overthrown for having a rift with the British government after he refused to hand over the Lagos colony to the British and ordered the British administration to meet with the Oba of Benin. In 1851, the British administration returned Ibikunle Akintoye, who had been exiled as Egba and Badagry, in revenge for his gut. He reigned for a second time until September 1853, when he died and was succeeded by Oba Dosumu. The deposed was afterward summoned to Lagos and promoted to high chief Oloja of Eleko, a salaried position in Oshodi tapa Epetedo. In 1872, he resided and died in this town. 15. Emir of Gwandu – Mustapha Jokolo Following various claims leveled against him by his chiefs, the Ex-Emir was deposed by the Kebbi State administration in 2005 and banished to Kaduna. By June 2005, he had been succeeded by Muhammadu Illyasu Bashar, a retired major who had previously served as the military governor of the old Gongola State between 1976 and 1978. Jokolo, who has been deposed for 15 years, is still fighting his dethronement in court. 16. Emir of Kano – SIR Mohammodu Sanusi I Sanusi I was the Emir of Kano between 1954 to April 1963, when he was overthrown by Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, a distant cousin, following an allegation of financial corruption in the emirate. In 1964, he was overthrown by Azare and died in Wudil a few years later. Sanusi I is the grandfather of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the recently deposed Emir of Kano who, like his grandpa, governed from 2014 to 2020. 17. Olofa of Offa – Oba Wuraola Isioye Oba Isioye was enthroned on January 5, 1957, and reigned as Offa District Chief for two years until being deposed by the Northern Regional Government after a successful move to recognize Offa Local Court and abolish the long-used Ilorin Alkali Court. This prompted the late Saurduna to oust him and banish him to the Ogbomoso-Kogi Area, where he remained until his return in 1964. Even though his district title was not recovered, he was reinstated as Olofa till his death in 1969. 18. Sultan of Sokoto – Ibrahim Dasuki The dethronement of Late Sultan Dasuki by the military administration of Abacha in 1996 is perhaps the most extensively documented case of a king being deposed in Nigeria, as practically everyone in Nigeria in their late twenties is aware of the event. There were also songs recorded by musicians to that effect on the continuing alteration of traditions, such as Yoruba Fuji Singer Abbass Obesere's waxing of "T'oba kan o Ku, Oba kan o Je," which states that a new king cannot be crowned while another is living. Ibrahim Dasuki's departure was said to be linked to a feud between him and Abacha over the late Abacha's relative's property. It was also speculated that it was because of rumors of his modernist style of government and that many people favored Sultan Maccido, who would follow him. 19. Olowo of Owo – Oba Olateru Olagbegi II Oba Olateru, the richest and most powerful Olowo of Owo town in Ondo state, was elected Olowo in 1941 and reigned until 1966 when he joined forces with Chief S.L Akintola against Chief Awolowo, his ally. In fact, the Awolowo Action Group party was created inside Olowo palace, and Owo has been involved in political and kingship battles for years, culminating in 1966 with a cold-blooded coup that resulted in the loss of many possessions and lives. The people of Owo rose against their King and exiled him for another 27 years, after which Oba Ogunoye ascended to the throne. Olateru was reappointed as the new Olowo of Owo in 1993 after the death of Ogunoye, and he reigned for another 5 years until his death in 1998. In 1999, his eldest son succeeded him and reigned for the next 20 years. 20. Deji of Akure – Oba Oluwadamilare Adesina Osupa III The ignominious exit of Oba Oluwadamilare as Akure's paramount king is just another reminder of the importance of royal carriage and behavior, as they are considered leaders and role models. The monarch was deposed on June 10, 2010, after his estranged wife was beaten at her house in Akure, in what the Ondo state government described as "dishonorable, condemnable, and disgusting conduct unworthy of a king," invoking a clause of the state chieftaincy legislation of 1984 as amended. On the 13th of August 2010, a new Deji of Akure Adebiyi Adeshida Afunbiowo II was declared with quick action. Other Kings who have been dethroned include: Oba Awujale Sikiru Adetona Adetona was ousted in 1981 after being suspended by a commission of inquiry set up by Olabisi Onabanjo, the then-Governor of Ogun State, and was found guilty of the accusation. Following a military takeover, he was luckily reinstated by Col. Diya. Onojie of Uromi Kingdom – Anslem Aidenojie Former Governor Adams Oshiomole suspended Aidenojie and deposed him in 2016 for abusing a woman and showing blatant disrespect for constituted authority by failing to apologize within the two-week period he was given. In 2018, Gov. Obaseki, on the other hand, reinstalled the former king. Olupoti of Ipoti Ekiti – Oba Oladele Ayeni After 25 years in power, Oba Isiah Oladele, who was accused of being unjustly chosen in 1987, was deposed in 2012. Eleruwa of Eruwa, Oba Samuel Adebayo Adegbola After 21 years in power, he was deposed by the Supreme Court in November 2019. He was dethroned for the first time in 2011, and after filing an appeal, he lost the reign eight years later. Read the full article

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adeyinka-grandson · 3 years

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𝘿𝙖𝙮 2: 𝘼𝙡𝙡 𝙋𝙤𝙬𝙚𝙧 𝙩𝙤 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙀𝙣𝙜𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙝 𝘾𝙤𝙡𝙤𝙣𝙞𝙖𝙡 𝙏𝙝𝙪𝙜𝙨:

𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟑 𝙀𝙡𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣: 𝙏𝙞𝙣𝙪𝙗𝙪 𝙤𝙧 𝙔𝙤𝙧𝙪𝙗𝙖 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣.

The Nigerian Constitution is the supreme law in the country. There have been ten constitutions in Nigeria made between 1914 and 1999. The first FIVE constitutions were promulgated by the English Colonial Government. These are:

Lugards Constitution of 1914. Cliffords Constitution of 1922. Richard Constitution of 1946. MacPherson Constitution of 1951. Lyttleton Constitution of 1954.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙇𝙪𝙜𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙨 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 1914: This was promulgated by the English Colonial Government to merge 15 nations to form Nigeria, a country of many nations. The 15 nations amalgamated to form Nigeria are:

1. Yoruba Nation has 60 million inhabitants. 2. Hausa/Fulani Nation has a population of 49.4 million. 3. Ibo Nation has 40 million inhabitants. 4. Ijaw Nation with 14 millions inhabitants. 5. Efik/Ibibio Nation has a population of 14.1 million. 6. Gbagyi Nation with 8 million people. 7. Kanuri Nation has a population of 7.4 million. 8. Edo/Urhobo Nation with 7 million people. 9. Tiv Nation has a population of 5.6 million. 10. Nupe Nation has 4.5 million inhabitants. 11. Idoma Nation with 4.2 million people. 12. Ebira/Igala Nation with 3.5 million people. 13. Bariba/Bussawa Nation with 3.4 million people. 14. Birom/Angas Nation has a population of 2.2 million. 15. Adamawa Nation has a population of 1.5 million.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙡𝙞𝙛𝙛𝙤𝙧𝙙𝙨 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 1922:: This was enacted into law to allow for the formation of political parties in Nigeria along the ethnic lines as well as allow indigenous people to participate in the governance of their respective regions. Northern Nigeria was excluded from Nigeria due to the demand of its leaders and inhabitants. It was governed by an indirect rule with no legislative authority.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙍𝙞𝙘𝙝𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙨 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 1946: The Constitution divided Nigeria into three regions and established the regional governments. The Constitution allowed for each regional constitution. Each region had its own legislative bodies -the regional houses of assembly managed by the indigenous people of the three regions to advise the English colonial government on how to run each region. The Constitution recognises regionalism as an alternative to political unification of the 1914 constitution.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙈𝙖𝙘𝙥𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙤𝙣 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 1951: This Constitution created Nigeria's Central Government. The central government was weak, comparable to the regional governments that exercised broad legislative powers, powers that the newly created central government could not overstep.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙇𝙮𝙩𝙩𝙡𝙚𝙩𝙤𝙣 𝘾𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙛 1954: This Constitution solidly established the parliamentary system of government with more autonomy of the regions and a weak central government. The Western and Northern regions had bicameral legislature because they had Kings as natural rulers while the Eastern region had unicameral legislature because they never had Kings as their natural rulers.

The Governor and the Premier took control of the regional authorities whilst the Governor General and the Prime Minister took over the central government.

This Constitution excised Victoria Island in Lagos from the Western Region to make it the Federal Capital of Nigeria. Victoria Island was only the Federal capital of Nigeria for 22 years between 1954 and 1976. Abuja has been Nigeria's Federal capital for 45 years from 1976 to today. Calabar was Nigeria's first federal capital, followed by Lokoja before Lagos and today Abuja.

The Yoruba leaders led by Awolowo asked that the capital of Nigeria be moved away from Lagos because the Ibo people attacked it during the war for being the capital of Nigeria and mass migrated to Lagos between 1960 and 1966 before the war when they formed a coalition government with the Fulani. And since they suspended the regional system of government, they have moved en masse into Yorubaland. We will stop them in every way necessary.

𝙇𝙚𝙩 𝙪𝙨 𝙣𝙤𝙬 𝙡𝙤𝙤𝙠 𝙖𝙩 𝙉𝙞𝙜𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙖'𝙨 𝙛𝙞𝙫𝙚 𝙘𝙤𝙣𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙩𝙪𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨 𝙥𝙧𝙤𝙢𝙪𝙡𝙜𝙖𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙗𝙮 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙉𝙞𝙜𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙨.

1960 Constitution. 1963 Constitution. 1979 Constitution. 1993 Constitution. 1999 Constitution.

𝟏𝟗𝟔𝟎 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧:: From 1957 until 1959, Yoruba people, represented by Awolowo; the Ißo, represented by Azikiwe; and the Hausa and Fulani, represented by Bello, all agreed with the British colonial government that Nigeria will be a country of numerous nations under the parliamentary system based on the regional system of government.

They further agreed that the official name of Nigeria would be: 'The Federation of Nigeria.’ Federation means a group of nations, meeting to form a country with a weak central government, but independence and strong regional governments. The 1960 Constitution made Nigeria a Federation of Regions based on the system of parliamentary governance.

𝟏𝟗𝟔𝟑 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧:: The Yoruba region alone has five elements of what it takes to be a rich nation. These are: homogeneity, population, coastline, human capital, and natural resources.

The Ißo did not like the fact that only the Yoruba area has crude oil and coastline, and they convinced the Fulani to stop Awolowo, the political leader of the Yoruba from interfering in their planned controlled of the Yoruba’s wealth and resources. So, in 1962, Awolowo was arrested for a false allegation that he planned a coup to remove the Ißo and Fulani from power. They put him in jail. The Ißo and the Fulani immediately started to consider changing Nigeria's official name.

They lied that their intent was to remove the Queen of England as Head of State of Nigeria. But their true intention was to make the central government stronger and more powerful than the regions so that only the Ibo and the Fulani could control the central government.

And in 1963, the Ißo and Fulani changed the formal name of Nigeria from the Federation of Nigeria to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Republic refers to a country the supreme power of which is exercised by an elected or appointed president with a powerful central government and weak regional governments.

The Ißo and the Fulani turned Nigeria from a Federation where the region was stronger and independence of the central government to a Republic where the central government is stronger and supreme with weak regional governments. They have done this to control the Yoruba's crude oil and coastline, so that the Ißo and the Fulani who have no crude oil and coastline are mainly employed in NNPC and the port authority, more than the Yoruba who are the real owner of these wealth and resources.

The 1963 Constitution is the product of the Ibo and Hausa/Fulani without any input from the Yoruba Nation. The Constitution continued until a military coup in 1966 overthrew Nigerian democratic institutions.

𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟗 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧:: It was promulgated by the Hausa/Fulani and the Ibo led by Obasanjo, a half-Ißo and half-Yoruba. The Constitution replaced the parliamentary system copied from the United Kingdom with the US presidential system.

UK is made up of indigenous people of the country, including the English, Scottish, Welsh and the Irish. These types of countries have a regional system of government. The United States consists of immigrants from Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Portugal, Italy and Spain. The presidential regime of government works for these kinds of countries. Nigeria is not like America, but more like the U.K., because the people of Nigeria are not immigrants but natives of the country. The presidential system cannot work for Nigeria.

Notwithstanding, the Fulani, and Ibo led by Obasanjo established a presidential system of government for Nigeria to make the central government extremely stronger with weaker regions/state governments for one purpose only - to control the Yoruba’s crude oil and coastline.

