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launching-a-thousand-ships · 1 year

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Kurt Glee Rewatch: Wheels

Yay, finally a Kurt heavy ep! I’ll try to restrain my Schuester-rants this time.... no promises...

Oops, already annoyed at Will.

I do love how they always bring up a number for competition bc relevant to plot of ep, and then none of the songs are ever used in competition loll.

And ughh I’m so sick of Will. He just hands the solo to Rachel... no discussion... no auditions. Mercedes only gets to sing sometimes bc she fights for it. Everyone else just sits in the background like omg Will, the point of a teacher is to help all the kids, build them all up. If one isn’t as strong a singer, then freaking teach them ugh.

I literally never see Will actually teach these kids, honestly. He teaches Finn dance? but that’s it.

You can also see a trend, where Will supports Finn and Rachel, then Artie in this ep... later Sam when he joins? But he ignores the students like Mercedes, Santana, and Kurt... who are more likely to talk back/call him out on his bs.

This outfit kills me. Wouldn’t mind the jacket with something else? But otherwise... wow.

I do love how hype everyone is when he says he wants to audition, they all want to choose him over Rachel lol.

The fact that Will doesn’t know Kurt can hit a high F is a sure sign he hasn’t done vocal training with most of these kids.

If he actually cared about being a music teacher, wouldn’t he love the chance to work with a countertenor, use that range and help Kurt hone his skill??

And as we go on, there will be more rants about how Kurt basically never gets a solo in competition with ND. Just.....oh boy, I will rant.

Another amazing Kurt and Burt scene.... Now I can gush yay.

First of all, Kurt has become such a caretaker for his dad.

Then Burt immediately knows something’s up bc even while distant, he still knows Kurt the best.

And after the coming out, Burt still isn’t perfect. He is not ready to deal with Kurt liking a guy. When Kurt makes the pregnancy joke, Burt loses his appetite. He’s clearly still a bit uncomfortable with that part of being gay.

But, when it comes to the solo, Burt is there. He’s in immediate dad mode because if anyone pushes his son around, he is ready to throw hands.

And he’s serious about it. He doesn’t stop at getting the tryout, he asks who’s going to judge because he wants to make sure Kurt gets his chance, fair and square.

Ugh, I love Burt. He still has room to grow here, but he is the best dad ever.

I mean, we all know that if he hit that note everyone would vote for him bc of popularity lol.

Also omg Rachel. An audition is ruining her life? Do you expect to be given every role and never have to audition?? Do you not understand how performing arts work???

I wonder how painful this was for Chris bc he’s actually a ninja and would never drop the baton loll

I love Kurt’s spotting while he practices, treating it the same as a pirouette.

Another great scene. Just, the tremble in Burt’s voice bc it’s not that he disapproves of Kurt singing. He truly is scared bc he doesn’t want his son to get hurt. There this dangerous line of he wants Kurt to get to be who he is, but too much and things could go very badly.

And I love the little mentions of the mom we get as show goes on. Do wish we learned more tho? But you can def get that Kurt is a lot like his mother. But also like his dad omg, with the stubborn and the talking back to every bully etc. And the burying of emotions...

Aww, they’re all there for Kurt. And Mike’s giving support! This friendship is so background, we get zero actual convo

Then the performance (with amazing spider brooch).

I will say, the autotune here is a bit much. Also, Kurt doesn’t have his confidence yet so there’s the hand on hip that doesn’t really fit the tone? Then he has this little leg bounce that makes him seem uncomfortable. It is his first real solo so makes sense.

They do a close up on Santana sending Rachel a Look as Kurt sings which is great. We know who she was going to vote for.

And Kurt also gives Schue a look at ‘I’m through accepting limits, ‘cuz someone said they’re so’ like oof, the Shade.

I like how you can see the emotions on Kurt’s face as he sings, as he’s planning to throw the note.

Lowkey, even though Kurt’s singing here isn’t as strong as later, I still like him better. Partly is me just personally not being a fan of Lea’s singing (I think Glee made me burnout on her solos, and she has this certain squeak to her singing idk if it’s stylistic or what, also in this song you can hear her breaths much more than Kurt’s)..

Would’ve been nice if after this, Kurt got a different solo? Like if Will could still acknowledge that Finchel aren’t the only singers in the glee club.

