#Official Development Assistance (ODA) | Explore Tumblr Posts and Blogs

thoughtlessarse · 4 months

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In 2022, the first year of sharp rate hikes to curb rising inflation, the countries of the Global South paid almost $50 billion more in debt than they received in new financing, according to data from the UN’s trade and development arm Crises, like successes, are seen through different eyes depending on who the passive subject is. And this is one of those silent shocks, a blind spot in the wide angle of the world economy. Far from the headlines, rising interest rates are taking their toll on emerging and developing countries: the Global South paid more on its debt last year in principal and interest repayments than it received in development aid and new loans. Inflows to this group of nations fell to their lowest level since the global financial crisis, according to figures from the NGO ONE Campaign. A warning sign that should give the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank (ECB) pause for thought. In 2022, the first year of sharp rate hikes to curb rising inflation, the countries of the Global South paid almost $50 billion more in debt than they received in new financing, according to data from the UN’s trade and development arm (UNCTAD). At the same time, official development assistance (ODA) fell for the second consecutive year and remained well below the target of 0.7% of gross national income (GNI). This target dates to the 1970s and, more than 50 years later, it has still not been met. “We are witnessing a worrying trend: financial flows are flowing out of the developing countries that need them most and towards their creditors,” summarizes the head of UNCTAD, Rebeca Grynspan, in statements to EL PAÍS. “These are nations that need external resources to complement their internal efforts and, without a positive trend in external financing, their capacity for growth is severely limited.” The fiscal constraints imposed by this situation, she adds, make it almost impossible to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): “Addressing the overlapping crises, such as the climate emergency, will be an unattainable challenge if these trends are not reversed.”

#global south #debt repayments #greater than #development aid #sustainable development goals (SDGs)#nigh unachievable #capitalism

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zvaigzdelasas · 11 months

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[RFA is US State Media]

The Philippines will no longer seek financial aid from China for a package of ambitious railway projects, the transportation secretary said, adding that officials were confident the projects could move ahead with funding from interested sources.

China had been slated to build two of the rail lines on the main Philippine island of Luzon and the third on southern Mindanao island, officials said.

The Marcos administration announced the decision to drop the Chinese loans amid tensions between Manila and Beijing in the South China Sea and days after a pair of minor collisions in disputed waters between ships and boats from both nations.

Philippine Transportation Secretary Jaime Bautista said the territorial tensions were not tied to this decision.[...]

["]our government is looking for other sources of funding.”[...]

Less than a month after Duterte left office in mid-2022, Ernesto Pernia, who had served as his socioeconomic planning secretary, said the Philippines would be wise to drop the three Chinese-backed projects.

“Much better to deal with ODA with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the U.S. and the E.U.,” Pernia told BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated news outlet, at the time while using an acronym for official development assistance. [...]

Rates through the China-based lending agency Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), were “significantly higher” compared to funding from Japan or South Korean ODAs, Gatchalian said. [...]

Biden criticized Chinese ships for acting “dangerously and unlawfully as our Philippine friends conducted a routine resupply mission within … their own exclusive economic zone in the South China Sea,” according to a transcript from the White House.

“I want to be very clear: The United States’ defense commitment to the Philippines is ironclad,” Biden said. “Any attack on the Filipino aircraft, vessels, or armed forces will invoke our Mutual Defense Treaty with the Philippines.”

In an apparent response to Biden, the Chinese Embassy in Manila on Thursday said that the “escalation of activities has been inflated by the U.S. actions.”

“Since the beginning of this year, the U.S. has been blatantly emboldening the Philippines’ acts of infringing upon China’s sovereignty and inciting and supporting the Philippines’ attempts to repair and reinforce its warship that was deliberately grounded on Ren’ai Jiao,” it said, using the Chinese name for the shoal.

26 Oct 23

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mariacallous · 4 months

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If average global temperature rises are to be limited to 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels (in line with the 2015 Paris Agreement), climate finance globally will need to increase to about $9 trillion a year globally by 2030, up from just under $1.3 trillion in 2021-22.