Unlike the Nigeria’s version of the presidential system, the immigrants in America who were originally from Europe left their respective homelands, moved to America, seized the land from their original owners through extermination and adopted the presidential system of government in which the states control the wealth and resources as well as the police and the military in their space. But the Fulani and the Ibo led by Obasanjo lied that Nigeria, a country of indigenous people, will practice the America’s presidential system, but the wealth and resources of the various nations within Nigeria were to be controlled by the central government as well as the police and the military. Nigeria should never have been ruled by a presidential system, for the Nigerian people are not immigrant people like the American people.

The Fulani people are the only immigrants in Nigeria and they have no legal right or moral right to force on the Yoruba nation, who are the economic backbone of Nigeria and the ethnic group with the majority population, a political system against our will. Nigeria ought to have been governed under the parliamentary system based on regional government as the case in the UK, because we are not immigrant people, but indigenous people of Nigeria.

As with the 1963 Constitution, the 1979 Constitution was the product of the Fulani people and the Ibo people. It was the first Constitution in the history of Nigeria that required political parties to be registered in at least two-thirds of the States of Nigeria in order to destroyed our natural identity for the fake One Nigeria the Ißo and the Fulani have always desired.

𝟏𝟗𝟗𝟑 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: This Constitution was enacted by the Hausa/Fulani under Babangida's leadership, but has never been fully implemented. The constitution created the two-party system in an attempt to kill regional political identity for the fake One Nigeria identity that the Ibo and Fulani had always wanted.

𝟏𝟗𝟗𝟗 𝐂��𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: This Constitution was promulgated into Law by the Hausa and Fulani people led by Abdulsalam Abubakar, a Hausa man, not Nupe as erroneously believed and the man who assassinated MKO Abiola. By virtue of this Constitution, no part of Nigeria has the power to form its own independent government or to separate from the country. The indivisibility clause was enshrined in the Constitution just to try to keep Nigeria together in the unitary system.

In article 2 of the Constitution, it states that Nigeria is an indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state to be known as the 'Federal Republic of Nigeria’. This means that the only way to peacefully and legally grant the dissolution of Nigeria is by amending Article 2 of the Constitution.

The 1999 Constitution of Nigeria deals only with two scenarios in which a referendum is recognised: the adjustment of state boundaries and the recall of a member of the National Assembly. It does not acknowledge the referendum on Nigeria's dissolution.

The section 162 (1) of the Constitution states that, “the Federation shall maintain a special account to be called ‘the Federation Account’ into which shall be paid all revenues collected by the Government of the Federation, except the proceeds from the personal income tax of the personnel of the armed forces of the Federation, the Nigeria Police Force, the Ministry or department of government charged with responsibility for Foreign Affairs and the residents of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.”

Section 162 (2) continues, “the President, upon the receipt of advice from the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission, shall table before the National Assembly proposals for revenue allocation from the Federation Account, and in determining the formula, the National Assembly shall take into account, the allocation principles, especially those of population, equality of States, internal revenue generation, land mass, terrain as well as population density”.

The above sections of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria promotes corruption. This is why the Fulani killed, destroyed and maimed others to make a member of their ethnic group the president of Nigeria. It is the reason why the Ibo people do not want to return to the regional government. It is likewise, the reason why there are unemployment and inequality in Yorubaland and mass migration of young Yoruba graduates abroad, unable to attain their full human potentials while those at home who are unable to escape abroad are poor and miserable. The constitution was written for the enslavement of the Yoruba nation.

From Nigeria's 10 constitutions from 1914 to 1999, the English enacted five into law including the Lugards Constitution of 1914; the Cliffords Constitution of 1922; the Richard Constitution of 1946; the Macpherson Constitution of 1951; and the Lyttleton constitution of 1954.

From Nigeria’s 10 constitutions from 1914 to 1999, the Hausa/Fulani enacted five of these into the law, including the 1960 Constitution; the 1963 Constitution; the 1979 Constitution; the 1993 Constitution; and the 1999 Constitution.

From Nigeria’s 10 constitutions from 1914 to 1999, the Ibo promulgated three into Law, including the 1960 Constitution; the 1963 Constitution; and the 1979 Constitution.

From Nigeria’s 10 constitutions from 1914 to 1999, the Yoruba enacted only one into law which was the 1960 Constitution. The Yoruba nation did not approve the 1963, 1979, 1993 and 1999 constitutions.

The Hausa/Fulani and the Ibo do not wish for a full blooded Yoruba citizen to be the President of Nigeria because they know that such an individual will ensure a new constitution for Nigeria that enshrined the right to self-determination on and up to the right to secede, presented to the people via a voting in a referendum.

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nasurumaikwano · 5 years

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IGBO POLITICAL LEADERS AND THEIR PAST MISADVENTURES RESULTING IN CURRENT NATIONAL POLITICAL PROBLEMS

Do you know that when Tafawa Balewa was Prime Minister of Nigeria;

Chief of Army Staff was from SE

Chief of Naval Staff was from SE

IG of Police was from SE

Chief of Defence Staff was from SE

Internal Affairs Minister SE

External Affairs Minister SE

Education Minister South SE

Many other key ministries to SE

Parliament President SE

Unilag VC from SE

The University of Ibadan VC from SE

North resisted same at ABU!

Still, there was dissatisfaction by SE, the officers from the region killed this same Balewa!!!!

Out of all the most senior officers in Nigeria, SE has 37, none was killed. 8 from the north, all of them were killed. 10 from the west, 2 were killed.

Then Ironsi imposed a unitary system of government on the country so that everything can belong to a region who snatched it!

We must know our history so that when we want to make corrections, we will not end up concealing the truth. This has nothing to do with tribalism but everything to do with the truth.....at times when lies litter the streets. There is a tendency to think those are truths and facts.

*"What follows are documented facts that can be cross-checked for authenticity!"*

Thou shall know the truth and the truth shall set you free.

*“Prof. Ben Nwabueze was the man who drafted the constitution that took away powers from regions and handed it to the central govt because his brother Aguiyi Ironsi was the head of state then. Today, he is shouting restructuring that he helped to destroy. We won’t forget.”*.

[21/10 8:45 pm] Anascopeterson: WHAT BIAFRANS WILL NEVER TELL YOU ABOUT THE REAL CAUSE OF THEIR WOES IN NIGERIA TODAY:

The Igbo man is known to enjoy blaming the Hausafulanis, Yorubas and indeed every other Nigerian tribe and Lord Luggard/Britain for their seeming claim of being in third class citizen status in Nigeria. In their perpetual attempts to a play the victim card, they recount the political events of Nigeria from 1914 to the present in a half-baked and highly selective manner which cleverly avoids the mention of the roles played by their elite who by all natural laws of judgement were actually responsible for the woes that befell not only the Igbo race but the entire Nigeria nation.

The story told in the post above is one of such selective and distorted accounts of history which the average Igbo man is fond of narrating.

However, the national archives have the complete and unedited history of Nigeria regarding the political events beginning way back from even before 1914. I will therefore proceed to furnish my readers with the complete story for all to read and be endowed with enough facts so as to judge and act from an informed position.

Shortly after the 1914 Amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates, it started getting clear that the country was bound to fail as the amalgamation in question was done with colonial fiat without the consent and consensus of the different tribes which were over 300. This prompted the political leaders to start asking for de-amalgamation so as to forestall the future danger which the forced amalgamation portended.

To that end, Ahmadu Bello, speaking on behalf of the Northern protectorate in 1944 described the amalgamation as "The mistake of 1914 which if allowed to remain will ultimately lead to unstoppable bloodshed and a failed country".

Awolowo, speaking on behalf of the Yorubas and Western minorities, described Nigeria as a mere geographical expression not qualified to be called a country let alone a nation. Awolowo added that if the amalgamation could not be reversed, then Nigeria should be structured as a strictly federal state so as to enable each tribe enjoy autonomy this freedom from being dominated by any one single tribe.

But Nnamdi Azikiwe, speaking for the Igbos, denounced Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello, terming them ethnic champions. He accused them of nursing a sectional agenda against the unity of Nigeria, and he declared further that the Unity of Nigeria was non-negotiable.

After moving the motion for independece in 1953, Anthony Enahoro proposed that a secession clause should be incorporated into the future constitution of Nigeria so as to give legal backing for any tribe to peacefully exit the forced union if it feels marginalized in future. According to Enahoro, such provision in our constitution would instill in all Nigeria's future leaders the fear of the consequences of misgovernance. But Azikiwe, speaking on behalf of Igbos, rose against him in the parliament and labelled him an agent of disunity, and enemy of Nigeria. At a later date, Awolowo too made a case for secession clause, but Azikiwe again resisted him and instigated the colonial authorities to threaten him and Enahoro with charges of treasonable felony if they didn't stop proposing secession clause for the future constitution. While Azikiwe did all these, Igbos cheered and urged him on because they felt the future Nigeria was theirs to dominate and lord it over every other tribe

Before independece, Tafawa Balewa too had in a public speech described Nigeria as a British experiment and Nigeria's unity as a British intention which Nigerians themselves don't believe in. But Azikiwe kicked and demonized him too. Had Azikiwe co-operated with Enahoro, Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello and Tafawa Balewa about the secession clause, Nigeria perhaps would not have been this misgoverned.

For those in doubt, here is a link of one of the numerous instances in which Nnamdi Azikiwe fought against the secession clause proposal for the future Nigeria constitution.

https://www.thenewsnigeria.com.ng/…/my-opposition-to-seces…/

It should be noted that there were many Igbo members of the parliament in which Azikiwe fought against Awolowo's secession clause proposal in the link above, but not a single one of them rose against Azikiwe or condemned him.

Igbos initially never wanted to hear anything like secession in Nigeria because they so much believed, though falsely, that they were the most educated tribe. (The first Nigerian tribe to produce a university graduate is the Binis).

As an evidence of Igbo domination agenda hence their initial resistance to the idea of secession; here are some quotes:

"From all indications, the god of us Igbos have destined us to rule the whole of Africa"..... Nnamdi Azikiwe (1945).

"It is getting clearer each day that Igbo domination of Nigeria is just a question of time"... Oscar Onyeamma. (1949)

[21/10 8:46 pm] Anascopeterson: As at 1900, the whole of the present Benue State, Kogi East Senatorial District and some southern parts of Taraba State called Munchi District back then; were all in the Southern Protectorate. Whoever doubts this should consult MacMillan Atlas for secondary schools in Nigeria.

With that situation the South had a higher population than the North hence always had an upper hand in any democratic bargain.

But as at the early fifties when the regions were being created, common sense dictated clearly that these areas should fall in the future Eastern Region. But against common sense, the colonial masters decided to gerrymander them into the Northern Region. While they did that, Azikiwe who was supposed to be in Enugu fighting against it as the leader of the East, was far away in Ibadan struggling with Awolowo to rule the Western Region and also playing the spoiler role against Awolowo's attempts to have Kwara and present Kogi Yorubas carved into the Western Region from the North which was already too large by landmass.

[21/10 8:48 pm] Anascopeterson: While he abandoned his burning house and was far away in Ibadan struggling against Awolowo for his own (Awolowo's) region, Igbos saw absolutely nothing wrong with that. Rather they applauded him as a nationalist. A nationalist whose house was burning yet busy chasing rats in a far away land.

[21/10 9:02 pm] Anascopeterson: When opinions became unanimous that Lord Luggard and his government must be forced out of Nigeria and indeed the whole of Africa, it was still the Igbos that frustrated the attempts. Here is how:

In 1948, Anthony Enahoro organized an anti-colonization symposium in Lagos for which Azikiwe and some other Igbos had agreed to deliver the keynote address.

But when the D-day came, Azikiwe was nowhere to be found as he deliberately disappeared into thin air for fear of being arrested and dealt with by Lord Luggard.

Anthony Enahoro then quickly replaced Azikiwe with another person who did the job improptu but perfectly well as he lambasted and lampooned Lord Luggard and the British Government. However, the British soldiers invaded the symposium venue, arrested the speaker and Enahoro and jailed them for treasonable felony.

Ironically, the next day Azikiwe came out of hiding and granted a radio interview in which he accused Enahoro and the other organizers of suffering from youthful exhuberance.

On regaining his freedom few weeks later and being told of Azikiwe's radio interview, Enahoro resigned from his post as Editor of Azikiwe's newspaper - The West African Pilot.