Every Kurt and Burt scene is the best.

I love how they use language. How Kurt ‘auditions’ for kicker and then Burt is mad that Kurt ‘threw the game’. And Burt has such faith in his son that when Kurt announces he lost, he immediately thinks the competition was rigged.

“I love you more than I love being a star” Excuse while I sob.

Even when at their rockiest, Kurt still loves his dad more than anyone else and the way they only had each other for so long I just. Even while they’re still working out how to connect with each other, their issues are never a lack of love or wanting to protect each other. And it’s written so well.

And then Kurt mentions his coveralls to help his dad work on a car.... and we don’t see it. We never get to see mechanic!Kurt.... and I’ll forever be salty about it

Lowkey Kurt is always so hidden during these end-of-ep group numbers.

You know what would’ve been a nice teacher moment? If after Kurt lost the competition, Will said hey, you’re still a good singer, and gave Kurt a couple of lines in the group number.

As sweet as the moment between Kurt and Burt was, it angers me that Will learned nothing from the whole situation and will carry on ignoring Kurt (and others).

uggghhhhhhhhhhh. But otherwise, great Kurt ep

#glee rewatch #glee #Kurt Hummel #Glee Season 1 #glee wheels

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morganbelarus · 5 years

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Democrat poised to win Kentucky governor’s race

Washington (CNN)Democrat Andy Beshear claimed victory Tuesday night in the Kentucky governor’s race, but Republican Gov. Matt Bevin said he is not conceding.

Bevin aligned himself with Trump and has been a vocal opponent of the impeachment inquiry into the President. Bevin had the strong backing of the President, and Trump held a rally in Lexington, Kentucky, the night before the election.

With 99% of precincts reporting, Beshear currently has 709,697 votes to Bevin’s 703,899.

Democrats also won big in Virginia, where CNN projects the party will flip both chambers of the Virginia legislature, taking control of the state Senate and the House of Delegates.

Meanwhile, in Mississippi, CNN projected a win for Republicans, with Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves defeating Attorney General Jim Hood, a Democrat, in the race for governor.

Beshear vs. Bevin

In Kentucky, Beshear told supporters that his victory sent a message: “That our values, and how we treat each other is still more important than our party. That what unites us as Kentuckians is still stronger than any national divisions.”

Beshear was elected attorney general of Kentucky in 2015, and is the son of Steve Beshear, Bevin’s predecessor.

At his own election party on Tuesday night, Bevin, told supporters in Louisville: “Would it be a Bevin race if it wasn’t a squeaker? I mean, come on. I mean, really and truly, this is a close, close race. We are not conceding this race by any stretch.”

Bevin, elected governor in 2015, is a deeply unpopular figure in Kentucky. He has faced backlash for seeking to undercut the state’s Medicaid expansion and calling teachers “selfish” and accusing them of a “thug mentality” when they protested after he threatened to cut their pensions.

Still, Democrats’ victory in a state that Trump carried by 30 percentage points in the 2016 election could be seen as an ominous sign for the President heading into his 2020 reelection bid. The result showed that Trump wasn’t able to carry his preferred candidate over the finish line. It was also a potential sign that Democrats’ start of impeachment proceedings against Trump has not yet triggered enough anger within the GOP base, or backlash among independents and moderates, to benefit Republicans.

Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale said Tuesday that Trump “just about dragged Gov. Matt Bevin across the finish line.” In a statement, Parscale said the President helped Bevin “run stronger than expected in what turned into a very close race at the end.”

As the projections in Beshear’s favor began, Kentucky Republicans rushed to distance themselves from Bevin, pointing to the governor’s high disapproval ratings and general dislike to put this night on Bevin alone.

One GOP Kentucky adviser said of Bevin: “Turns out it’s not too popular to cut teacher pensions — among other fights he picked.”

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who also appeared with Trump at his Kentucky rally this week, told aides earlier on Tuesday he expected Bevin to pull this race out. It’s far too soon to say whether this spells trouble for McConnell, who faces reelection next year.