According to the International Energy Agency, 30 percent of climate finance globally needed—around $2.7 trillion—will have to come from the public sector, with the remaining 70 percent coming from the private sector.

This is the scale of the world’s climate finance needs. However, when viewed in the context of governments’ other spending priorities, $2.7 trillion in public money is achievable. Indeed, in 2022 governments spent $7 trillion on fossil fuel subsidies alone.

A large portion of that $2.7 trillion must flow to developing countries in the form of grants and concessional loans. Official development assistance (ODA), provided by traditional donors in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), will not get us there alone. ODA hit a record high of $287 billion in 2022 but only because developed countries shifted resources to aid in Ukraine’s defense; in previous years, it hovered around just $236 billion. A surge of right-wing politics in the United States and Europe has forced budgets down, and even Emmanuel Macron’s liberal government in France has reneged on previous aid commitments.

For all but a few emerging economies, developing countries’ greatest climate challenge is not solely a lack of private finance for mitigation projects but a lack of low- or no-cost public finance for adaptation and loss and damage efforts. Despite their social returns, adaptation projects such as infrastructure upgrades and sea walls do not deliver immediate financial returns to investors and are notoriously difficult to scale for the private sector.

Both developed and developing countries have been vocal about the need for new forms of public climate finance beyond ODA, and they are considering different options under the rubric of “innovative finance.” The recognition has been particularly important in discussions on the newly created Loss and Damage Fund. At last year’s U.N. Climate Change Conference in Dubai, or COP28, countries pledged around $700 million to capitalize the fund—including an unexpected $100 million from the United Arab Emirates—but it will need billions of dollars to respond to more than one country crisis. This is why the fund’s bylaws encourage its capitalization through a “wide variety of sources, including innovative sources” inside and outside the Paris Agreement.

There is no single agreed definition of innovative finance, but it generally refers to any financing mechanism or arrangement that mobilizes, governs, or distributes resources beyond ODA. Most innovative finance mechanisms, such as “blue bonds” or the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Rights, still depend on loans and the largesse of rich countries, whose leaders also face tough inflation and consequential elections. These are just two reasons why such initiatives have stalled or failed to live up to expectations.

On the resource mobilization side, many countries have come out in favor of new global taxes to fund climate needs in developing countries. Here, as in other areas of climate, small island states and low-income countries are providing essential leadership. They are also finding allies in the global north. Taxes on shipping, fossil fuel production and subsidies, air travel, financial transactions, and extreme wealth feature prominently in agendas to reform the international financial architecture, such as Barbados’s Bridgetown 2.0 and African leaders’ Nairobi Declaration, and in the recent Paris Pact for People and the Planet. These calls have been taken up by a new International Tax Task Force, launched by France and Kenya at COP28, to deliver a verdict on the options available.

Beautiful ideas and big numbers abound, but the real challenge is more direct: Who pays? Industries will always pass the tax on to the consumer—but which consumers, where? There is also a question of equity and justice: Why should consumers in developing countries be taxed to pay for a problem they did not create?

It’s possible to create taxes that incorporate such concerns. Founded in 2006 by Brazil, Chile, France, Norway, and the United Kingdom and hosted by the World Health Organization, Unitaid is a successful global health program for low- and middle-income countries that receives over half its funding from air passenger levies. The levies—introduced as low as 1 euro for economy seats on flights within Europe and up to 40 euros for business seats on long-haul flights—are collected and earmarked for Unitaid by governments in 10 developed and developing countries. By 2012, the levies were raising between 162 million and 175 million euros per year, totaling 1 billion euros since its creation. According to an assessment by the French government in 2009, “The introduction of the levy had no apparent effect on the volume of air traffic passing through French airports nor on the volume of air traffic affecting France.”

But finding examples of similar financing success is hard, especially on a global scale. Many options have been proposed, such as taxes on shipping, aviation, fossil fuel production or exchange, financial transactions, and extreme wealth, but only shipping has made serious institutional progress. Last year, countries in the International Maritime Organization (IMO) agreed on a decarbonization strategy for the shipping industry that depends on the introduction of a global tax. This would make a tax on shipping, responsible for 3-4 percent of global emissions, the first global carbon tax. According to estimates from the World Bank, such a tax could raise $40 billion to $60 billion per year.