Then he wrote a book titled "Nnamdi Azikiwe: Sinner of Saint".

After launching the book, Enahoro left Azikiwe's party - the NCNC, and moved over to Awolowo's Action Group.

[22/10 6:22 am] Anascopeterson: The first military coup in Nigeria was carried out by majority of Igbo army officers. That was the coup that truncated democracy just six years post Independence and led to a succession of coups which put the country on the reverse gear for 33 years.

Through that first coup, those Igbo army officers who accused the politicians and government of the day of monumental corruption, killed the political leaders of the Northern, Western and Midwestern Regions but allowed all Igbo political figures to escape by tipping them off prior to the D-Day. In addition to the killing of political figures, they also killed a total of 27 innocent high ranking military officers from every region except their Eastern Region.

In the end an Igbo man called Aguiyi Ironsi, who was supposed to have been killed alongside other military officers, ended up becoming the new military ruler of Nigeria. Rather than immediately arrest and punish the coup plotters, he kept them in detention where they were treated as heros. This was actually what sowed the seed for the eventual Biafra War. On the 23rd of February 1966 (i.e. a month and 8 days after the first coup porpularly but wrongly known as Nzeogwu coup, an Ijaw born Army officer called Isaac Adaka Boro who hailed from Kaima town of present Bayelsa State, declared the secession of the Niger Delta Republic in an attempt to free his Ijaw people from the monumental marginalization they had been suffering under Igbos in the old Eastern Region.

But Aguiyi Ironsi immediately ordered Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu to arrest him and hand him over to the military high command under him in Lagos. Ojukwu went all out against Isaac Adaka Boro with federal military might and within 12 fighting days killed 150 Isaac Boro's soldiers, arrested him, stripped him naked, and had him driven to Lagos and handed to Ironsi who immediately charged him to court and within two months secured against him a conviction of treasonable felony for which he was sentenced to death by hanging fixed for December that year by the Supreme Court. His 'crime' was that he declared secession of The Niger Delta Republic from Nigeria. Meanwhile the Igbo coupists who shed innocent blood of other tribes and even sprayed bullets into the bellies of the pregnant wives of Ahmadu Bello and Brigadier Shodeinde were not charged to court or arraigned before any military tribunal.

Isaac Adaka Boro was in detention waiting for December to come for him to join his ancestors. But God so kind, a revenge coup happened on July 29 by Northern soldiers and Ironsi was overthrown and killed. Gowon took over and released Isaac Adaka Boro unconditionally, reinstated him into the Army with his previous rank.

Then on May 30, 1967, Ojukwu too declared secession of Biafra Republic from Nigeria and without consulting or apologising to Isaac Boro, drew a Biafra map which included the very areas that made up Isaac Adaka Boro's earlier declared Niger Delta Republic for which he fought against him and killed his soldiers.

Seeing such level of arrogance in Ojukwu, Isaac Boro asked Gowon to provide arms for him to crush Biafra by fighting on the Nigerian side in vengeance for Ojukwu's frustration of his own secession declaration 15 months earlier.

Isaac Boro, as an Ijaw man conversant with the waterways, led the Nigeria Army through the coastal areas into Igboland to finish off thousands of Ojukwu's soldiers thus leading to the crushing defeat of Biafra.

But today, Igbos accuse Ijaws of betraying them in the war. But from the facts as above, who really betrayed the other in all honesty? Be the judge.

Why Gowon fought against Ojukwu's declaration of Biafra was as follows:

After Ironsi and Ojukwu successfully crushed Isaac Boro's Niger Delta Republic declaration, Ironsi immediately proceeded to promulgate the Anti-secession Decree which made the mere mention of secession from Nigeria punishable with death by hanging. Ojukwu openly supported and endorsed the decree despite disapproval of it by the general public. So when Ojukwu later declared Biafra secession, he was reminded of the Anti-secession Decree made by him and his brother Ironsi.

[21/10 11:23 pm] Deadly Truth: Igbos frequently reference Aburi Accord to create the impression that the rest Nigerian tribes don't honour agreements. This is a very dishonest narrative from Igbos.

First and foremost Aburi Accord was organized by soldiers and unelected civil servants who should not participate in political exercises like making laws due to the civil service anonymity principle. Secondly, those civil servants and military men in attendance were not elected by their federal constituencies to the Aburi summit. In the philosophy of democracy the only universally acceptable way of making laws is through duly elected representatives of the people. But in going to Aburi the peoples' representatives duly elected in the 1965 elections were all sidelined for soldiers to hijack the process. Where on earth do soldiers make laws for the people? Rather, the civilian populace makes laws that guide the military. Aburi Accord therefore had no seal of the people's sovereignty hence it was an illegality which shouldn't have been allowed to stand.

Thirdly, in 1957, Nigerians from all federal constituencies democratically elected representatives whom they sponsored to London, paid their flight tickets and hotel accommodation for the Independence constitutional conference. Those representatives all resolved and agreed on federalism marked by regional autonomy and resource control in the Independence Constitution which they brought back home and everyone accepted it.

In that constitution, Nigerians all agreed that on no account shall the military take over power. It was also clearly stated in it that ammendments to it could be done by only democratically elected representatives.

That constitution was the first ever agreement between all Nigerians.

On the day of his inauguration as the Army GoC, Aguiyi Ironsi stood before the whole world and with his own mouth swore to protect and defend that sovereign Independence constitution regardless of the circumstances that may later arise. But just six years after he manufactured an excuse to clinch power against the clear provisions of that constitution we all agreed to, unilaterally began to amend its provisions with his very offensive Decrees, and ended up dismantling the federalism and resource control therein, and ultimately subverted that constitution we all painstakingly sacrificed to draft. That was the height of Irresponsibility and the dishonoring of sacred agreement. That was how Igbos breached the first agreement, all Nigerians, ever all mutually consented to, thus laying the foundation for violation of future agreements.

So Aburi Accord was only treated exactly the same way Igbos treated the Independence constitution agreement.

[22/10 6:26 am] Anascopeterson: Obasanjo removed history from the school curriculum hence the reason why many of what we know of the eventualities in Biafra war were altered to suite their narratives.

Let those who have ears hear.

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newsnigeria · 5 years

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Check out New Post published on Ọmọ Oòduà

New Post has been published on http://ooduarere.com/news-from-nigeria/breaking-news/alaafin-refutes-oonis-yoruba-ties-igbos/

Alaafin Sets The Record Straight, Refutes Ooni's Claim On Yoruba Ancestral Ties With Igbos

SCRIPT OF THE LETTER PUBLISHED IN THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE ON THURSDAY, 2 MAY, 2019 PAGE 9

In recent time, I have been inundated with calls and even visits to my Palace on a recent Video Tape showing His Imperial Majesty, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, the Ooni of Ife during the Aje Festival in Ile-Ife, Osun State. With all sense of modesty but candour, I cannot recall exactly the number of the video tapes that have been sent to me by well-meaning Yoruba elders and patriots.

(2) In the same vein, the traditional rulers have not been left out of this concern and legitimate worries. All across Yoruba speaking areas of Nigeria up to Kwara and Kogi states, the situation to say the least, has been breathless. Even the Yoruba in the Diaspora; Republics of Benin and Togo, Brazil, Cuba, Chile, Ecuador, United Kingdom, United States of America, Canada etc have also expressed indignation about the current issue.

(3) Initially, my reaction was to stand by my age long resolve, as the king and Head of Yorubaland, not to interfere in the running of the affairs of other Paramount rulers in Yorubaland of which the Ooni of Ife is one. But after listening thoroughly with meticulous assessment and analysis of the tape, I did not hesitate to come to the conclusion that the time for me to interfere was ripe and absolutely expedient less the cherished historical and cultural heritage of the Yoruba is wantonly dragged in the mud. My interference, therefore, is daintily anchored on the sanctity of Yoruba history, origin and custom which I am convinced the said video tape by Oba Enitan Ogunwusi did not observe.

(4) Yet, even in my response, one should be cautious enough against any inter ethnic hostility and malice within Nigerian context, especially between Yoruba and Igbo. But this should not be turned into historical fallacies. I doubt if any Igbo man familiar with the history of his origin will be happy with the fallacious claim that they originated from Obatala.

(5) Also I do not think the Igbo with a record of highly respected origin will feel comfortable after tracing their origin to ancient Israel with lineage to Eri, the fifth son of Gad who was the seventh son of Jacob, who was the youngest son of Isaac, son of Abraham. Eri, the son of Gad was said to have entered the present Egypt, journeying down Africa, crossing the Nile to Ethiopia (present day Sudan) and finally into the present day Enugwu Aguleri (for more details about this see: THE BOOK NIGERIA 2.O. CARAPACE PUBLISHERS NIGERIA LIMITED. Pg 46 ORIGIN OF THE IGBO: OBU GAD (HOUSE OF GAD) ANAMBRA STATE. Khartoum Street, Wuse, Zone 5, Abuja Federal Capital Territory, Nigeria or www.dayoadedayo.com). Certainly, the Igbo people who are proud of their origin will not feel comfortable with any pseudo history that will make them superior to Israel.

(6) I am not aware of any business relationship between the Yoruba and the Igbo until the 19th century, leading to the amalgamation of the Southern Protectorate and Northern Protectorate that resulted into Nigeria in 1914. In other words, we are related as fellows Nigerians who have been enjoying mutual relationship for each other. Culturally, linguistically, traditionally and historically, we are basically different. We have always striven to promote harmonious understanding in our diversities.

(7) AJE Coming back to the origin of Aje – Commerce, the cowry (Owoeyo) had been the Yoruba medium of exchange long before the Europeans came. Hence the decoration of Sekere drum with cowries in appreciation and honour of Aje deity it is to say the least, instructively abominable for anybody, no matter how highly placed to put any tribe above the Yoruba race as far as legitimate trading business is concerned. This is because Aje remains one of the early deities of the Yoruba whose imagery creation is the popular Sekere music played everywhere in Yorubaland.

(8) Alaafin Onisile 1738 – 1750: Alaafin Onisile was remarkable for his indomitable courage and lion-hearted spirit. He was moreover very artistic, and was said to have made seven silver doors to the entrances of his sleeping apartment. During his reign, the Sekere (Calabash) drum was ornamented, not only with cowries, but also with costly beads e.g. Iyun (Corals), Okun (Stone beads, Benin), Erinla (stripped yellow pipe beads) and Segi (blue pipe beads), strung with silk thread dyed red; all of native manufacture. He was a great warrior and for his exploits was nicknamed “Gbagida! Wowo I’ewon ab’esin fo odi (Gbagida, an expression of admiration), a man with clanging chains (for prisoners) whose horse can lead over a town wall). The History of the Yorubas. Pg.176 by Rev, Samuel Johnson.

(9) Besides, some families in Yorubaland are classified adherents of Aje deity. Some of these families named their children in honour of their chosen deity, i.e. Aje. Such names include: Ajebandele, Ajewumi, Ajifowobaje etc not to talk of those who dedicate time to worship the deity.

(10) It is also a truism that some cognomen, lineage panegyric, such cognomen include: Aje ti so eru d’omo. Yet another is special request and plea to Aje such as “Aje dakun ma na mi ni pasan re ko se nani” and many others like that.

(11) Coming back to modern trade, I make bold to say that it was the imitative of Alaafin who opened the Yoruba to Trans-Sahara trade with West African Countries as early as the fifteenth century. This was especially between the Yoruba and the Hausa-Fulani across West Africa. Trade routes led from Timbuktu in Mali, Goa, Tuareg and Tripoli. Still as far as (Oceanic) Coastal trade was concerned, the Alaafin used the Port of Allada in Wema to control European shippers. “By the middle of the 18th century, when Oyo had grown into an empire in the full bloom of life, Oyo was bounded to the north by the Niger, to the West by Modern Togoland, to the east by its sister Kingdom of Benin and to the South by the Gulf of Guinea, and Porto Novo and Badagry were its main coastal outlets. Dahomey, it may be recalled, became a tributary state of Oyo in 1730 see: Topics in West African History, pg. 90 Paragraph 22 by Adu Boahen, Ph.D. Associate Professor of History, University of Ghana. Published by Longman Group Limited, London 1966.