Democrats take Virginia legislature while Republicans hold on in Mississippi

In Virginia, Democrats taking control of the House and Senate has huge implications. It opens the door for state lawmakers to pass measures Republicans have long opposed, including gun legislation reform and raising the minimum wage. It also positions the party to control the next round of redistricting ahead of the 2020 census.

The result on Tuesday night was a continuation of the years-long collapse of the GOP in what until recently had been a swing state. Virginia voted for George W. Bush in the 2004 presidential election and elected Republican Bob McDonnell governor in 2009, but the state has backed Democratic presidential and gubernatorial candidates since those elections.

The victories completed a Democratic comeback in the state Legislature that began in 2017, when Democrats made major gains, largely through suburban districts, and Northam won handily in an early sign of backlash over Trump’s presidency.

That election left the GOP with a 51-49 House majority and a 21-19 advantage in the Senate, and Democrats immediately began targeting legislative seats in hopes of winning control this year.

Democrats poured a record-breaking amount of money into Virginia, which has long been a bellwether for national wins and has drifted left in recent years.

Meanwhile, in Mississippi, Reeves, the Republican lieutenant governor, defeated Hood, the Democratic state attorney general.

Trump tweeted Tuesday his congratulations to Reeves. “Our big Rally on Friday night moved the numbers from a tie to a big WIN. Great reaction under pressure Tate!” Trump won Mississippi by about 18 points in 2016.

Both Trump and Vice President Mike Pence traveled to Mississippi in recent days to campaign for Reeves, who has served as the state’s lieutenant governor since 2011. With Reeves’ win, the Republican Party will continue to control the governor’s office and majorities in both state legislative chambers in Mississippi.

Hood spoke at his election watch party on Tuesday, congratulating Reeves on his victory.

“Looks like the next governor will be Tate Reeves, I just called Tate and congratulate him on a good race,” Hood told supporters at his headquarters. “I’ll be praying for him and his administration and I intend to work with them in the transition.”

Original Article : HERE ;

Democrat poised to win Kentucky governor’s race was originally posted by MetNews

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itsfinancethings · 4 years

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On Monday morning, a few hours before President Donald Trump lambasted Joe Biden’s supporters as the “radical left working to get the Anarchists out of jail” and told governors they were “weak” for failing to crack down on protesters, his aides were emailing supporters with a memo that sought to cast the President as a unifying figure.

“Message of the day,” read the subject line of Monday’s talking points from the White House, which are circulated to supporters as guidance to talk to the press and were obtained by TIME. “President Trump: we are working toward a more just society, but that means building up, not tearing down.”

This may be the message some Republicans want Trump to telegraph at this moment of crisis, but it bears little resemblance to what Trump has actually been saying. As the protests over George Floyd’s murder by a Minneapolis police officer turned violent across the country last weekend – including in Trump’s backyard – the only time the public heard from the President was on social media in a series of divisive posts. He called the protesters in Minneapolis “thugs,” raged against the media for “doing everything within their power to foment hatred and anarchy” and continually slammed Democratic officials, who he said let the protests spin out of control.

The discrepancy between the President’s incendiary rhetoric and the line GOP members are expected to tow has once again exposed the fine line Republicans have been forced to walk since Trump took over the party. For years, they’ve uncomfortably shrugged it off. But with Trump’s re-election bid underway, even some Republican stalwarts have acknowledged that Trump’s latest reaction to a national tragedy could have disastrous electoral implications in November.

Even before Floyd’s death unleashed this wave of racial unrest, the President was facing dueling economic and public health crises precipitated by the coronavirus pandemic. Some Republicans already thought the combination was dangerous for Trump’s prospects. Now they think the addition of racial tensions could prove fatal — and hurt GOP lawmakers seeking re-election in their own state races. An ABC News/Washington Post poll conducted last week found that Biden holds a 5-point lead over Trump, even when factoring in low voter turnout, and that Trump’s disapproval rating had increased by 7 points since late March. Polls in key states where Democrats are trying to flip Senate seats, like Montana, Maine and Arizona, showed Republican incumbents trailing before the protests started.

While some Republicans caution it is still too early to predict the party’s demise, others say the writing is on the wall. “Trump’s re-election chances are going down in flames with that Autozone building, police precinct building and burning police cars,” says Dan Eberhart, a Republican donor and Trump supporter. “It’s hard to see how these riots don’t boost Joe Biden’s claim to be the Alka-Seltzer America needs to sooth its stomach right now.”