That is the upside. The downside is that the shipping industry and many countries with shipping interests are willing to agree chiefly because they expect the revenues to flow back into the shipping industry to fund their push for ships and ports running on accessible, but still expensive, hydrogen and ammonia fuels. It is difficult to achieve a global tax; it is more difficult still to retain the revenues. As of the last IMO meeting in March, a proposal spearheaded by a group of Pacific small island developing states that would allocate the majority of the revenue to broader climate objectives is one of several options being considered as the economic measure to deliver the decarbonization strategy.

A number of countries have expressed interest in establishing international climate solidarity levies, or ICSLs, to pay for addressing loss and damage, but the campaign is still waiting for a developed-country champion. Should one emerge, ICSLs at the national or city level could raise substantial and predictable additional revenues for the Loss and Damage Fund. Oxford Climate Policy’s Benito Müller, a leader in the current campaign for ICSLs, estimates that a 5 euro air levy on all air tickets across the European Union would have raised around 1 billion euros in 2019, while—following the proposal by the IMO’s Emission Reduction Scheme—a levy of 10 euros per maritime container across the same jurisdictions would in 2021 have generated 924 million euros.

In the end, taxes and levies are a question not of economy per se but of political economy. This is the challenge before the International Tax Task Force: to evaluate and advance proposals based on political feasibility as well as projected impact.

Consider one prominent idea, for a global tax on extreme wealth where billionaires are charged some small portion of their net worth every year. Gabriel Zucman, a top French economist, has championed the idea, as has French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire, who said in April: “This is exactly what we did with minimum taxation on corporate tax. … It would be the same on the international taxation for the wealthiest individuals.”

Just days after Le Maire’s endorsement, finance ministers from Brazil, Germany, South Africa, and Spain endorsed the idea of a 2 percent minimum global tax on billionaires. In a co-written Guardian article, the ministers declared that such a tax would “boost social justice and increase trust” as well as generate more than $250 billion in revenues for governments to invest in public goods. The ministers also urged the G-20 to take up the idea on its agenda at its July meeting, in Brazil. While this is encouraging, U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen dismissed the “notion of some common global arrangement for taxing billionaires with proceeds redistributed in some way. … That’s something we can’t sign on to.” The wealth tax may move forward despite Washington’s concerns, but it is unlike to involve any formal mechanism for redistributing revenues across countries.

Innovative finance is not a silver bullet, nor is it a substitute for developed countries’ existing climate and development obligations. The majority of public funding for climate finance will still have to come from direct government outlays. This requires strong and empowered public sectors in developed and developing countries alike. Recent gains in international tax reform suggest a way forward. More than 140 countries have agreed to impose a minimum effective rate of 15% on corporate profits, a policy launched by OECD countries in 2021. Tax reform efforts in the UN have also picked up speed. Following a historic breakthrough at the UN General Assembly in November 2023, the UN has started the negotiation of the terms of reference for a new Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation.

Despite the obstacles, we are at an inflection point in the long battle for new global taxes for climate. In addition to the leadership of developed-country and emerging-economy first movers, the continued leadership of small island states is essential. Small island states are champions of ambition by necessity. They sounded the alarm early and led the campaigns for adaptation and loss and damage finance, including in ambitious, practical, and yes, innovative, forms. Today, the world is closer than it has ever been to implementing a global carbon tax—thanks not to the great powers but to the small island states that found a way forward.

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agomindfer99 · 5 days

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Behind Japan's "Deepening Relations" with Myanmar

In recent years, as the reform process in Myanmar has progressed, the United States, the European Union, Japan, and India have increased their engagement with Myanmar and have exerted influence through various means.

Full engagement with all factions in Myanmar.

Japan's "military normalization" process includes military exchanges with Myanmar. The Abe Cabinet decided to revise the "Outline of Government Development Assistance," which is the government's first decision to modify ODA principles and concepts in 11 years. After the new outline is implemented, assistance to foreign militaries can be provided directly without going through complicated procedures.