(12) One other imperative of Yoruba in the pursuit of commerce is that any such pursuit must be legitimate with norms of the society. It is on this note that Yoruba sweat and labour as necessary partners; Yoruba do not encourage cheating and unlaboured wealth. Yoruba work very hard to be wealthy.

“Ise ni Oogun ise Eni ti ise nse Ko ma bo orisa Oro kokan torisa Ibaa bo orisa Ibaa bo obatala O di ojo ti o ba sise ko to jeun”

“Work is the medicine for poverty Who ever is poor Let him not worship divinities Nothing concerns the divinities He may worship the divinities He may worship Obatala It is not until he does a profitable job that he would eat”

(13) The above quotations underscore the fact that the Yoruba are very industrious from the beginning with strong emphasis on legitimacy. We have such wealthy and successful businessmen in Lagos who invested heavily on the education of their children. Few examples would suffice. For instance, in 1884, Obadia Johnson, a Yoruba qualified as a Doctor of Medicine. John Randle, son of Thomas Randle an Oyo man who settled at Aroloya in Lagos qualified as a Doctor in 1888, followed by Orisadipo Obasa in 1891. Sapara Williams became the first Lawyer in Nigeria in 1888. In 1893, Herbert Macaulay, a Yoruba man, became an Engineer and A. Agbebi followed in 1911.

(14) Earlier on a Primary School had been established in 1842 in Lagos by the Missionaries. The CMS Grammar School was established in Lagos in 1859 by T.B Macaulay who is the father of Herbert Macaulay. The Methodist Boys’ High School followed in 1876 and in 1879 Methodist Girls’ High School, 1881 St Gregory’s College, Lagos and in 1885 the Baptist Academy (see J.F. Ade Ajayi “The Development of Secondary Grammar School Education in Nigeria, pg 523.

(15) It also on account of such entrepreneurship backup with distinguished scholarship that the Yoruba established the first Television Station in Black Africa, the first five-star Hotel – Premier Hotel, Ibadan, first Stadium, first dualised Road – Mokola – to State Secretariat, Agodi, Ibadan, first Food Canning Industry, first Skyscrapper – Cocoa House, Ibadan, first farm settlement, First Free Primary Education, free Medical services for school children; all in the former Western Region of Nigeria under the premiership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The first African Bishop was Bishop Ajayi Crowther, who spoke twelve languages: English, Yoruba, Ibo, Hausa, Fulfulde (Fulani) Nupe, Kanuri etc, Bishop Ajayi Crowther discovered the first ever Igbo Alphabet ‘ISIOMA’ just as the first Newspaper to be published in Nigeria. These are just a few of the “firsts”.

(16) In summary, let it be stated that Nigeria, despite the multiplicity of its ethnicity has been together in harmony in spite of their heterogeneity. All of us leaders should guide against any utterance that can create an atmosphere of suspicion and rancor among the various ethnic compositions.

IKU BABA YEYE

Oba (Dr.) Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, JP. CFR, LLD, SAP, D.LLTS, DPA The Alaafin of Oyo and Permanent Chairman Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs Chancellor, University of Maiduguri, Borno State Chancellor, Crescent University, Abeokuta, Ogun State Pro-Chancellor, Keisie International University South Korea Nigeria, Ghana and Sierra Leone.

#Alaafin of Oyo #Ooni of Ife

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southeastblog · 6 years

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Biafra: IPOB speaks on fighting another civil war, blasts Ohaneze

The Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, has told Ohaneze Ndigbo and other groups that they are not in anyway planning for another civil war.

The group sounded it clear that it is not calling for war, while recalling that in 1961, Nigeria conducted a referendum that favoured people of Southern Cameroon to join Cameroon without fighting.

In a statement signed and forwarded to DAILY POST by the Media and Publicity Secretary of the IPOB, Emma Powerful, the group vowed to return power to the long suffering Igbo nation.

The statement said, “For those that set out to mislead the populace by equating IPOB call for referendum as a call for war, in order to mask their betrayal of the people, will no doubt find another reason or excuse to object to this upcoming plebiscite.

“It is worth reminding Ohaneze Ndigbo and their likes that on the 11th February 1961, Nigeria conducted a referendum for the people of Southern Cameroon to determine whether they wish to be part of Nigeria or merge with the Francophone northern Cameroon.

“This referendum resulted in the peaceful secession of the then NCNC controlled Anglophone Cameroon from Nigeria. In other words, they voted to leave Nigeria for good. That was democracy in action not war.”

“No war was fought and no ethnic group was threatened with annihilation. If those parading themselves as leaders, with their much touted academic accomplishments, are not aware of this relatively modern history, then the pervading ignorance in Nigeria, occasioned by the spectacular collapse of the education system, is more generational than earlier thought. If those that claim to be the elite in the society cannot reference Southern Cameroons as a case where referendum resolved an intractable issue, then their supposed elitism is founded on pure fantasy.

“Again, on the 13th of July 1963, Nigeria conducted another referendum which led to the creation of the defunct Mid-west from the supposedly Yoruba dominated Western region. The old Mid-Western region comprised of parts of today’s Delta and Edo states. No war was fought, no ethnic group was threatened with extinction. Those that canvassed for a referendum then were not labeled war mongers. It speaks of the magnitude of prevailing ignorance in Nigeria that people are in this age unaware of the fact that referendum has been used in Nigeria before to resolve a seemingly intractable issue.

“The mission of IPOB is to restore Biafra sovereignty via a democratic process and through the instrumentality of a three stage referendum, the first of which will be held in the coming weeks.

“IPOB led Biafra agitation is a struggle for liberty, justice and equity firmly anchored on fiscal independence, local control of all resources and complete autonomy for all federating ethnic nationalities. This ancient arrangement that sustained our civilisation for over 5000 years without recourse to war or conquest of one another was the arrangement Mazi Mbonu Ojike advised Dr.

“Nnamdi Azikiwe to adopt during the Lancaster House pre-independent negotiations. This ancient system of loose confederation, that served our ancestors very well before the British destroyed it with their amalgamation, is where IPOB is taking Biafra back to. Every ethnic nationality within Biafra will be encouraged to be independent from day one.

“Our fight is against a deliberate government policy of mass poverty, irreconcilable and divergent value systems, marginalisation, deprivation, incessant state sponsored murder, terrorism and unimaginable Fulani nepotism. IPOB call for referendum has nothing to do with WAR!

“Those beating the drums of WAR are the agents of the status quo, the Efulefus (Igbo slaves) using the cover of Ohaneze Ndigbo and PANDEF to continue running errands for their Arewa masters to the detriment and well-being of the people of the East. They, along with their feudal northern masters are the beneficiaries of this lopsided fraudulent neo-colonial system we call Nigeria.

“These war mongers want to scare and frighten everyone into submission. They want IPOB to accept slavery as they and their predecessors in Ohaneze have done. They want to submit this blessed IPOB generation to eternal servitude out of fear of losing the paltry favours and privileges their Arewa masters periodically grants them. Their evil antics and psychological manipulation has failed woefully. Referendum is peace not war.”

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margheritabeit-blog · 7 years

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Re: Letter To My Nation At 57 >> Naija Breaking News > 30/01/2018

By Edmund E. E. Obikwere

Your "letter to my country" was a amazing article. Our history will show that the renowned Bishop Ajayi Crowther was 12 when he "was captured, with his mother, toddler brother and other family members, along with his complete village, by Fulani Muslim slave raiders in 1821." And this phenomenon still persists to date. Considering that the amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914, it is estimated that up to 30 million Igbo lives have been lost via religious riots, the 1967 pogrom in the North and the Nigeria/Biafra war of 1967-1970. Mainly because in January 1966, one particular Kaduna-born Important Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, along with other army officers, carried out a military coup that toppled the civilian government of Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the northern army officers, in a reprisal coup, killed majority of Igbo military officers, including the Head of State, Aguiyi Ironsi, along with hundreds of thousands of Igbo individuals in the North. The Igbo, as a individuals, were in no way privy to the actions of their officers in the Nigerian army just as they have not mandated the IPOB to seek for Biafra. To stave off additional massacre of the Igbo, the individuals advised Ojukwu to insist on the accord reached at Aburi, Ghana, that the regions stay apart for some time to enable tempers to cool. Realising that the Eastern Area was unarmed, the Federal Military government declared war on the individuals who had adopted the name Biafra to allow them seek international intervention for peace. Nigeria pushed out the Igbo and in the procedure individuals numbering up to 5 million have been killed and the whole Igboland destroyed just before the finish of the brutal war. The most sordid was the Asaba genocide of October 7, 1967 carried out by the 2nd Division of the Nigerian Army on civilians. In January 1970, at the end of the war, 1 would hear the start out of hate song in Nigeria. The Nigerian soldiers sang during early morning road walk exercise, hence: "Nyamiri, ya mutu ya kari" which means, "the Igbo have been entirely decimated." It was believed Nigeria would put the civil war behind her, but in 1975, a military coup toppled Gen. Gowon’s government to stop him from handing more than to civilians. Eventually in 1979, a civilian government was set up to start rebuilding Nigeria on the component of peaceful co-existence. And Nigeria was re-integrating properly till the December 1983 military coup removed Alhaji Shehu Shagari since he had permitted the Igbo the freedom to participate in governance as cost-free citizens. The period of 1984 to 1985 was the time of retro-active laws to criminalise non-criminal actions, so as to shoot the targeted victims to death. Some Igbo youths returning to their nation from overseas were shot for allegedly carrying foreign currencies, a hitherto non-criminal offence. This way Igbo have been getting killed till the removal of Buhari/Idiagbon military regime. The long period of military rule up to 1999 produced Nigerians shed track of democratic practices, and everything became the army way, exactly where the leadership is above the law. In this philosophy of the "king can do no wrong," Basic Buhari won the presidential election in 2015, an election, if he had lost, would have ushered in the flow of blood in the streets. This situation of quelling agitations by force of arms is no longer contemporary. Would the president unite the dead Igbo into his Nigeria? Nigerian history is filled with blood, as if bloodletting is the only way to unity. This pursuit of one race Nigeria is incorrect. Boko Haram was killing Christians, on 1 side the armed "soldier" herdsmen are killing and dispossessing southerners of their land, whilst the military are also killing unarmed individuals in South eastern states. Mainly because the president is not performing something to stop these atrocities, individuals assume he approved the actions. Continuous killing of other tribesmen, as is carried out in Nigeria, is what is named ethnic cleansing. A leader ought to listen to the individuals and should rule according to law, as an alternative of using the army to enforce his individual pondering. Nigerians are saying that the 1999 constitution was the handwork of one man, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, which he tilted, in favour of the North and which he had produced challenging to amend unless the North agrees. The contradictions brought on by inserting the Shariah court program in the constitution and however asserting that Nigeria is a Secular state, is incomprehensible. Shariah courts market Islam. This is the purpose for the Boko Haram insurgency and the Zak-Zakky and other Islamic sectarian uprisings. The present position of the Federal Government of employing the army to kill and intimidate agitators is untenable. Like of country, as patriotism, stems from safety of life and home for all citizens simply because suppression does not market patriotism. Only demagogues will adore the empty space known as Nigeria whereas actual patriots love the diverse individuals of the land. If the military is actually defending the integrity of Nigeria why are the armed Fulani herdsmen from other West African countries allowed to roam this country killing non-Fulanis in their homesteads? The integrity of Nigeria should really be its diverse individuals and culture. It is time to quit this idea of One particular RACE NIGERIA/1 FAITH NIGERIA pursuit in this our pluralistic society. Gen. Buhari confessed that he is a dictator and even thought of asking for emergency powers. We may possibly thank him for efforts to recover looted funds but to stay clear of senseless wasting of human lives he should really not be provided a second term. He has no role in a democracy. Let us revert to the 1963 Nigerian Constitution, dropping also the present Nigerian anthem that sings the ADORATION of the military regime. Our soldiers in the previous destroyed Nigeria and caused all our problems in their lust for political powers. Our genuine heroes are our fathers that brought us independence without having shedding blood and we must be grateful to Britain for their magnanimity in giving us the freedom though our personal compatriots now use majority force for oppression. This Boko Haram war is the only patriotic sacrificial undertaking by the army, as they did not lead to it themselves. The old National Anthem makes Nigerians truly recognize and accommodate 1 one more. Dialogue is peace and that is the only suitable track.

• Igwe Obikwere, Ikeoha 1 of Umunwaoha Ofo-Ise, wrote in from Owerri West L.A, Imo State 08037675911.