Several Republicans are already working to distance themselves from the President’s increasingly divisive rhetoric. “I do think some of his tweets have not been helpful and it would be helpful if he would change the tone of his message,” Pennsylvania Senator Pat Toomey told reporters Monday in Philadelphia, one of the cities ravaged by looting and riots.

“I think it’s just the opposite of the message that should be coming out of the White House,” Maryland Governor Larry Hogan, who has not hesitated to criticize Trump for his handling of the coronavirus, said Sunday.

And Sen Tim Scott, the only African-American Republican in the Senate, said Sunday on Fox News that he had spoken with Trump after his controversial tweets about the protesters and urged him to emphasize the injustice of Floyd’s murder and the importance of non-violent demonstrations. “Those are not constructive tweets, without any question,” Scott said, noting that the President’s subsequent tweets after their conversation were “far more responsive.”

Even some Republicans who have not spoken out directly in recent days think Trump is squandering a political opportunity to reach the crucial voting bloc of white female suburban voters who handed the Democrats a decisive victory in the 2018 midterm elections. Strategists consider these voters to be critical for Republicans to retain the White House and the Senate, but the ABC News/Washington Post poll found Biden ahead with women by 28 points.

Some within the party don’t want to see Trump miss an opportunity to appear to be in total control of the crisis. One former Senate Republican communications aide suggested that Trump could still reach white suburban women by highlighting the racial inequities exposed by Floyd’s death and the benefits of peaceful protests — both issues with which that demographic is sympathetic — and deploy all of the tools at his disposal to maintain order, including the military, as Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton suggested on Monday. “If he can’t contrast with the Democratic [city and state governments] and say ‘I will protect you,’ it’s a loss,” says the former Senate aide. “This is literally his only opportunity to make the crisis a win for him.”

By Monday evening, Trump had clearly taken that line of advice on board. As protesters gathered near the White House to demonstrate against police violence and racial inequalities, law enforcement used tear gas to force their exit. Trump then delivered a speech from the Rose Garden, where he announced that he was urging all governors to deploy the National Guard to restore order, and that if local officials did not comply he would take executive action and do it for them. He then walked to St. John’s church — tracing the same path where the protesters had been — which had been damaged in the Sunday night protests, to take a photograph with a Bible.

The display immediately dominated the national discourse, and for many Republicans, further exacerbated the fraught question of how to respond to the Trump’s increasingly extreme messaging. On Tuesday morning, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, usually a vocal supporter of the President, declined to comment on Trump’s speech. So did Utah Sen. Mitt Romney, who has often criticized the President. “These are times where my heart goes out to people,” Romney said Tuesday. “This is a challenging time for our country, and I’m really not going to be commenting on the daily developments that that are coming from the White House or elsewhere.”

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yeskraim · 4 years

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For many young evangelicals in Iowa, climate is front and centre

Pella, Iowa, United States – Seated around long tables over lunch, two dozen students at Iowa’s Central College opened their monthly meeting on sustainability by discussing the upcoming Iowa caucuses. Among other things, the group has organised marches to the mayor’s office and written letters to elected officials.

There was no official endorsement, but Efrain Garcia reminded students to register and show up. “This is a really big election, because we have a real shot at electing a person, you can determine who that person is, that really supports sustainability,” Garcia said.

Who are the 2020 US Democratic presidential candidates?

US elections 2020: When are the debates, primaries, conventions?

What can the 2019 election results tell us about 2020?

Iowans will gather at different sites around the state on Monday evening to choose candidates for the 2020 US presidential elections.

For this group of students at Central College, a school affiliated with the Reformed Church in America, the election is just as much, if not more, about engaging with an issue many grew up talking about as it is about the issues that have historically driven evangelicals and other Christians to the polls.

“I come from a very conservative family and a very conservative background, and so I used to think the sustainability movement was a very liberal agenda and a very liberal idea. And I was very turned off to the idea that I was required to take a sustainability class, because it wasn’t something that I was interested in,” said Carter Terpstra, who lives in one of the green pods on campus, where residents are required to present projects in order to keep living there, such as examining the recycling system in the athletic facilities. All students are required to take a class on sustainability.