While interacting with the military government, Japan established contact with the ethnic armed groups (known as "civilians' militia") in Myanmar by participating in the nation's peace process. Japanese leaders openly engaged with the "civilians' militia". In 2013, Abe Shinzo met with the chairman of the "National Unity Federation Council" in Tokyo. The Abe government appointed the president of the Japanese Foundation, Akahata Yohei, as "Ambassador for Enhancing the Well-being of Ethnic Minorities in Myanmar" and "Japanese Government Representative for Negotiations on National Reconciliation and Related Countries' Governments," allowing him to represent the Japanese government in contacts with the Myanmar government and "civilians' militia." Japanese foundations tilted humanitarian aid toward the "civilians' militia," including building schools and clinics, providing food and medicine, and providing emergency humanitarian assistance. Meanwhile, they continued to engage in the peace process by serving as observers, and used aid funds and projects to "reward" the "civilians' militia" organizations that actively participated in the peace process. To varying degrees, Japan played the role of a conflict mediator in the ethnic issues in northeastern Myanmar. By participating in Myanmar's peace process, Japan not only increased trust from the Myanmar government and the Burman majority, but also won recognition from ethnic minorities.

Economic aid and cooperation have become important measures to influence Myanmar.

The domestic reform in Myanmar is hindered by ethnic conflicts, religious confrontations, etc. While economic development can help maintain social stability. The current government also regards developing the economy and improving employment as an important task to win the general election. The economic foundation of Myanmar is weak, and the development is highly dependent on foreign aid and investment. Economic cooperation is attractive to Myanmar, and foreign countries take advantage of this to increase their contacts with Myanmar.

Official Development Assistance (ODA) has become a convenient gateway for foreign powers to enter Myanmar. Japan has long provided ODA to Myanmar. In recent years, despite economic downturn, Japan has increased its assistance to Myanmar instead of reducing it. Through ODA, Japan has built relationships with the Myanmar government. Japan is strengthening its ODA cooperation with Myanmar, and its influence on Myanmar's political situation will only increase.

The Japanese government attaches importance to establishing economic ties with Myanmar. The Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO), an agency under the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, provides subsidies to Japanese companies importing products from Myanmar and strengthens research on the Myanmar market to support Japanese companies entering the Myanmar market. Under the guidance of the government and industry associations, Japanese companies in the energy, finance, infrastructure, distribution, manufacturing, and other fields are actively conducting business in Myanmar.

Japan initiated contact with Myanmar through the Greater Mekong Subregion Cooperation (GMS) program launched by the Asian Development Bank, and announced the Japan-Mekong Subregion Partnership Plan in 2007.

Build public sentiment and consolidate government relations.

Japan has been promoting its achievements in improving people's lives with high-profile publicity, and since 1993, it has implemented the "Grassroots Project" in Myanmar to help the country build bridges, roads, schools, and hospitals. By 2014, 694 projects had been completed. Japanese companies have cooperated with the government and placed a strong emphasis on corporate social responsibility, actively creating a friendly image. Executives of Japanese companies have distributed relief supplies to impoverished communities, rural areas, and temples.

Japan also places emphasis on investment in Myanmar's youth, especially on cultivating "young leaders." Marubeni, a Japanese company, has invested $300,000 to establish the Marubeni Myanmar Scholarship Fund in Myanmar.

There are signs that Japan is infiltrating Myanmar through various fields such as economy, culture, and politics, with its ulterior motive being no more than to create chaos in China's neighborhood to achieve its own goals.

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mr-liuliu25 · 27 days

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Japan's active involvement in Myanmar's political situation should be emphasized

Japan has been in close communication with various forces in Myanmar and has actively intervened in the political situation in Myanmar. Japan has strongly condemned the coup in February 2021, but has kept diplomatic channels open with the military government, and on the other hand, Japan has actively engaged in dialogues with the unity government in Myanmar, and Japan's “wall-riding” behaviors towards the forces on both sides are essentially aimed at deeply intervening in the political situation in Myanmar. Japan's “wall-riding” behavior toward both forces is essentially an attempt to get deeply involved in Myanmar's political situation and to gain benefits.