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maziliteralworks · 7 years

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Nigeria FULANI ARISTOCRACY & Political Dynamics. (Updated).It was composed 1993,written & circulated 1994 and updated 2016.xxx

In the North, the legacy of the Sokoto Caliphate and its Islamic traditions bore handsome fruits for the Fulani aristocracy as the great – grandsons and direct descendants of the conqueror of the Hausa, Nupe, and Ilorin – Yoruba state walked back into supreme and expanded power in Northern Nigeria. As the minority ruling group was in full control in the Northern Region while in the Southern Region, there were fresh political ethnic majorities in power.

Today, those who exercise national power do so from minority positions, Indeed, of the three groups that attained national power in the early politics of the decolonization decade of the 1950s namely Yoruba, Igbo and Fulani, the only group that still retain power at the national level is the Fulani aristocracy which was not a demographic majority in the first place.

Consequently, on the above, reaches some controversial conclusions. It no longer makes goods academic sense to rate the Igbo as a majority power bloc in the past bellum era of Nigeria political history or could one say of the Yoruba that they constitute an effective power bloc despite producing Military & Civilian Heads of State. In spite of the views in the South to the contrary, the majority Hausa have never been an independent power bloc in the North, as they have only exercised as much power as their Fulani overlords have allowed them.

It is not far to rate many so-called minority ethnic groups as minor power-holders in modern Nigeria politics. In relative terms, many ethnic groups in the Benue – Plateau complex have itch towards greater control of national power than the Hausa majority (witness: Langtang Mafia). Above all else, contends that the Fulani aristocrats, more than other ethnic power in Nigeria, have through strategic thinking and strategic planning (twin-virtues in power schemes that are absent in others), steadily insinuated (themselves) back into handsome amount of power-holding by strategically locating themselves into the major engine of power, exploiting the shallowness of their major rivals for power. In the post-colonial Nigeria, the Fulani Hegemony with the British were able to create and nurture political bankruptcy among the Nigeria political elite.

Apparently, they were able to tactically create and nurture Core North Cronies with whom, they were able to control Nigeria State Administration and to plunder Nigeria State Treasuries through their local & foreign Cronies, which have negated expectant economic development and have improvised Nigerian Citizens that adversely affected Natives’ ability to exercise its full potentials and to choose its native credible leaders or representatives who can represent them politically and to chart its required proper native ethnic agenda.

After examining insightful details, the long-hegemonies of Atlantic minorities over their majority neighbors, which chronicles the coming of the Fulani to the geographic space that later become Nigeria. Given the desertification of the Sahara region, many of the populations that were indigenous to the Sahara fled to other areas, eastwards and southwards (West Africa). These nomadic Nubians, who are escaping from drought, then took over the agriculture–based civilization of the Kush in the upper Nile Valley. In West Africa, the most famous of this nomadic group escaping the desiccating Sahara that went on a conquering escapade is that of the Fulani.

The political history of what historians labeled as the Western and Central Sudan, in the two centuries before the onset of European conquest and colonization, was dominated by the rise of Fulani hegemonies in a political revolution of an unusual character. Most probably resulting from their itinerant herding occupation that compelled them to rely on, and negotiate for, the transhumant resources of diverse agricultural communities on whom they depend on seasonal basis, the Fulani were the first self-conscious ethnic group in West Africa, possessing vast networks of relationship among themselves and maintaining political ties with the rulers of the host communities.

Between the 18th and 19th centuries, the Fulani were transformed from pagans in a dramatic political revolution that had two main features.

First, they virtually established an ethnic aristocracy, whereby they expected to and in several instances did actually occupy the highest political offices in any (country) in whose politics they participated. Second, through the instrumentality of Islam, to which they have become converts, and in cooperation with networks of fellow Fulani, they overthrew the rulers of several existing agriculture–based states, replacing them with theocratic Islamic regimes that they control. The standard pious, explanatory scheme that is forfeited by Dan Fadio scholars in legitimizing the Fulani Jihad which began in 1804. He places the power-matrix at the foundation of this Jihad and perhaps subsequent religious zealotry which admittedly, has served the hegemony well, even in present day Nigeria. The overthrow of Habe (Hausa) rules in the long– established Hausa states in the old Central Sudan.

Although, it all started as a religious campaign in which Hausa generously used, the outcome was unmistakably to lead to the subjugation of the indigenous Hausa population to a theocratic and immigrant Fulani aristocracy. Despite the curacy for Nigeria historiography to engage in tarik– style eulogies of every pre-colonial, Africa conqueror, and therefore to see the Sokoto caliphate in glorious light, there is good evidence to suggest that its governance was clear retrogression from a Moroccan invasion of 1591 which had plunged the Western and Central Sudan into a power vacuum that the nomadic Fulani were then filling their conquests. In the North, there is few real Hausa in any position of Authority.

The Sokoto Caliphate was significantly lacking in any conception of the responsibility of providing security in its region of operation, for its citizens and subjects. Instead, it created insecurity particularly by engaging in slavery and the slave trade, inflicting state-sponsored terrorism on several communities, especially on the so-called pagan districts of the Benue region and in Adamawa. Whatever the theological justification for the 1804 jihad and despite the apparent puritan motivations of Dan Fodio in stirring up this revolution, its outcome was one in which an aristocratic ethnic minority terrorized a whole region with force of arms rather than by religious persuasion.

The Hegemony sponsored inter-tribal wars and influenced religious violence. Lord Frederick Lugard, described by historians as a Fulaniphite, posited the claims on the terror visited by the Fulani jihadists on their Hausa hosts. The population of the North–described some 60 years ago (in the 1850s) by a French Historian Barth as the densest in all of Africa – had by 1900 dwindled to some 9 million owing to inter-tribal war, and above all, to the slave raids by the religious zeal which had promoted the Fulani jihad.

In 1900 the Fulani Emirates formed a series of separate despotism marked by the worst forms of wholesale slave-raiding, spoliation of the peasant, inhuman cruelty and debased justices, late Lord Lugard who wrote that Fulani has established the firm framework of northern (Fulani) advantage over the south in the political arrangement of his amalgamated country. But this inhuman cruelty and debased justice, many have been sign-posts of an emergent hegemony which, his now grown in sophistication. The Fulani aristocracy has grown in sophistication in the exercise of power since the British arrived on their territory of conquest some ninety year ago. Many of the political abuses in the Sokoto Caliphate before the arrival of the British can easily be to their status as power holders. But they have now been in power for almost two hundred years, and their areas of influence is virtually now coterminous with modern Nigeria. Today, using tools historically attributed to elite managers of political power who emphasize convert rather than overt influences and who exercise power in a latent rather (than) manifest manner, the Fulani aristocracy has been able to subordinate any governance in Nigeria (including military rule) to its authority, and the Sultan of Sokoto has by now acquired a quantum of power and influence that his forebears could not have dreamt of. What Head of State of Nigeria whether military or civilian– would dare to stay in office for the first six months without going to Sokoto to pay homage to the Sultan?

The Basis of Fulani Hegemony.

The crux of the matter on the devices used by a minority ethnic group (the Fulani) to effectively stay in power and expand its influence to such an unprecedented level in post – colonial Nigeria.

Organizational Abilities:

An important source of power of the Fulani aristocracy is that common tool of every successful ruling minority that its rival lacks, is its organizational abilities. In the particular case of the Fulani aristocracy,

It has so many of its ethnic stock involved in organizing for power in a coordinated manner, and with such continuity across time, which no other group in Nigeria can match. Although, it has strong clan divisions, its various fractions share a common need to stay in power for their collective survival. But there is much more to Fulani success than his common denominator of ruling minorities. The scholar underscores three contrapuntal principal deployed by the Fulani aristocracy in organizing for power:

Islam vs Christianity:

By right of conquest, the ruler of the Sokoto Caliphate was also its Islamic authority. The tradition continues in post-colonial Nigeria. As such, the ultimate responsibility for the welfare of the Islamic region in Nigeria rests in Sokoto. Since the leadership of Sokoto Islamic establishment, is pre-dominantly Fulani, the aristocracy's self-interest naturally dictates the fortunes of Islam. Up to the present, the Fulani aristocracy has used every bit of its political power to promote the reversal formal membership of the Organization of Islamic Conference (IOC) under Babaginda; Nigeria's controversial formal membership of D-8, a group of developing Islamic countries under the Abacha regime; Ghadafi's 'invasion' of Nigeria to open a mosque in Kano where he declared Nigeria an Islamic state, and so on.

Given this masterful use of which the hegemony has put, Christianity in the North has become, much more than a mere profession of faith:

it is a political statement of freedom from Fulani control. Not unexpectedly, the Fulani aristocracy has fought the Christian North with all the political means at its disposal. The expansion of this confrontation to the whole of Nigeria, and the subordination of normal constitutional processes to the invidious distinction between Christianity and Islam, portends one of the greatest dangers to Nigeria's survival. Fulani aristocracy has not refrained from using confrontation method to win its goal, even when they endanger the survival of Nigeria.

This explanation may throw light on the battles that attend the shift in power and their latest method of Southern President Goodluck Jonathan from power, despite his failure to govern Nigeria with his best abilities, which were primarily caused by IBB with his Crones’ influence. The prize at the center has been won and is being closely guarded by the Fulani aristocracy. It will then mean that if the prizes s broken – up and share, the Fulani hegemony will collapse.

Northern Nigeria vs Southern Nigeria:

The Fulani aristocracy has been most successful in pushing for common Northern institutions and in enhancing the Northern share of vital national sources. In doing so, it has orchestrated the difference between the North and South.

For the Fulani aristocracy, the integrity of the North is a matter of its life or else its demise:

There are two principal reasons why this is so:

First, as now constituted, there is no state or local government area in Northern Nigeria in which the Fulani make up a majority. If emphasis were to switch from Northern Nigeria to the states, the minority Fulani would be politically endangered in any democratic process in which each community seeks its ethnic folk to represent it. Second, it is only by acting as spokesman for the whole of the North, against the South, that the Fulani aristocracy can justify its existence.

Hausa Nationalism vs Fulani Interests:

Ultimately, the stability and tenure of the Fulani aristocracy rest on the quietude of Hausa nationalism. There is no subject in which it has invested more of its remarkable talents for ideological formulation than in persuading the Hausa that what is good for the Fulani is also good for them. Any act of separatist nationalism that encourage the Hausa to seek their own autonomy as a district ethnic group would be most threatening to the Fulani aristocracy. Whereas the Fulani aristocracy has shown good political sense by dealing with Christians from various parts of Nigeria, North and South, but it is most uncomfortable with the notion of a Christian Hausa apparently because it is subversive of good orderliness in the Fulani – Hausa hierarchy and has therefore behaved harshly towards Christian Hausa.

Military vs Democratic Rule for the Fulani hegemony perhaps more than any other tool, military governments have been useful in ensuring the reign of the aristocracy.

As a book written by late Mr. Ikoku:

Inside Out reveals, Ibrahim Tahir, one of the leading torch-bears of the hegemony, told late Ikoku in detention about his regrets over Shagari's trumpeted plan to give the South a "presidential chance" which led to the Buhari – Idiagbon coup, to protect the "sanctity" of Fulani rule.

Military rule, has shielded the Fulani from harassment from local vested interests. As in the history of the aristocracy in many other regions of the world, Fulani aristocracy would benefit from the subversion of democratic Nigeria. What followed the (1983) presidential election must be understood to be one of the most mysterious and troubling in modern Nigeria histories. Shehu Shagari was "overthrow" in a military putsch headed by two army generals who were not only fellow Fulani but were well-known to be close to ex- President Shehu Shagari.

Was it carried out as a preemptive measure to prevent others from overthrowing a government headed by a Fulani aristocrat, thus (signaling) possibility of a new power-holding ethnic bloc? (Although most southerners mistaken late Gen.Tunde Idiagbon for Yoruba, but he was thoroughbred half-blood Fulani from Ilorin).

The Fulani Strategic Resolve:

(1) It now seems fairly clear, that the Fulani aristocracy has decided that the free-floating democracy is dangerous for its survival and has used considerable resources to disrupt democratic processes: eg impeachment saga and other political distractions/programs being created by Hegemony which are designed to remove ex-Gen.Obasanjo or threatening Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan with impeachment and who was coarse to hand over power in a rush.