Terpstra started to change his mind when he saw that the issues the sustainability movement was trying to address were some of the things he cared about as a Christian.

“They’re fighting for justice. Why wouldn’t I be on board with that? But at the same time, there were some things where I was like, well, I agree and disagree with even within the whole spectrum of what sustainability is,” Terpstra said. “In hindsight now, it’s better that I was educated on it than not. Because now I know what it’s all about. My preconceived ideas did not meet reality.”

Efrain Garcia speaks to Claire Ackerman and Savanna Henning at Central College [Teresa Krug/Al Jazeera]

Claire Ackerman declined to say what political party she affiliates with but said her Christian faith compelled her to consider protection for the earth.

“I don’t really feel a tension between my political party and my belief in climate change,” said Claire Ackerman.

Through one campus ministry she is a member of, Savanna Henning said she and others organised a campus fair hosting businesses that promote sustainable and ethical business practices.

“I guess I got really passionate about engaging with faith communities when I started seeing people that combined faith with politics and claimed things that aren’t true,” said Savanna Henning. “I would see things on Twitter where people would say, ‘Hey, like even if climate change is real, who cares? It’s all in God’s hands.’ That kind of thing, and I was like, ‘Hey, that’s not what I stand for. That’s not what I believe. We wouldn’t say that about people who are impoverished.'”

Stickers and a candidate worksheet at Central College [Teresa Krug/Al Jazeera]

For many students who came from religious backgrounds, conversations around climate change were not only absent, they were previously discouraged.

“[In church] we received at least this implicit message on climate change that we needed to keep that out of the church; it was too politicised, it was too liberal, because many of us grew up in a more conservative context,” said Kyle Meyaard-Schaap, national organiser and spokesman with Young Evangelicals for Climate Action (YECA), a group has been around for less than a decade and does not advocate for one political party over another.

A choice between issues?

Because Iowa kicks off the presidential primary and caucus season every four years, much ado is usually made over the influence that evangelicals have, though most major polls indicate the overall religiosity of the state as “average” for the US. It is not as religious as the southern part of the US, but more religious than the East and West coasts.

While Republicans are seen as more vocal when it comes to discussing their faith, a few Democratic candidates – especially former South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg – have spoken openly about attending church regularly. Buttigieg has called on the Democratic Party not to shy away from this issue.

In general, the last decade has seen a decline in those who identify as Christian. But their influence is still felt because they reliably show up and vote.

Older evangelicals are generally far more likely to deny climate change is happening than the general public. While data on younger evangelicals’ opinions of climate change is scarce, many people who study this demographic say that, in general, this group more closely aligns with others in their generation who believe that climate change is a “major threat”.

Savanna Henning marches in a climate change protest in Des Moines, Iowa [Teresa Krug/Al Jazeera]

Nationally, the majority of white evangelicals lean conservative and now constitute a third of the Republican base. President Donald Trump has rolled back many regulations regarding the environment while also being applauded by Christian leaders for restricting funding for abortion access and installing new conservative judges on the federal bench.

In a recent poll by the Public Religion Research Institute, 77 percent of white evangelical Protestants approve of the job Trump is doing. That number slides to about half (54 percent ) among white mainline Protestants and white Catholics (48 percent) and leans overwhelmingly to disapproval among Hispanic Catholics (72 percent) and black Protestants (86 percent).

Ryan Burge, assistant professor of political science at Eastern Illinois University, said he does not see climate change yet translating into a big enough issue to spur young, conservative evangelicals to prioritise it over other partisan issues, including abortion and smaller government.

“I think that they would like the Republican party to not be full of climate deniers, but it’s not enough for almost any of them to change who they vote for,” Burge said.

YECA’s Meyaard-Schaap said many newcomers to the climate action movement see climate change as an extension of them living out their faith, rather than separate from it, and view it as another anti-abortion rights issue.

“I think for younger evangelicals, the choice is not to resist climate action and remain sceptical or go all in on climate action. I think the choice is to leave the church and be active on climate issues or remain in the church and be active on climate issues,” Meyaard-Schaap said, adding, however, that he does see young people’s views on climate change “complicating” their approach to voting.