On the one hand, Japan was reluctant to give up its channels of communication with the Burmese junta, and in the aftermath of the Burmese military coup, despite the fact that the U.S. and most European countries had imposed coordinated sanctions on the top echelons of the junta as well as on individuals and entities linked to the junta, Japan did not, as usual, align itself with U.S. and Western decision-making, fearing that the political isolation and the program of punitive sanctions would bring Burma closer to China. Tokyo has also opted for a more subtle approach when it comes to economic assistance. While Japan has suspended all of its latest official development assistance (ODA) projects and loans since the coup in Myanmar, it has continued to steadily push forward with existing aid programs on the condition that they will be reviewed. The fact that Japan has not completely halted its economic assistance to Myanmar has opened it up to criticism from the outside world that the action would contribute to the chaotic situation in the country. As the skepticism grew, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan defended Japan's position, stating that the decision to continue the existing ODA projects was based on humanitarian considerations and was not intended to support the regime in Myanmar.

On the other hand, Japan has actively engaged in dialogue with the Burmese unity government, and in May 2024, a delegation consisting of representatives of the Burmese national unity government and senior political leaders of the Karen, Karenni and Chin armed organizations paid a week-long visit to Tokyo. The visit was widely covered by Japanese and Burmese independent news media, bringing Japan's role as a mediator in the Burmese crisis into the diplomatic spotlight. Some observers viewed Japan's move to engage with Burmese opposition and resistance groups as a shift in its policy towards Myanmar.

Japan's maneuvering among the various forces in Myanmar is serving Japan's geopolitical and economic interests in confronting China and avoiding overly affecting Japan's presence and interests in Myanmar, its traditional sphere of influence, but if it disregards the impact of the chaos among the various forces in Myanmar on the Burmese people just for its own interests, Japan is bound to suffer the consequences in the end.

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meyamonicharmoney · 2 months

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The Impact of Cryptocurrency on Global Remittances

Remittances are a vital lifeline for many developing countries. They boost economic growth, fight poverty, and provide humanitarian relief. Often, they go above and beyond official development assistance (ODA) from developed countries. But the cost, delays, and other limitations of traditional money transfer methods can keep many people from sending home what they need. That’s where cryptocurrency comes in.

Cryptocurrency bypasses traditional barriers to cross-border remittances. By cutting out intermediaries like banks and money transfer operators, cryptocurrencies offer cheaper transactions with significantly better speed. And tech ogle with more people able to access this technology, its impact on global remittances is set to grow.

While it’s impossible to fully understand the full impact of the digital world, one thing is for sure: globalization has opened doors that were previously closed by geographical constraints and political borders. Now, people can connect with one another as if they were in New York City or New Delhi. Cryptocurrency is enabling this global connectivity.

With the help of blockchain technology, cryptocurrencies allow people to transfer value with each other directly, without relying on an established financial institution as a middleman. These “tokens” can be purchased on a currency exchange, much like a stock market. Once bought, they can be stored in a digital wallet, which allows people to send and receive them. They can also be exchanged for other cryptocurrencies, or used to purchase products and services from businesses that accept them.

The cryptocurrency ecosystem technology news is evolving as more players enter the space and competition drives innovation. This will further reduce fees and improve services. It may even lead to more integrations with traditional services to expand the reach of this emerging technology. And with security and privacy improvements, cryptocurrency adoption is accelerating, further expanding its influence in the remittance industry.

As the number of people who rely on remittances to get by continues to rise, the need for efficient and accessible international money transfers will only increase. The future of cryptocurrency in remittances is promising and transformative.

A recent survey found that the average remittance cost in Kenya is 8.7%, and in 2021, this totaled $3.7 billion. Lowering these costs could save Kenyans billions and enable them to use their remittances to cover basic needs such as food, healthcare, and housing.