(2) As the only viable corporate power bloc in modern Nigeria politics, it has for now at least considered its disadvantageous to allow power-sharing arrangements among Nigeria's political regions, and is apparently satisfied that it will continue to retain the top position of presidency or else control whoever takes up this position. Even when South Presidents are allowed, the Northern Fulani Vice Presidents dominate and has more influence than Southern Presidents. Whenever Fulani assumed power, the southern predecessor is usually accused to be corrupt, while proper corrupt investigation could be executed through banks’ electronic system, as Nigerian institution’s Treasuries were looted electronically and call back local & foreign payment print-outs, could easily trace movement of loots and bank accounts where loots were deposited, without the ongoing Media corruption crusade propaganda and jail threat to coarse ignorant and gullible mostly native Nigerians as to return their stolen tools with Nigeria State Security provision of credible evidences.

(3) Military rule has been particularly beneficial to the Fulani aristocracy, since under its regimes its members have occupied strategic positions on the economic and government, at will. The recent despotic/tyrannical and uneconomic blanket for foreign Currency deposit payment will kill small scale businesses that the present Regime is pretending to protect, whereas small scale businesses whose bank accounts are usually below US$15,000.00 and there are usually active, while it is easy to ascertain looters, as they operate large volume account with often depositing than withdrawing.

(4) The federal principle is all but dead, as the state are dictated to from the top, as military rule which appears preferable to the Fulani aristocracy for whom genuine state bases of federalism could prove troublesome.

Fulani through its Elite nationalizing and making a hidden mandatory prerequisite, must join Kano based Dan Dawudu Gay Club or to be humiliatingly initiated or to perform its painful and debasing gay rituals at any of State or City outlet, before one could access fame, wealth, lucrative Post, large contract, to win an election etc. thereby negating principle of hard work, brilliancy, intelligence, productivity, to kill personal moral, imbibe wickedness, to create non helping elite and create lack of doggedness to confront evil or corruption in the society.

Fulani are primarily categorized into of literal known as Town Fulani that lives in Homesteads or little Towns ruled by the Fulani Emir, which later grown into nowadays Cities, while Bush Fulani are principally nomadic Fulani who rear their cattle with some nomadic animal husbandry or local Fulani who keep little numbered domestic cattle with other animals with little substituent farming with rearing animals on nearby bushes and return back home before night or Fulani who practice pretty trading combined it with little domestic Cattle keeping/rearing with animal husbandry.

Town Fulani Town Settlements are ruled by full blood Fulani Emirs that organizationally play behind scene politics,as to push lucrative posts, pave way for contracts awards & to locate top sensitive jobs to their closer Fulani Relatives and to empower themselves against disadvantaged Natives.

Furthermore, Fulani are biologically divided into two of Full Blood Fulani and Half Blood Fulani, where Full Blood Fulani are offspring of Pure Fulani with Pure Fulani Marriages which raised Core Blue Blood Fulani descendants, like the full blood Core North Emirs, most of core North Technocrats, Bureaucrats, top political Elite & Multi-Millionaire Business people. While Half Blood Fulani are descendants of Marriages of Full Blood Fulani with indigenous Native or with non-Fulani Foreigner, The Blood distinction becomes imperative in assisting Fulani Aristocracy or Fulani Power Hegemony to assign sensitive or lucrative appointments and assignment which guarded and protected Fulani strategic interest, as an agenda of effective Fulani political & resources Control and as proof of Fulani Supremacy.

Typical examples of full blood Fulani are mostly Core North Emirs & Emirs controlled Elite, except Emirs or Chiefs of Borno,Adamawa, Taraba,Gombe, Bauchi and Yobe States who are Half-blood Fulani unknowingly to Public, even late Shehu of Borno: El-Kanemi with late Gen. Sani Abacha are descendants of half Fulani and other Northern Heads of State are Fulani offspring, except Ex Gen. Yakubu Gowon parented by both Natives. Late Senator Dr.Olusola Saraki,a Full Fulani, late Gen. Tunde Idiagbon and ex Gen./Senator Ike Nwachukwu etc are half Fulani.

Fulani Hegemony through late Sarki Ado Bayero groomed Iranian inspired Evil Genius IBB, as to coarse Nigerian Elite and to suppress State Governors through his vast dreadful Networks & to manipulative Cronies as to dole out 10% of each State Budget as Hegemony Alimony collected their imposed local/foreign State Contractors and managed through IBB Cronies’ Business Empires.

www.maziliteralworks.wordpress.com

www.maziliteralworks.blogspot.com

Regards,

Mazi Patrick,Thinker,

Writer, Historian & Psychoanalyst.

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olaluwe · 7 years

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THE Defence Headquarters, Friday, declared that it does not know the whereabouts of leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu. This came as it asked citizens not to panic over hitherto October 1st deadline given the Ibos by a group of Northern youths to vacate the region, saying the threat was no longer effective. The DHQ which said contrary to some reports,it did not raid the IPOB leader's home, said it was not the place of the military to declare Kanu wanted. The DHQ equally explained that it was constrained to move a special military operations against the dreaded herdsmen because they were neither visible nor carry out their activities under an open or known group. Director of Defence Information, Major General John Enenche, who addressed the media at the Defence Headquarters, denied that Nnamdi Kanu was in military custody. ” Nnamdi Kanu is not in the custody of the military,”he declared. On whether the military would declare Kanu wanted since his whereabouts is unknown, Enenche said:”It is not the responsibility of the military to declare Nnamdi Kanu wanted.” Enenche also said contrary to reports in some quarters, the military did not proscribe IPOB, just as he said due process was followed in the group's proscription. “The military did not proscribe IPOB. Due process was followed to proscribe it. The job of the military was to diagnose security issues and warned the public of consequences and that is part of our media operations. “We did our media operations very well, otherwise that weekend would have been the longest weekend in this country and we are also very careful choosing our words and we know the law very well, “he added. He also denied that the military troops on Operation Python Dance raided Kanu's home. Hear him:” Nobody raided Kanu's home and I stand to be justified, not from the information I got. I was watching it live, I was monitoring it live and also speaking with them on the ground. The people that came out there that I saw were the Biafra security service and Biafra National Guard. ” I think I later confirmed that there was nothing to actually justify them legally to mount roadblocks. I saw the militancy, nobody told me and I saw the action there. We are still investigating.” He spoke on the post military operations in the South East thus:”For the past couple of days since the operation started, the feedback I have been getting from that place is that yes, they are happy. “Some of them were actually afraid even before the operation started not from our troops but from the people that we actually getting them fighting, people that are actually intimidating them. But now, they have a lot of relief. “We have our sources of information as information outfits of the armed forces. We also get information from the general public using our own sources as a form of checks and balances.” Enenche said the country was not militarized contrary to the position of some people. “Other countries passed through this, if you go into history, before getting to where they are as developed countries today. “Like in China, you see one policeman inside a car, you hardly see a military man outside and it depends on the developmental process and what you passed through. “That's why in simple terms, I will tell you that we are not alarmed at all. “For example, the last terrorist attack in the UK, 24 hours after the attack, the government asked the military to take over the area. ” If the UK government can tell the military to take over, to back up the Police, I think we are just about 100 years old of amalgamation and we about 57 years old, it's not out of place, “he stressed. He expressed disappointment over the position of some legal practitioners on military involvement in the IPOD issue just as h said some of them got it right in his assessment of various contributions to the issue. “Of course, there will be conflicting demands on who is to do what by the military, the executive, egislature they are all arms of the government and they all have responsibilities,”he said. “The statement that came through me is not at par at all with what the Chief of Army Staff came out to clarify. People had mindset and they were In a hurry to attack the military because of their mindset and because of that it is a pity to say that somehow some people lost their reputation,”he clarified. He said the various operations and exercises under the Defence Headquarters were being sustained in the North East, North West, North Central, South West, South South and South Eastern parts of Nigeria. He also said troops of Operation RESTORE DEMOCRACY in the Gambia have been rotated. ”The contingent earned the operational medal, due to their outstanding performance. A new set has been inducted into the mission (ECOMIG). The Defence Headquarters, according to Enenche,” reaffirmed the unalloyed loyalty of the Armed Forces of Nigeria to the Commander-In-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari.” It also reaffirmed “total subordination of the Nigerian Military to constituted civil authorities,complete dedication of the military to its constitutional roles as well as dedication of the Armed Forces of Nigeria to the protection of lives and property of all peace loving people where ever they live in Nigeria.

#IFTTT #Blogger

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itsnelkabelka · 7 years

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Speech: Nigeria - British relations – The next 100 years

Your Excellency the Governor of Lagos state, members of the Nigeria-British chamber of commerce, friends and colleagues, I am delighted to be here to celebrate the Nigeria British Chamber of Commerce’s fortieth anniversary. And this year we are also privileged to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of Lagos state. Many congratulations to both these great institutions.

I have been asked to talk about Nigeria – British relations over the next one hundred years. Given the rate of change in the world in just the last few years, and in the UK and world politics in the last twelve months alone, that is a daunting, some say fool-hardy, task. Few predictions that look that far ahead come to pass. But I have been set my task and I will attempt to meet it. So to start with, let’s look at history, briefly, and what has been, before we look at what the UK-Nigeria relationship may become.

I was in Kogi state two weeks ago visiting Lokoja. It was my first visit there. In addition to spending time with His Excellency the Governor and meeting members of the Chamber of cCmmerce, I spent time in the places that matter to Britain’s history in Nigeria. I stood where Lord Lugard stood watching the confluence of the two rivers, and where Nigeria’s name famously was suggested by his wife. It is just over one hundred years since Lord Lugard oversaw the amalgamation of northern and southern Nigeria into one protectorate.

When in Lokoja I saw how British history in Nigeria is complex and includes dark periods. I saw examples of chains placed on slaves trafficked down the river Niger. I know for many of the peoples of Nigeria, evading slavery was their first experience of meeting Europeans including the British. And it’s worth recalling that it was the British who introduced the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act in 1807. There are references in Lokoja still to British champions like Wilberforce who campaigned not just for the abolition of laws permitting the slave trade, but to ensure the practice itself was eradicated. I am proud of those former British politicians who made the world engage to stop slavery. So I know when we look at history, that the experience of the British in Nigeria is one that raises strong emotions and concerns about how our engagement here began. I understand that. I respect those concerns. The past is not something we should forget and it is something we and I should always try to learn from.

But in Lokoja and elsewhere I have visited in Nigeria I also saw signs of what our future may be like too. I am very positive about that future. I believe that it will be a future based on many of the things the UK and Nigeria have shared, particularly since independence. I am talking about our shared values including a belief in the importance of education as a way for people of all backgrounds to better themselves. Post independence, and in particular since 1999, we also share a belief in freedom of speech and the importance of democracy. I will talk later about trade and investment and the ways in which we in the UK and we in Nigeria in the coming years can work together to promote global growth. To this audience, I know those messages matter a great deal. Importantly, the UK will leave the European Union in the next two years. I am confident that our relationship will continue as one sovereign country to another. That is another change I see as a real opportunity to deepen the bond we share. But I will start with our shared values as countries, and how the UK and Nigeria can work together to promote democracy.

Elections in Nigeria in 2015 changed the world’s perception of democracy, and not just in Nigeria. The example of President Goodluck Jonathan in standing down to allow an opposition leader to take office has set the tone for elections in West Africa. It has shown how far democracy has come in Nigeria since 1999. The leadership and engagement of President Buhari in The Gambia recently, when a sitting President did not follow the example of leaving office having lost an election, showed how there is no appetite now in West Africa to allow leaders to evade the democratic process. I think that’s something we will not just hold on to in the next one hundred years but is something Nigeria and the UK can champion globally. We in the UK will experience another general election shortly – on 8th June. That follows our momentous referendum last year and our decision to leave the European Union.

Some are concerned about the disruptive effective these democratic moments can have. I am not. I have faith in the strength of our institutions in the UK and in Nigeria to allow for successful, peaceful elections. For Nigeria, elections in 2019 will be the next big moment in its democratic journey. The UK will stand with Nigeria and with its institutions, like the Electoral Commission INEC, to ensure those elections are handled at least as well as the elections in 2015. Those of you who will engage in politics either as candidates or as funders of parties know that all Nigerians have a responsibility to ensure that each election in Nigeria is better, more peaceful, and more credible than the last one. Nigerian voters expect nothing less. And all Nigerians have a responsibility to vote too, to engage in the political process. The UK and the rest of the international community will be watching and helping in every way we can to ensure all respect and follow the rules ahead of and through the 2019 elections. Just as we did in 2015. So I firmly believe that our shared belief in democracy forms part of our future together as nations, encouraging others in Africa and beyond Africa to take the same path towards democracy.

