#The Bastard Child of the US 🇺🇸 and the West 🇪🇺

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Three War Criminal, Hegemonic, Conspirator, Liar, Fake Democracy Preacher and Genocidal Countries, “United States 🇺🇸, Germany 🇩🇪 and France 🇫🇷,” Backing Illegal Apartheid Regime of Isra-hell in the Genocide Case at the International Court of Justice. All Have a Long Histories of Violence and Complicity in Genocide.

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Ramita Navai on Reporting From the West Bank 🇵🇸 as “The Bastard Child of the US 🇺🇸 and the West 🇪🇺 Isra-hell—Freedom Fighters Hamas Against Illegal Occupation” War Rages in Gaza

— January 23, 2024 | By Inci Sayki | Frontline

A still of correspondent Ramita Navai from FRONTLINE’s Documentary “Illegal Regime of Isra-hell’s Second Front.”

Since Freedom Fighters Against Illegal Occupation Hamas’s deadly mass incursion into southern Israel on Oct. 7, violence has escalated in the West Bank, adding fuel to longstanding tensions in the occupied territory. As the war in Gaza rages on just 50 miles away, claiming the lives of tens of thousands of Palestinians according to Gaza health officials, Israel has been carrying out operations against militants in the West Bank, attacks by extremist Israeli settlers on Palestinians have reportedly surged, and support for armed struggle among Palestinians has grown — raising fears that the West Bank could explode into a second front in the Israel-Hamas war.

For her latest FRONTLINE documentary, Israel’s Second Front, correspondent Ramita Navai (Afghanistan Undercover, Syria Undercover, Iraq Uncovered, UN Sex Abuse Scandal) traveled to the West Bank in the weeks following Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack to understand the effects of Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Gaza on Palestinians in the West Bank, increased support for militant groups, and the implications for a region on the edge amid concerns of a widening conflict in the Middle East. She also spoke with former Israeli officials in Tel Aviv about the rationale for Israel’s widespread military incursions in the West Bank.

Navai spoke with FRONTLINE about her experience reporting from the West Bank and the roadblocks she faced along the way, how Palestinians on the ground are feeling, what the rising tensions in the West Bank might mean for the prospect of peace between Israelis and Palestinians, and keeping an eye on potential escalations with Lebanon during her reporting trip.

This interview has been edited for clarity and length.

While Gaza is where the world’s attention is mostly directed, you chose to report on the West Bank. Can you tell me why that was an important undertaking for you?

Ramita: All eyes are on Gaza as they should be. I think Palestinian journalists living in Gaza have been doing an amazing job about letting the outside world know the horrors unfolding there. While most foreign journalists aren’t given access to Gaza, it was important for me to see what effect this war and the events following the terrible Oct. 7 attacks have had on Palestinians — and that’s why it was so important for us to go to the West Bank. Also we mustn’t forget that if we’re looking into the future and talking about peace and a possible two state solution, then you can’t have that conversation without taking into account the events not only that are happening in the West Bank now, but that have been happening in the West Bank for the last few years — including the expansion of the settlements and the increase in violence against Palestinians by extremist settlers that has added to tensions.

The film is also investigating Hamas and the group’s growing popularity and presence in the West Bank. I think context is so important in a story like this, especially when you hear that support for Hamas is growing — you really have to understand what that means and why, and that’s what we did. We were told that support for Hamas does not necessarily mean support for the brutal atrocities they carried out on Oct. 7. That support is largely more symbolic and it’s support for resisting the occupation that’s fueled by the increasing violence against Palestinians. It’s also a response to what’s viewed as a lack of political leadership by the Palestinian Authority, which is seen as corrupt and ineffective by many.

A child looking out of a damaged building in Tulkarem, West Bank, in a screengrab from “Illegal Regime of Isra-hell’s Second Front.”

Can you tell me about how it was traveling to the West Bank? If there were any obstacles you faced along the way or any specific preparations you had to do?

Ramita: Well, we based ourselves in Ramallah. Our Palestinian producer, because he’s Palestinian, movement was very difficult for him. And since Oct. 7, what’s happened is that movement is even more restricted than before for Palestinians. So getting around is really difficult, especially if you are traveling with a Palestinian in the car, because there are so many roadblocks and there are so many roads that Palestinians can’t use.