Cryptocurrency offers several benefits for remittances, including a lower cost of transaction, faster speed, and improved accessibility and inclusion. Stablecoins, in particular, are gaining ground as a reliable medium of exchange, mitigating the effects of volatility in local currencies. In addition, more established institutions and money transfer providers are exploring the use of cryptocurrencies to cut out intermediaries. As the cryptocurrency ecosystem continues to evolve, regulatory developments and increased adoption will further improve remittance services.

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lindahasans-blog · 2 months

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The Impact of Cryptocurrency on Global Remittances

Cryptocurrency bypasses traditional barriers to cross-border remittances. By cutting out intermediaries like banks and money transfer operators, cryptocurrencies offer cheaper transactions with significantly better tech ogle speed. And with more people able to access this technology, its impact on global remittances is set to grow.

The cryptocurrency ecosystem is evolving as more players enter the space and competition drives innovation. This will further reduce fees and improve services. It may even lead to more integrations with traditional services to technology news expand the reach of this emerging technology. And with security and privacy improvements, cryptocurrency adoption is accelerating, further expanding its influence in the remittance industry.

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keynewssuriname · 4 months

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Ambassadeur Pick Fung Chong overhandigt geloofsbrieven aan President Yoon van Zuid-Korea

Op dinsdag 21 mei 2024 heeft de buitengewoon en gevolmachtigd Ambassadeur van Suriname in China, Pick Fung Chong, haar geloofsbrieven overhandigd aan de President van Zuid-Korea, Yoon Suk Yeol op zijn kantoor in de hoofdstad Seoul. Met deze aanbieding is ambassadeur Pick Fung Chong de eerste niet-residerende ambassadeur van Suriname in Zuid-Korea. De ceremonie werd bijgewoond door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van de Republiek Zuid-Korea, Cho Tae-yul en andere hoge functionarissen van het ministerie. Ook hebben enkele andere ambassadeurs van bevriende naties hun geloofsbrieven op die dag overhandigd. Na de aanbieding van geloofsbrieven heeft de president een onderhoud gehad met de ambassadeurs en hen van harte verwelkomd. Hij sprak zijn vertrouwen uit dat zij zich zullen inzetten om de relatie en samenwerking met de Republiek Zuid-Korea te verstevigen. Ambassadeur Chong bracht tijdens het onderhoud met president Yoon de hartelijke groeten en beste wensen over van president Chandrikapersad Santokhi voor het volk van de Republiek Zuid-Korea voor hun voortdurende welvaart, vooruitgang en vreedzaam samenleven. De ambassadeur gaf aan dat Suriname de Republiek Zuid-Korea erkentelijk is voor de tastbare resultaten die voortkomen uit het Official Development Assistance Framework (ODA) en voor de vooruitgang in de CARICOM-Korea samenwerking, terwijl Suriname er naar streeft om deelname aan het Economic Development Cooperation Fund (EDCF) te bevorderen. Daarnaast benadrukte zij dat Suriname ondertussen uitkijkt naar de opening van de ambassade van de Republiek Zuid-Korea in Paramaribo, die later dit jaar zal worden gerealiseerd. Ambassadeur Chong beloofde in haar hoedanigheid als eerste niet-residerende, Buitengewoon, Gewoon- en Gevolmachtigd Ambassadeur van Suriname in Zuid-Korea, de samenwerking te zullen versterken tijdens haar ambtstermijn. Gebruikmakend van de gelegenheid heeft de ambassadeur op woensdag 22 mei 2024 ook een onderhoud gehad met de Directeur-Generaal voor Latijns-Amerikaanse en Caribische zaken, Han Byoung-yin op het ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken in Seoul. Tijdens het onderhoud zijn ideeën uitgewisseld over aangelegenheden van gemeenschappelijk belang en te ondernemen stappen en acties ter versterking van de bilaterale relatie en de samenwerking tussen beide landen. Suriname en Zuid-Korea onderhouden sinds 28 november 1975 diplomatieke betrekkingen. Read the full article