That shared belief and confidence in democracy is just one example of our wider shared values. The UK and Nigeria believe all children have a right to better themselves through education. The UK Government has said that across Africa through our spending on international development in the next 5 years we will support 5.8 million children to gain a decent education. I am discouraged, but not despondent, about the large number of children in Nigeria who do not go to school. I am particularly concerned at the number of girls who are excluded from the education sector. In northern Nigeria, more than 50 per cent of girls have no experience of formal education and 80 per cent of women and young girls can neither read nor write. That is not acceptable. It is something together we the UK and Nigeria must address. Doing so is vital not just to those children’s personal futures but Nigeria’s economic success. As I heard John Kerry say a few years back, any team that keeps half of its best players on the bench will not achieve its full potential. That’s why last year the UK helped over twenty three thousand girls in northern Nigeria stay in school by providing cash transfers to support them. And why we helped almost fourteen thousand more in 2016 to improve their literacy.

Every year two million young people join the Nigerian workforce. They look for jobs in companies many of you own. So it is in our mutual interest to ensure whether they come from the north of Nigeria or any other part of the country that the work force that emerges has the skills you as employers need. It is just as important that the private sector in Nigeria combines its efforts to create jobs to meet that massive demand for work that Nigeria faces. Nigeria’s economic growth needs to be inclusive, with companies creating the jobs that Nigerians need and can fill.

Some people make comparisons between the relationship the UK has with its former colonies and the relationship other countries – like France – have with their former colonies. Others point to new partners in Africa like China and say the UK should do what they do and act as they do. But the UK has its own relationship with Nigeria and I prefer it. I have heard people call the UK Nigeria’s parent. I’d like to challenge that description. The UK today, and in the future, is Nigeria’s partner, not its father or mother. That’s something tangible and real. As a development partner in Nigeria, the UK remains steadfast in our support for the people of Nigeria.

We continue to spend just under half a billion UK pounds each year on development assistance in Nigeria. The UK has been among the leaders of the international response to the humanitarian crisis in the north-east of Nigeria. We scaled up our humanitarian funding from £1m in 2014 to 2015 to £74m in 2016 and £100m 2017. In 2016 in Nigeria, we delivered food assistance to more than 1 million people and treated 34,000 children at risk of death from severe under-nourishment. We provided essential household items to more than 225,000 people who have fled from their homes and provided more than 135,000 people access clean water and sanitation. The north-east of Nigeria can seem a long way from here in Lagos. I know many of you are acting to help those most in need there. We cannot and must not forget those living as citizens of Nigeria who don’t get enough to eat every day. They need our help and the Nigerian government’s help.

The UK has a commitment, enshrined in UK law, to spend 0.7% of our Gross National Income on development assistance. The UK will remain steadfast in our resolve to partner with Nigeria to support social and economic development. But I see a future where Nigeria, by virtue of the policies and investment that current leaders make, will require less aid to develop. Where our development partnership could grow to be more an exchange of ideas, a transfer of technologies, a genuinely balanced trade relationship. And the UK will use its position as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, G7, and of course, the Commonwealth to help and support peace and security with Nigeria in Africa and throughout the world.

Now I want to turn to trade and our trading relationship with Nigeria. Some people say the UK has withdrawn from trade and investment in Nigeria and Africa. That’s not true and I challenge that suggestion wherever I hear it. The UK is still the largest European overseas investor in sub-saharan Africa, and the second largest globally. The UK’s bilateral trade relationship with Nigeria is still worth £3.8bn per annum. Shell, a British-Dutch company, has invested billions of pounds into Nigeria and has around sixty onshore or shallow water oilfields and seven hundred wells. Nigeria remains the largest oil producing country in Africa, in spite of the depressed price of oil at this time. But I want British businesses to think beyond the oil and gas sector.

The UK could regain its position as the top non-oil trading partner with Nigeria. That’s my personal ambition for the coming years, and one I think is realistic. I meet British companies all the time who are interested in the other sectors Nigeria has to offer: power (including solar), infrastructure, agriculture, education, the digital economy, fintech. I also encourage smaller and medium sized British companies to come to Nigeria to trade. We can be innovative, and encourage franchising of British companies in Nigeria as Hamleys have famously taken forward. We will be launching a new report on Franchising on May here in Lagos, and I hope many of you will be able to make time to attend the launch.

Some say BREXIT will diminish the UK’s trading power. We are clear that will not happen. The UK has been, and always will be a trading nation, keen on entrepreneurship and innovation, sustaining old ties, and forging new ones. We are very proud that the UK is still the fifth largest economy in the world, and ranked in the top six globally for ease of doing business. More than ever, we want to safeguard our reputation for providing an environment in which companies can prosper and pioneer for the future. The characteristics which have made the UK a world leader in financial and other services have not altered with the decision to leave the European Union. Nor has our openness to business from around the globe. It is striking that on 1 August last year the first rupee denominated Masala bond to be issued outside India was arranged in London. 3 months ago it was London where the Nigerian Finance Minister chose to launch the latest Eurobond issue. And I see huge potential in Nigeria as a market for British businesses, and huge potential in the UK for entrepreneurial Nigerians willing to trade and invest.

I have heard people say it is too hard to get a visa to go to the UK from Nigeria. The facts suggest otherwise. In 2016, around 140,000 people applied for visas to the UK. Of those that applied for student visas, 90% were successful. For those that applied for other visas, around 70% were successful. We have introduced a same day visa service – at a cost – for visas in Nigeria. And a service that can mean you get a visa within 5 days, at a lower cost than the same day process. Our turnaround time for all other visas is 15 days. We want Nigerians to travel to the UK. They come to do business, to study, to see family and to invest in our economy. They, you, are welcome.

There are as many as 250,000 Nigerian nationals or dual Nigerian – British nationals living in the UK at the moment. Some claim the total Nigerian diaspora in the UK is well over a million. There are perhaps 20,000 British nationals here in Nigeria. The key thing for any visitor to the UK, whether they are from Nigeria or anywhere else, is that they respect the law and the length of time their visa says they can stay in the UK. A minority of Nigerian visitors don’t do that. It is only with that minority that we have an issue. But those who want to trade and invest in the UK are very welcome to do so.

So in concluding I will make a few predictions about the UK and Nigeria in the next one hundred years, and our successors can look back and reflect on whether I am right or wrong.

My first is that Nigeria’s role in the world will change significantly. In 2050, Nigeria will be the third biggest country in the world – bigger than the USA. Between them, China, India and the USA have been the three biggest countries in the world for generations. Nigerian leaders in the private and public space must start talking about this now. How to address the challenges that hold Nigeria back and how to unleash the potential that the growth of Nigeria’s population offers are the questions the Nigerian business and political elite must address.

My second is that Lagos and London will be major global economic centres: if anything I think Lagos – Africa’s fifth largest economy in 2016 - will become more important in the coming years as the African example of how to break down barriers to doing business and bring in foreign investment. I believe British businesses will be a big part of Lagos and that economic growth in the next century. I also believe Lagos will, over the next 100 years, continue to shine through its entrepreneurship, energy and creativity, and that it will come to be regarded as one of the world’s truly modern, 21st century mega cities. But the challenge will be to ensure that all of its citizens, including those who live in settlements or slums, benefit from the development of the city, and are included in plans for urban development. Lagos will only become a modern and resilient city, if the rule of law is respected and its poorest citizens have faith in the rules being followed.

Thirdly, I believe the UK and Nigeria will together continue championing democracy. I believe the path towards democracy and away from military rule, is irreversible now for Nigeria, and Nigerians are committed to taking it. The UK again will help with Nigeria’s path, in whatever way we can. But the elections in 2019 are the next big milestone along that path which we should all prepare for properly and where respect for the rules by political leaders and their parties will be key.

Finally, I believe the ties that bind the UK and Nigeria, that are cultural, linguistic, historical and business links will grow stronger not weaker in the next century. The UK and Nigeria are already strong partners, and I believe that partnership will be stronger still when my successor as High Commissioner stands here before you in 2117 to discuss the state of the UK – Nigeria relationship and celebrate the 140th anniversary of the Nigeria – British chamber of commerce. Because ultimately relationships between countries come down to relationships between human beings. The privilege of being British High Commissioner here is not only that I represent Her Majesty The Queen, but that I represent the people of the UK. And when I hear about the affection of so many Nigerians for the UK, when I feel the passion of Nigerians when they speak of the English football team they support, or the appreciation for the wonderful UK education system which so many of you have benefitted from, that’s when I truly appreciate that it’s the human bond which brings us together. That is a bond which I believe will never be broken. Indeed, it’s a bond which I believe can only get stronger during the difficult years ahead. We all have a part to play in strengthening those bonds. Thank you for all you have done, and all you will do, to help me in that noble endeavour.

Thank you for your kind attention. I would be delighted to answer any questions you may have.

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techbloga · 8 years

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New Post has been published on TechBloga

New Post has been published on http://techbloga.com/history-nigerias-independence-1960/

The History Of Nigeria’s Independence of 1960

Nigeria’s Independence – The 1950s and 60s were regarded as years of sweeping African independence from their colonialists; Pan-Africanism was beginning to gain ground not only in the continent but across the globe. The then leaders of the continent in the various nations felt Africa was ripe and ready to take up their destinies in their hands through self-government. Debates and black conferences were being organized in places like the United Kingdom and many more prominent voices that will play critical role in their country’s journey were beginning to emerge.

Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Uhuru Kenyetta in Kenya, Banda in Malawi and Nigeria had persons like Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikiwe and Ahmadu Bello. Nigeria being the most populous black nation in Africa with an estimated population of about 80 million then had huge potentials in leading Africa and eventually becoming a world power.

Nigeria as a nation was colonized by the British who found their way into the country at the dawn of the 20th century. Their penetration into the various ethnic three ethnic groups (Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba) was differently received as they were more welcomed in the Northern region that was dominated by the Hausa-Fulani oligarchy. They have since independence held the title of having the greater population even when you put the two other regions together. They also have the land mass as shown by the map of Nigeria. Nigeria also had some of other smaller ethnic groups which were also distinct in culture and tribe.

The nation called Nigeria was birthed in the 1914 when the then Governor-General, Lord Lugard stationed here by the British government decided that the Northern and Southern Protectorate be amalgamated. Nigeria celebrated the 100 years of that action in 2014 which persons like Ahmadu Bello called the “mistake of 1914”. The decision to amalgamate these two totally diverse regions was done without reference to the will of the people who occupied them. You can say that we were herded together despite the difference in species, religion, tribe, ethnicity, distinct cultures and language. Nigeria as today boasts of having over 250 languages. In an interesting twist, it was said that we were even christened by the mistress of Lugard, Flora Shaw who gave us the name Nigeria (meaning the region in the Niger area). The document of amalgamation as was postulated in 2014 by some had a clause that said if after 100 years and the two regions cannot co-exist with each other peacefully, the two can go their separate ways. That is more like signing the Certificate of Occupancy of a landed property that has a 100 year ownership. The authenticity of such document has still not been addressed.

The Northern region which is the largest was known to have less educated people compared to the East (Igbo) and West (Yoruba) regions. Nigeria was operating a regional government comprise of the North (Hausa-Fulani), West (Yorubas) and East (Igbos). The North accounted for only about 10 percent of primary school enrollment and in the 1000 people that were in the University of Ibadan only about 50 were Northerners. Despite having two-thirds of Nigeria’s land mass, the number of secondary schools in the South was more with a ratio of twenty to one. In all these Northerners still had more seats in parliament in Lagos, the then capital.

Due to the lack of trust between the leaders of Nigeria and those who led the independence coalition (Awo, Zik, Sardauna), politics was also played to benefits tribe and ethnicity. The Northern People’s Congress was led by the Sardauna openly declaring their motto as “One North, One People; so they represented the northern interests before any other tribe. When other leaders from other regions came to campaign in the North their leaders saw it as an abuse of their territorial integrity and the South felt the same way. The strain was evident among us and this was further complicated by our founding fathers who felt having ethnic parties was the best for a large country like Nigeria. Sardauna at that time was regarded as the most powerful politician seeing that he was leader of the largest party that had more seats in parliament.