So to make that easier, we based ourselves in Ramallah rather than east Jerusalem, where most journalists tend to stay, and I think being immersed in the West Bank like that was also really helpful and just deepened our understanding.

Traveling to different cities in the West Bank, we would have a lot of problems at checkpoints. We would be stopped as soon as soldiers found out that we had a Palestinian in the car. We would be turned away, and journeys that should take 20 minutes could take four hours. Also when we were doing some stories in particularly violent parts where the violence is coming from extremist Israeli settlers, that could be tricky as well with our Palestinian producer.

Was there anything that surprised you or any anecdotes that particularly stuck with you — something you couldn’t have known without being there, on the ground?

Ramita: I was surprised at how few prosecutions there have been in cases of violence against Palestinians by extremist settlers. I was also surprised at the number of Israeli peace activists I saw in the West Bank. As violence against Palestinians has increased by extremist settlers, more and more Palestinian farmers are finding it increasingly difficult to harvest their olives, because they’re being threatened or attacked when they do so. And harvesting olives is their only means of income. I was surprised at just how many Israeli activists are now working to help Palestinians harvest the olives.

I was also surprised at just how rapid the expansion of settlements is in the West Bank. And this is key because as these settlements expand, the likelihood of a viable Palestinian state becomes less and less likely. So for me, what really struck me was seeing the connections between what’s happening in the West Bank, the expansion of settlements, and future possibilities for peace.

I would say something else. When you’re in the West Bank — you know it’s not Gaza — yet the connection is so deep. Everyone there has family in Gaza, everyone knows somebody in Gaza. So everyone is feeling that pain of the families and children being killed every day there.

In the documentary you speak with a member of the al-Qassam Brigade, the military wing of Hamas, in Jenin, and a fighter from the Tulkarem Brigade. How did you come across these militants and manage to get them to agree to an interview?

Ramita: Gosh — that wasn’t easy. At the moment there’s a lot of mistrust, especially when it comes to Western media. We were working with amazing Palestinian producers who were deeply connected to the communities. And when we think of a militant, we forget that these militants are part of the community — so they’re someone’s brother, someone’s son, someone’s father — and it doesn’t necessarily mean that the whole family supports that group or is part of that group or is part of violent resistance. We had to meet, we had to chat to people. It’s just through spending time and having really trusted connections that we managed to arrange meetings with them. Not everybody agreed to be interviewed.

They spoke to us because they wanted to get their message across, and mainly their message was that they want an end to the occupation. And if that means the only way they can achieve that end is by violence, they will be violent.

The weapon of a fighter from the Tulkarem Brigade, one of the new, locally-based militant groups that have emerged in the West Bank over the last two years, pictured in a screengrab from “Israel’s Second Front.”

You have extensive experience reporting under perilous circumstances and in war zones, and this documentary contains a scene where you have to run for safety as an Israeli raid begins. What was it like to keep reporting as that happened?

Ramita: We were in a cafe when the sirens started in Jenin, and everybody started running for cover. The streets emptied really quickly. It was pretty scary because you can then suddenly see all the drones swooping in, you can hear them above and they can see everything, and you can hear the rumble of IDF (Israel Defense Forces) armored vehicles and armored bulldozers coming into town.

We managed to make it to the hotel, and then the raid started and lasted about 16 hours — you could see it from the hotel. The hotel staff were pretty scared. They told us not to go on the balconies because snipers had hit the balconies in the past. But from the hotel windows we could see. Every now and again, you could hear a boom. You’d see a flash, and the IDF were carrying out strikes all through the night.

In the morning we went out to check the damage. We went out too early and the raid hadn’t ended, and we didn’t know. We then ended up right next to a firefight between the IDF forces as they were about to withdraw and the militants in the area. That was pretty scary. You don’t really see much of that in the film — I think you see a few seconds. But we ended up having to run away.

Then of course, we went in and saw the aftermath. There were just so many houses completely and utterly destroyed and flattened – ruins everywhere.

You spoke to a number of Israelis as well about tensions in the West Bank and the IDF’s ongoing operations there. Can you tell more about their perspective?