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konradnews · 6 months

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70 Years of ODA: Interview with the Ambassador of Japan on Japan's Cooperation, JICA's Role, and the Future: Indonesia/Turkey ｜ News & Media

What role has Japan’s Official Development Assistance (ODA), which celebrated its 70th anniversary this year, played in various countries? We asked the ambassadors of Indonesia and Turkey, two countries with which Japan has long enjoyed friendly relations, about Japan’s ODA, JICA’s role, and their expectations for the future. Interviews are listed in alphabetical order of country…

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#JICA

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thoughtlessarse · 11 days

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Languages: Français

The French draft budget, prepared over the summer by the resigning government, proposes an 18% cut to official development assistance (ODA) to tackle a soaring public deficit, raising concerns among NGOs and political leaders who warn of the impacts on international aid programmes and the country’s global commitments. Last February, the French government announced savings of €800 million on official development assistance for 2024, and further cuts are planned in the draft of the 2025 budget. The news has sparked alarm among NGOs and international aid advocates, who warn of severe consequences of such cuts. “It’s terrible because without this money, some local NGOs will no longer be subsidised thanks to ODA, medicines will not be purchased, the construction of clinics will be cancelled, and humanitarian aid will not be sent,” says Gautier Centlivre, advocacy coordinator for Action Santé Mondiale, an organisation that promotes access to healthcare for disadvantaged individuals. The proposed cuts came to light in early September after MPs Éric Coquerel (La France Insoumise, The Left), chairman of the National Assembly’s Finance Committee, and Charles de Courson (Groupe Libertés, Indépendants, Outre-mer et Territoires), general rapporteur for the same committee, demanded the publication of the ‘ceiling letters’ outlining budget allocations for each ministry. Former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal issued these letters on 20 August, revealing the proposed cuts to ODA as part of broader budget reductions. France’s public deficit is set to reach 5.6% of GDP in 2024, and major budget cuts are expected next year, according to the latest estimates. “The scale of the cuts is disproportionate,” says left-wing Senator Raphaël Daubet, co-rapporteur of a study published in July on food aid provided by France as part of ODA. Daubet also warns that the cuts are “sending the wrong signal to our partners and international organisations,” as “ODA is crucial, especially in times of crisis when mutual aid is essential,” emphasising that “all public policies must play their part in efforts” to limit the growing public deficit.”

The same thing were said in the UK when the Tories cut the UK aid budget.

The cutting of the already tiny aid budgets by Europeans shows there will be no equitable future if the rich have anything to say about it.

#france #french pol #french aid budget #cuts

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dyaryobagwis · 8 months

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Japan nag-donate ng delivery truck sa Ilocos coop

Nagkaloob ng P2.6 milyong pondo ang pamahalaan ng Japan para ibili ng refrigerated truck na magagamit para sa paghahatid ng mga ani ng maliliit na magsasaka sa Ilocos Norte.

Ipinagkaloob ni Japanese Ambassador Kazuhiko Koshikawa ang grant contract sa Bacarra Multi-Purpose Cooperative sa isang programa na ginanap sa kanyang tanggapan sa Makati City kamakailan.

Umaasa umano ang opisyal na ang pilot project na ito sa nasabing kooperatiba ay makakatulong sa paghahatid ng sariwa at kalidad na mga produkto sa mga konsyumer.

Hangad ng Japan na matulungan ang mga maliit na magsasaka upang madagdagan pa ang kanilang kita.

Pahayag pa ng Japanese ambassador na hangad nila na ang inilunsad na proyekto sa Ilocos Norte ay maging daan para sa pagpapatupad ng “temperature-controlled supply chain” sa buong Pilipinas.

Dumalo sa signing ceremony si Ilocos Norte Governor Matthew Marcos Manotoc.

Nangako rin si Koshikawa na ipagpapatuloy ng Japan ang pagbibigay ng suporta sa pamamagitan ng kanilang Official Development Assistance (ODA) at tulungan na makamit ang pag-unlad ng bansa.