The Action Group (West) was headed by Obafemi Awolowo who adopted a socialist agenda in developing the Western region given them the advantage of being more educated. His free education did a lot good to bring them to where they are today. Awo on the other hand thought that the Yorubas should lead the new government whenever Nigeria returned to self-government.

The National Council for Nigerian Citizens was headed by the Nnamdi Azikiwe who by all standards was known beyond the shores of Nigeria. His Zikist movement was very much part of the Pan-Africanism that was sweeping Africa. An Igbo man who believed that Nigeria was already a nation and that the existing party structure then was not a threat. All these showed that even our founding fathers though intellectuals and leaders in their rights and territories did not see beyond their ethnic groups being the leaders of the emerging Nigerian state.

In a parliament seating in 1953 lawmakers from the South (AG and NCNC) moved a motion for Nigeria’s independence in 1956. This motion was moved by Anthony Enahoro who was still in his 20s then. This motion was vehemently opposed by their Northern colleagues who felt that their region was not ready due to lack of personnel and an education population to handle administrative responsibilities by the said year. As it has always been the motion did not pass due to the North having more seats in the House, so they voted against it. On their way of that seating, they were mobbed by people in Lagos for stopping the motion; that experience was going to remain an embarrassment to them.

After several other constitutional conferences that were held in Nigeria and the UK, it was agreed that Britain was going to hand over power to us in October 1960. When elections were held to prepare for the self-government of Nigeria, northern took more seats in parliament. Nigeria was going to adopt the Westminster-style of government; with Prime Minister as the head of government and a ceremonial President. Some authors say that was the end of it in the similarities of the government of UK and Nigeria; why, because the UK government style was filled with debate on many issues and a lot of political maneuvering which was lacking in Nigeria.

The North was picked to lead the new government that was to be installed and the man picked was Tafawa Belewa. A humble man from Bauchi state was also the deputy to Sardauna in the NPC. Sardauna turned down that post of Prime Minister saying that he would rather be the Sardauna of the North than President of Nigeria. He was like mini-god to the Hausa-Fulani community and he made sure that whatever he did favoured them and this reflected in one of his major policies; Indigenization agenda. Basically it was all about given all jobs to northerners in the north and if there was no northerner to do the job at hand they will employ an expatriate to do it.

Prime Minister Tafawa on the other hand said that Nigeria was only a nation on paper and was also regarded as the puppet of the Sardauna in Lagos. The NPC led the first republic government and this was completed by a coalition with the NCNC with Nnamdi Azikiwe as the Governor-General which was a ceremonial role. His position was upgraded to President in 1963 when Nigeria became a republic on his birthday. The Independence Day arrangement meant that the AG was now left out to be the only face of the opposition and this did not augur well with Awo and his kinsmen.

Many believed that the south (comprising of AG and NCNC) were more educated and their leaders Awo and Zik were doctorate degree holders while Sardauna and Belewa didn’t even have a degree to their name. This sent a signal to southern politicians that northerners were not fit intellectually to lead the country.

Independence Day morning of October 1, 1960 was one of joy, celebration and happiness despite the existent tension among the various groups. The voice of Tafawa Belewa echoed; “Today is Independence Day and Nigeria has become an Independent, Sovereign nation”. Independent as in self-government, yes, but sovereignty, No! The Union Jack was lowered and the Green White Green flag was hoisted. A new nation is born; an African giant has taken its place and ready to lead the continent. The army officer that was commanding the army guards at the midnight flag raising ceremony was a young Captain David Ejoor; who at that time was unaware the role himself and his colleagues (in the military) would play in this emerging nation. Ejoor would later become the military administrator of the Mid-West region after the military has disrupted the first republic and a democratically elected government of Nigeria.

Whether we like it or not, the events occurring in Nigeria today which we all are weary had the precedents set off by those we now call founding fathers and nationalists. We are grateful for their service and sacrifices but their approaches was not the best we could have gotten.

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tvenews-blog · 8 years

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The Fulani Republic of Nigeria (Part 2) By Femi Fani-Kayode

Clearly something has gone horribly wrong and this reinforces my belief that the amalgamation of the northern and southern regions of Nigeria in 1914 was not just a mistake but a demonically-inspired, craftily- contrived and premeditated satanic conspiracy by the British to destroy the greatness and enormous human potentials of the people of the south and the Middle Belt of Nigeria.

I do not believe in and neither do I respect a man-made, artificial, hybrid, mongrel-state like Nigeria which has forcefully lumped my people together with those that are inherently fascistic and racist, that are culturally and historically inferior, that are intellectually defective and that are nothing more than genocidal maniacs, ethnic vagabonds, wandering herdsmen, cow-loving jihadists and Islamic fundamentalists.

We have nothing in common with them physically, spiritually, culturally, historically and genetically. We are indigenous black Africans but they are not. They come from Berber, Taurag and Futan Jalon stòck. They are not and were never from here and neither were they ever part of us.

And neither was there ever one Nigeria in the true sense of the word. That erroneous misconception and misguided notion is nothing but a monumental fraud.

I am an Ife before being a Nigerian. I am a Yoruba before being a Nigerian. I am a southerner before being a Nigerian. I am a Christian before being a Nigerian.

And unlike others I am not prepared to sacrifice my ethnic identity and nationaliy or my religious faith on the alter of a servile, cowering and slavish puppet-state called Nigeria.

I consider those in the international community that seek to compel me and my people, the good people of the south and the Middle Belt, to stay in a united Nigeria where we are nothing but canon-fodder for Islamist terrorists, sport for Janjaweed herdsmen and food for Haramite dogs as nothing but globalist slime.

I consider those from outside our shores that expect us to remain in this debilitating and traumatising zoo and madhouse called Nigeria where we have been systematically reduced to grovelling quislings and shivering slaves as nothing but closet-islamists and neo-imperialist scum.

They have an Obama mindset. They believe in espousing and accomodating evil and in sleeping with the enemy. They believe in light and darkness merging together as one and in darkness contaminating and overwhelming the light.

They believe in the spreading of death, disease, destruction, suffering, persecution, poverty, barreness, corruption, evil, heartlessness, decay and terror.

I am very different. I have a Trump mindset. I believe in helping my friends and fighting my enemies. I believe in calling a spade a spade. I believe that the essence and purpose of light is not to cohabit with darkness but to identify it, expose it, drive it out and destroy it.

I believe in life, goodness, mecy, justice, charity, love, kindness, courage, faith and a Living God that protects His own and showers His children with peace, blessings, joy, prosperity and abundance.

I believe that radical Islam and those that seek to conquer and subjugate my people by assimilation and the acquisition of political power in the name of ethnic superiority should not be pampered and espoused but rather should be confronted, resisted and destroyed.

Nigeria needs to be restructured or broken. And it is left to us, the real leaders that are prepared to stand up and speak truth to power and that are ready to offer ourselves as the voice of the voiceless, to do it.

We must be bold. We must be strong. We must be brave. We must take our destiny into our own hands.

We must resist the devil and the evil and set ourselves free. The Yoruba deserve better. The Igbo deserve better. The Niger Deltans deserve better. The Mid-Westerners deserve better.

The Middle Belters deserve better. The Christians of the north deserve better. We ALL deserve better.

Better we deserve and, whether our collective oppressors and adversaries accept it or not, one way or the other, better we shall get.

The bottom line is this: our country cannot be described as the Federal Republic of Nigeria but rather the Fulani Republic of Nigeria.

And as long as this remains the case she must either be quickly restructured and given a new name or she must be broken up and carved into two or more pieces. No-one was born to be a slave and no-one was born to rule. May God help and deliver us.

In response to Part 1 of this contribution, Mr. Abraham Ogbodo, a well respected columnist with the Guardian newspaper and one of the most respected and insightful journalists in Nigeria, said the following:

“Sir, I share your pains. But this endless lamentations shall take us nowhere. The Israelis understand so well the Islamic mindset which seeks what it does not or cannot give. The Arabs want always to thrive on their own terms in the West and elsewhere yet in their enclave a man cannot do as little as renounce Islam for Christianity. Butchering of humans is not an exclusive occupation of one group against another group. If nothing including government intervention is able to stop the butchering of Southerners and Christians in Nigeria by the Fulanis, and since self preservation is not negotiable, I suggest those being butchered should adopt counter-butchering as a defence policy until reason prevails. It is a well known fact that Islam does not spread by persuasion but by conquest and that is not going to change in this generation. From its tiny location in Medina, Islam conquered Saudi Arabia, the Middle East, North Africa and substantial part of Asia. The Jihadist entered Europe and in fact occupied Spain for centuries before they were disloged. But it wasn’t so in Turkey where Christianity was obliterated and Islam established. Mordern day Turkey was part of the Eastern Roman Empire with headquarters in Constantinople (Istanbul). It was founded by Emperor Constantine who marked the turning point in the history of Christianity. Today Turkey from where most of the acts of Apostle Paul were derived is all Islam. The Armenians were butchered by the Ottoman army in a brutal quest to obliterate centuries of Christian tradition in Turkey. I even hear that the special cannon equivalent of today’s large-impact bomb with which the Sultan sacked Constantinopole was produced by a Burgarian. As it is, Europe, the Americas and Asia as they are today are not open to further Islamic conquest. The only open and soft field remain Christian nations or enclaves in Africa. The earlier we understand this and prepare for ceaseless jihads the better for us. Issues in the Islamic doctrine are hardly determined by engagement; everything is settled with the sword. When the terror is balanced, perhaps there may be peace. It calls for eternal vigilance not only in the sense of endless advocacy but more in terms of specific action plans to put up a formidable military resistance against the sustained carnage. Just my thoughts sir”.

I wholeheartedly concur with Ogbodo’s observations. Not only has he spoken the truth and hit the nail on the head but he has also spoken the minds of millions.

It is time for those that enjoy to butcher others at the drop of a hat to be reminded of the fact that they do not have a monopoly of violence.

Yet despite all the horror that is being inflicted upon our people by the jihadists and ethnic supremacists in our midst all is not lost.

Comforting were the words of President Donald J. Trump, the new leader of the free world, at his inauguration on 20th January. He said,

“We will reinforce old alliances and form new ones and UNITE the civilized world against RADICAL ISLAMIC TERRORISM which we will ERADICATE from THE FACE OF THE EARTH….. ……There should be NO FEAR. We will be protected by the great men and women of our military and law enforcement. And most importantly, we will be PROTECTED BY GOD.”

These words bring hope and give strength. They are deeply encouraging. We needed to hear them and the lifeline and inspiration that they offer now more than ever before.

This is especially so in view of the fact that no less than 14 young pro-Biafran IPOB members were shot dead in the streets of Port Harcourt on January 20th by the Fulani President of the Fulani Republic of Nigeria’s security forces simply because they dared to take part in a solidarity rally and peaceful celebration of President Trump’s inauguration. They were murdered simply because they supported Trump.

Their blood, together with the blood of the 808 Christians that were butchered by the government-sponsored and protected radical islamist Janjaweed Fulani militias in the sanctity of their homes in Southern Kafanchan on Christmas eve and Christmas day, will not be shed in vain.

It will cry to God in Heaven for vengeance and it will speak death and destruction into the ranks and lives of our collective oppressors and those that seek to enslave us and keep us in bondage forever. Thus sayest the Spirit of the Lord and that is the counsel and decree of the Ancient of Days.

Permit me to conclude this contribution with an aside. I write the most painful and bitter truths that few dare to write because I do not know tomorrow.

I write what others dare not to write because when my maker calls me home what will I say to Him if I fail to impart the profound knowledge and deep insight that He gave me. What will I do or say when He asks me what I did with the deep secrets and hidden and mystical truths that he asked me to share with my fellow men when I was in the land of the living.

That is why I write: that God will not judge me or decree and declare me a worthless coward before the Hosts of Heaven when my time comes.

I write every essay as if it were my last knowing that those who despise and deny truth and who hate me with a perfect hatred wish me dead or silenced.

Yet even if and when I fall my words will linger and continue to speak powerfully into history and eternity.

Posterity will judge between me and my traducers and I will be vindicated and proved right in the end.

For these are not my words but the words of the Holy Spirit that resides in me and that guides me.

Clearly something has gone horribly wrong and this reinforces my belief that the amalgamation of the northern and southern regions..

#Femi Fani-Kayode

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