Ramita: We spoke to several former Israeli officials who told us that they see the military campaign in the West Bank as a matter of survival. The Oct. 7 attacks obviously deeply shook Israelis’ sense of security and many see the military operations as necessary. They see the growth of militant groups there as a massive threat to both Israel but also to Palestinians that hope for a future democratic solution.

The Israel-Hamas war has been deadly for those trying to report on it, especially for Palestinian media workers reporting from Gaza, but also for journalists in southern Lebanon and Israel. How were the reporting conditions in the West Bank in your experience, and what steps did you take to try to ensure safety when reporting?

Ramita: It’s incomparable to what’s happening in Gaza. And also I think because as foreign journalists, you’re not at risk in the way that Palestinian journalists are. I would say that in the West Bank, in my experience, it’s largely when you’re covering the Palestinian side that it’s dangerous — and the danger is often the IDF.

So for example, we covered a prisoner release. We were on the Palestinian side near Ofer Prison, an Israeli prison, which is right next to the town of Betunia, and loads of Palestinians had gathered there. Now, the IDF had been given instruction to shut down celebrations. Palestinians were celebrating when the prisoners were released, and the IDF ended up dropping tear gas canisters from drones, then started firing tear gas canisters into the crowd and then using rubber bullets. According to the Red Crescent, many people were injured that night. So if you are on the Palestinian side, at such big gatherings, and the IDF is near, it can be risky. But I think it’s just much harder if you’re a Palestinian journalist.

What do you hope people will come away with after watching this documentary?

Ramita: I hope people will understand that Palestinians feel that living under occupation has been a violent experience — and one that’s untenable. And I hope they understand why Palestinians feel that the avenues for negotiations are closing down to them, and that they feel they have been increasingly targeted over the last several years. And that doesn’t mean they support the terrible things Hamas did on Oct. 7, which also should not be forgotten.

— Inci Sayki, Goggin Journalism Fellow, FRONTLINE/Columbia Journalism School Fellowship

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Stop Genocide: British Palestinian Families Call For Urgent And Immediate Intervention In Gaza

The British Palestinian community is reeling from the devastating impact of an ongoing genocide in Gaza. Our loved ones are trapped in a relentless onslaught. As of the 11th of January, our community and families have endured 100 days of unimaginable suffering, marked by witnessing 1,968 horrific massacres. During these 100 days we have seen a humanitarian crisis unfold and an insurmountable amount of never-ending grief.

Save the Children estimates that 250 Palestinians are killed daily in Gaza. With over 23,000 killed so far and thousands missing, presumed buried under rubble. Many see this as a ‘war on children’, and it is. More than half of Gaza’s population are children and they have paid the heaviest price, making up 40 percent of total deaths.

This genocide does not merely extend to children and elderly, but also history, culture, and identity. Israel has now destroyed 200 archaeological and heritage sites. The current onslaught on Gaza has and continues to devastate civilian infrastructure. Hospitals, schools, churches, mosques, bakeries and housing units have continuously and consistently been a target of Israeli airstrikes.

Nearly everyone in Gaza had to flee their homes, with about two million internally displaced. An Israeli defence official vowed that Gaza will be turned into a ‘city of tents’, we now see this strategy in effect as many refugee camps are set up in Gaza with people having to endure dire weather and sanitary conditions.

We call upon the UK Government to urgently exert its influence to secure an immediate and permanent ceasefire; it’s the first step towards any solution to alleviate the suffering of all. There must be immediate and unconditional restoration of water and electricity, as well as the rehabilitation of medical facilities. Lastly, but no less importantly, we call for the implementation of UK Family Reunion scheme for our beloved ones in Gaza.

It estimated that over 1,000 children have had to have limbs amputated, most of the time without anaesthetic. How many more children must suffer? Be traumatised? Get killed? A ceasefire should have been called yesterday and that would already have been too late. Every minute in delay means more massacres, more bombing, more war crimes and more inhumane suffering.

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Rafah Under Siege! Forever Palestine 🇵🇸 🇵🇸 🇵🇸! The War Crimes and Atrocities Committed By the God’s Cursed, Fucked-up Zionist 🐖🐷🐖 Cunt SATAN-YAHU!