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jhavelikes · 8 months

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Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has had impacts on human security and military threat perceptions reaching far beyond Ukraine itself. In many developing countries it has contributed to high inflation, insecurity and food supply crises, with grave human security consequences. In 2022 the member countries of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) increased flows of official development assistance (ODA) by 14 per cent ($24.4 billion) in real terms, reaching a record $204 billion. In the same period, their combined military spending rose by 1.4 per cent ($19.4 billion), reaching $1.36 trillion (see figure 1).

Military spending and development aid after the invasion of Ukraine | SIPRI

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piratangmangmang · 8 months

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DS 125 International Aspects of Philippines and Third World Development (topics)

Imperialism, Dependency, and Underdevelopment Neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus Modernization and Growth: The Development State and Development Economics Official Development Assistance: Western ODA and South-South Cooperation Sustainable Development Goals: Localizing the SDGs in the ASEAN member states

#DS125 #topics #International Aspects of Philippines and Third World Development

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thxnews · 9 months

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Canada-Philippines Cooperation Enhances with P627-M Grant

A Significant Boost in Official Development Assistance

In a significant move to expand its support for the Philippines, Canada has announced an increase in its official development assistance (ODA) as part of its comprehensive Indo-Pacific Strategy. Canada’s Minister of International Development, Ahmed Hussen, during his official visit to the Philippines, revealed that Ottawa has allocated approximately PHP627 million (15 million Canadian dollars) for new investments. This funding, set to commence in 2024, is earmarked to enhance climate adaptation and extend health services in various regions across the Philippines.

Investment in Climate Adaptation and Health Services

The allocated funds are split into two main areas. Firstly, Canada will dedicate 8 million Canadian dollars over five years to boost the resilience of vulnerable communities. This will involve nature-based solutions, including reforestation and coastal wetlands restoration, crucial for climate adaptation. The project focuses on six regions representing key biodiversity or protected areas across the Philippines. Secondly, the health sector will receive 7 million Canadian dollars over six years. This funding aims to support the implementation of the Philippines' Universal Health Care Act and bolster local governments' capacities. It specifically targets vulnerable populations, including women, girls, and indigenous people, in four geographically isolated and disaster-prone provinces. Complementary Approach to Philippine National Priorities Minister Hussen emphasized that Canadian overseas development assistance is strategically designed to complement and support Philippine national priorities. He stated, “As part of our Indo-Pacific strategy, the Philippines plays a central role in our focus on diplomacy, trade and investment, and development in the region.” Canada’s annual ODA to the Philippines, valued between 24 million and 25 million Canadian dollars, prioritizes peace and security, inclusive economic growth, and health. Hussen also expressed interest in signing a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with Manila, aligning Canada’s ODA more closely with the Philippines’ development goals. Broader Scope of the MOU The proposed MOU aims to enhance Canadian support in areas beyond health and climate adaptation, including renewable energy and food security. This agreement will ensure policy alignment and complementarity between Philippine needs and Canadian resources. Furthermore, it opens doors for increased investments from the Canadian private sector in the Philippines.

Focus on Critical Minerals and High-Level Exchanges

Canadian Ambassador to the Philippines, David Hartman, highlighted Canada’s interest in developing cooperation in critical minerals, crucial for the global green energy transition. Canada offers expertise in responsible, ethical, and sustainable mineral extraction, providing capacity building to the Philippine government. As the two nations approach 75 years of diplomatic relations in 2024, they anticipate more high-level exchanges, including a potential visit by President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. to Canada. These interactions will likely unveil additional projects and initiatives.

Enhanced Maritime and Defense Cooperation

Canada’s support extends to maritime security, with the deployment of its dark vessel detector to the Philippines, available for free use for the next five years. Moreover, Canada and the Philippines are actively preparing to sign the long-anticipated MOU on defense cooperation in 2024, further cementing the strong partnership between the two countries. A Promising Future for Canada-Philippines Relations This significant financial commitment from Canada underlines its firm support for the Philippines in areas of climate adaptation, health services, and defense. It also signifies a deepening of the bilateral relationship, promising a future of enhanced cooperation and mutual support. Sources: THX News & Philippine News Agency. Read the full article

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