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Love For All: Forever Palestine 🇵🇸 🇵🇸 🇵🇸 ! Cartoons By Brazilian 🇧🇷 Cartoonist Carlos Lattuf!

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Source: SO INFORMED

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The Lawyers Behind the Case are Representing Two Palestinian Families From Gaza Who Says that German Officials Including Chancellor Olaf Scholz are “Aiding and Abetting” Illegal and Apartheid Regime of the Terrorist Zionist 🐖 🐷 🐖 Isra-hell’s Genocide in Gaza. The Court Case Follows South Africa’s 🇿🇦 Historic ICJ Case Against Illegal and Apartheid Regime of the Terrorist Zionist 🐖 🐷 🐖 Isra-hell in January 2024, which Ruled that “The Bastard Child of the US 🇺🇸, UK 🇬🇧, Germany 🇩🇪, France 🇫🇷, Italy 🇮🇹, Australia and the West 🇪🇺” Must Take Action to Prevent Acts of GENOCIDE in Gaza, Forever Palestine 🇵🇸!

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“Terrorist, Fascist, Illegal Occupier of Palestine 🇵🇸, Apartheid, the Bastard Child of the United States and the West, War Criminal Zionist 🐖 Isra-hell’s” attacks in Gaza, Forever Palestine 🇵🇸, have Killed at least 100 Innocent Palestinian Journalists and Media Workers. Others have been Severely Wounded, forcibly displaced or lost entire families. These journalists report on Israel's attacks, the resulting starvation and humanitarian crisis in Gaza, all while experiencing it themselves.

Now, Palestinian Journalists are calling on U.S. Reporters to Boycott the White House Correspondents' Dinner in protest of the War Criminal Genocidal Biden Administration's Actions Toward Gaza. "It is Unacceptable to Stay Silent out of fear or Professional concern while Journalists in Gaza continue to be Detained, Tortured, and Killed for doing our jobs," the Journalists wrote in a letter Calling for the Boycott.

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What Will The ICJ Announce on Illegal Regime of Zionist 🐖 Isra-hell’s Gaza War? The Possible Scenarios

The World Court’s Interim Measures Could Being Relief For Isra-hell, Vindication For Palestinians or Offer a Bit of Both.

— Al-Jazeera | Thursday January 25th, 2024 | By Sarah Shamim

Ancient Beautiful Building of the International Court of Justice in the Hague. The Netherlands 🇳🇱

On Friday, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) will announce its decision on emergency or provisional measures against Israel in an interim verdict after South Africa filed a case against Israel accusing it of committing genocide in Gaza.

Here is what we know about the possible rulings that the ICJ could deliver, and what they might mean for Israel, Palestine, and their respective allies.

What Is South Africa’s Case Against Israel?

On December 29, South Africa filed an 84-page legal case at the ICJ accusing Israel of violating the 1984 Genocide Convention during its near-four-month bombardment of Gaza.

Israel has dismissed the genocide allegations as “grossly distorted” and deemed them “blood libel”, saying it was acting in self-defence and targeting Hamas, not Palestinian civilians.

On January 11 and 12, the ICJ conducted hearings during which South Africa presented its case and, then, Israel defended itself.

Will The Court Determine Whether Israel Is Committing Genocide?

The ICJ will not deal with the core question of whether Israel is committing genocide on Friday. For now, it will only announce, at 1pm local time (12:00 GMT) whether it can order provisional or emergency measures in Gaza and what those measures will be, while it deliberates the case for genocide.

Experts have said a ruling on the overall case, which will determine whether or not Israel is committing genocide, could take as long as three or four years.

Here are the possible scenarios for what the court could announce on Friday:

Could The Court Throw Out The Case?

Israel argued in its response to South Africa’s ICJ allegations that the global court does not have jurisdiction over the case.

It argued that South Africa had not communicated with Israel adequately about the case before filing the application to the court, as is required by the court’s own rules.

The Israeli representative claimed South Africa had given it only a few days to respond to a notification that it was committing genocide. He said that Tel Aviv had been open to the idea of a dialogue, but that South Africa had first rejected a written request due to a holiday, and then had replied that there was “no point” in having a discussion.

The ICJ’s rules require the petitioning nation to show that a dispute exists with the country it is accusing, and that they have tried to address it before approaching the court.

If the ICJ announces Friday that it does not have jurisdiction in the case, the specific requests made by South Africa become immaterial.

What Emergency Measures Has South Africa Requested?

When it filed the case, South Africa asked the ICJ to order a series of provisional measures to cease violence in Gaza until the court makes its ruling on the case – a process which experts say may take years.

Some of South Africa’s Demands Are That:

Israel suspend military operations in and against Gaza.

Israel’s military organisations not escalate military operations any further.

Israel allow access to adequate food, water, fuel, shelter, hygiene and sanitation.

Israel prevent the destruction of Palestinian life in Gaza.

Israel not destroy evidence relevant to South Africa’s genocide allegations against it, nor deny international organisations such as fact-finding missions access to Gaza to help preserve this evidence.

What Emergency Measures Is The ICJ likely To Order?

If the court does announce provisional measures, Neve Gordon, an international law professor at Queen Mary University of London, told Al Jazeera that these could cover some or all of South Africa’s requests – or it could order entirely different provisional measures determined by the court itself.

Some commentators believe that the court may fall short of ordering a full ceasefire. It could, instead, order access to adequate humanitarian relief, Gordon said, adding that this would be a win for Israel.

In such a case, Israel could easily avoid international ramifications by saying it would allow more aid in, then not actually doing much to facilitate it. Additionally, aid agencies have said previously that the arrival of adequate humanitarian aid in Gaza without a ceasefire is unrealistic, as aid trucks have been unable to reach parts of Gaza, such as the north, due to obstacles created by Israel’s siege and violence in the enclave.

While it is unclear whether and what interim measures the court might order, experts have said that, under international law, it ought to order a ceasefire. “If you look at what is happening on-ground in the Gaza Strip, then I think the court should order a ceasefire,” Gordon said.

However, he added that “the decision made by the court in my opinion is an entanglement between a legal argument and a political argument”. This is because the panel of 17 judges come from different countries and it is unclear what impact, if any, the interests of their countries could have on their legal judgements.

“‘How politicised is the decision?’ is a question that needs to be asked,” he said.

What Happens If The ICJ Orders No Provisional Measures?

Gordon said he believes the court will order some measures rather than none at all.

However, the ICJ can choose not to order interim measures. This would not mean the end of the legal case, however. The overall case for genocide will still be considered.

If provisional measures are not ordered, South Africa and the countries that have backed it in its complaint against Israel will have to try avenues for stopping violence other than international legal fora, since the ICJ is the highest world court and the supreme legal authority, Gordon explained. This could include taking the issue up with the UN Security Council or placing legal pressure on countries providing Israel with weapons.

Alternatively, if they believe the violence is persisting and escalating, another country, or even South Africa again, can file a new, separate case with the ICJ.

Could An ICJ Ruling Make Any Difference For Gaza?

The ICJ’s rulings are legally binding and cannot be appealed. However, the court has no way of enforcing them and the enforcement is left to the international community.

“Whether Israel takes the measures into account or not is a different story,” said Gordon.

“Israel cannot appeal the court’s ruling, and it will have to decide whether it abides by the court’s decision or not,” he added.

If it does not abide by the ruling, a member state of the UN Security Council (UNSC) can escalate this before the Council, which will then vote to require Israel to abide by the provisional measures.

The US could possibly cast a veto in this vote, a move the permanent member has repeatedly made in the past to obviate accountability for its close ally Israel.

However, Gordon pointed out that a resolution drafted by a Security Council member state might hold different weight compared with a decision made by the highest court in the world. If the US vetoes a Security Council resolution based on the ICJ decision “it will expose the duplicity of the US like no other veto before”.

In a scenario in which the US does not veto and the UNSC passes the resolution, it would have the power to take punitive action against Israel. Past examples of UNSC action have included economic or trade sanctions, arms embargoes and travel bans.

The UN charter also allows the Council to go a step further and intervene with force. An example of this happened in 1991 when a US-led military alliance was created to reverse the invasion of Kuwait by the Iraqi leader, Saddam Hussein.

An ICJ ruling on the provisional measures in Gaza could possibly be actionable, therefore. However, it would be up to the international community to enforce it.

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US’ Double Standards, Hypocrisy Undermine Prospects For Lasting Peace In Gaza

— By Professor Victor Gao | March 15, 2024

Illustration: Chen Xia/Global Times

While the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip continues to deteriorate as regional conflicts drag on, the US military dropped food and water on Tuesday into the region. On the same day, it was announced by the Pentagon that the US army ships were also moving to the Eastern Mediterranean to build a pier to bring aid to civilians in Gaza. However, the US government is pushing itself into a quagmire, demonstrating a high level of double standards and hypocrisy.

On the one hand, the US has become the main lifeline behind the Israeli military, providing a tremendous amount of equipment, ammunition, weapons of all kinds, military intelligence, as well as money. On the other hand, the US has taken some actions seemingly aimed at providing more humanitarian support to the Palestinian people, alleviating their agonies, pain and suffering.

However, even before the ink dries on the US' pronouncement, the US military has stated that constructing the pier may require up to 60 days. This means that there would be a waiting period of 60 days before the pier could even begin to operate and receive supplies from overseas.

Currently, a war is raging in Gaza, and innocent lives are being lost. How can we afford to wait another 60 days or so? The US government should take immediate action by enforcing a cease-fire while simultaneously expediting the construction of the temporary pier. I hope this can be completed in a shorter time frame. Subsequently, the international community should be called upon to rush supplies to Gaza to alleviate the pain and suffering of the Palestinian people.

The conflict between Israel and Hamas in Gaza is not being contained solely between the two sides. Instead, it has the potential to escalate out of control. Yemen's Houthis are attacking ships bound for or departing from Israel. Moreover, the US and the UK are bombing sites inside Yemen. Other countries, including Iraq, Syria and Iran, are facing increasing crises and strategic bombings by Israeli or Western forces.

Therefore, this is a critical moment for the US to stand up and do the right thing, rather than being accused by future generations of failing to live up to their responsibilities. However, the US does not appear to demonstrate any genuine commitment or willingness to end this conflict. I don't think they really care that much about the civilian deaths in Gaza. They are not dedicating enough resources or attention to do the right thing.

The Gaza crisis seems to be rapidly becoming a pawn in the US' presidential election. Just look at how Donald Trump and Joe Biden talk about the crisis in Gaza and how to deal with the Israeli government or its defense forces. They probably do not want to solve the problem and the crisis immediately. They would prefer to gain more votes by playing electoral tactics, any way they can.

In the US general election up to early November, even though the Gaza crisis itself is one of the most significant and horrific human tragedies in history, attention will likely be focused more on domestic issues rather than international ones. However, the Gaza crisis will undoubtedly influence the election in several ways.

First, many Muslim Americans are expected to mobilize their efforts to urge people not to vote for Biden. They perceive Biden as having let down the US by failing to stand firm in defending peace and the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, as much as the US defends the legitimate rights of the Israeli people.

Second, they are frustrated by the complete failure of the US in helping end the tragedies in Gaza. They are dismayed by the fact that the US has repeatedly blocked resolutions in the United Nations Security Council calling for an immediate cease-fire in Gaza. As a result, they will likely be mobilized. Political activists will attempt to hold Biden accountable for the US' failure to promote a cease-fire in the Israel-Palestine conflict, a failure that has been demonstrated to the entire world.

However, while the American people may be paying attention to the Ukraine crisis and the Gaza conflict, their main focus is on domestic issues, particularly the outcome of the presidential election. Unfortunately, news about civilian deaths, atrocities and indiscriminate killings may be overshadowed by headlines about domestic affairs. This will be a tragic chapter for both the Palestinian people and Israel, as it undermines the prospects for lasting peace in the region.

This is a critical moment for the US to do the right thing and prevent a real crisis of lasting instability, hatred and confrontation between the Palestinian people and the Israeli people. The US should treat the Palestinian people the same as they treat the Israeli people. If anyone attempts to prioritize the political rights of the Israeli people at the expense of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, they will ultimately fail to serve the fundamental interests of the Israelis, as this is not how lasting peace for Israel can be achieved.

— The Author is a Chair Professor at Soochow University and Vice President of the Center for China and Globalization.