‘Loud and proud’

Unlike in primaries, counting in Democratic caucuses in Iowa is done publicly, which means the event tends to draw more vocal activists: people who are less concerned with which neighbours see for whom they vote.

If they do decide to caucus, Burge said he would expect to see younger evangelicals, who have warmed to the issue of same-sex marriages more than their parents, choose a more moderate candidate like Buttigieg than more progressive candidates like Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.

“If you see evangelicals caucus for the Democrats, they’re gonna be loud and proud. They can’t do it quietly, because you’re gonna have to have people talk about it,” said Burge. “I think it’s worth watching, but white evangelicals are not going to vote for a Democrat over a Republican over the environment. If they don’t vote for Trump, it’s because they’re not voting for Trump because they dislike him as a person, his morality or his policies.”

Protesters march through Des, Moines, Iowa, to demand climate action [Teresa Krug/Al Jazeera]

Zach Bonner, lecturer of political science at Iowa State University, agreed with Burge that younger evangelicals are considering issues like climate change in a way that runs contrary to their parents, but it is not yet a big enough issue to sway that many votes.

He also pointed out that while climate change has gotten some attention this election from several Democratic candidates, the issue is also not the Democratic Party’s number one concern.

“I think the Democratic side has taken it on as a main party platform issue more so than the Republican side, but I think there’s still plenty of other issues that are more front and centre, such as dealing with healthcare or gun violence,” Bonner said.

As for Henning, who did not divulge her political affiliation, she said she is only considering candidates who consider the environment. Moreover, she said she and other young evangelicals – conservative and liberal – are pushing for more than just what happens at the ballot box.

“It’s about changing the mindset of a nation,” Henning said.

The post For many young evangelicals in Iowa, climate is front and centre appeared first on Gadgets To Make Life Easier.

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thisdaynews · 5 years

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Senate Republicans to condemn impeachment inquiry after Trump gripes

New Post has been published on https://thebiafrastar.com/senate-republicans-to-condemn-impeachment-inquiry-after-trump-gripes/

Senate Republicans to condemn impeachment inquiry after Trump gripes

During his press conference, Grahamused posters as visual aids toargue that the House’s impeachment inquiry into Trump deviates from the impeachment inquiry into President Bill Clinton. Graham’s resolution has 44 Republican co-sponsors.

McConnell said Thursday that no time has been set yet for a vote but that he “obviously” supports the measure.

Senate Republicans have lambasted House Democrats for holding depositions behind closed doors and for declining to hold a vote that would formalize an impeachment inquiry, which happened in both the Clinton and Nixon impeachments but is not required by the constitution.

But Trump’s conservative allies in the House are growing frustrated that their Senate counterparts aren’t doing more to protect the president. Some House Republicans, who have been using their limited tools in the minority to disrupt Democrats’ impeachment probe, think the GOP-led Senate should use their powers to step up their defense of Trump.

Some are calling on Graham to hold his own impeachment hearings and haul in GOP witnesses as a way to counter-program the Democratic-led impeachment probe — and it’s unclear if Graham’s disapproval resolution will be enough to satisfy their demands.

“There are members of the House who would like [Graham] to take that to the next level,” Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-N.Y.), who has emerged as one of Trump’s most vocal defenders in the impeachment fight, told POLITICO on Wednesday. “The Senate Judiciary Committee might be that vehicle to let the American people more in on what the whole story is.”

But in the Senate, the minority on the Judiciary Committee can also bring their own witnesses. And other lawmakers point out that it makes sense that House Republicans are on the frontlines defending Trump since impeachment starts in the lower chamber. Plus, many senators say they need to stay neutral right now in case they wind up as jurors in an impeachment trial.

When asked about criticism from Trump allies that he needed to do more to counteract impeachment proceedings, Graham said there was only so much he could do and encouraged House Republicans to remain focused on the process.

“The Senate is different than the House,” Graham said. “I just don’t have the ability to call anybody I want to call, the other side gets a say. And I would be careful what you wish for.”

Earlier this week, Trump urged Republicans to “get tough and fight” for him on impeachment – a request House Republicans appear to be taking to heart. Dozens of GOP lawmakers stormed a secure facility Wednesday where impeachment investigators depose witnesses to protest the closed-door impeachment interviews – a stunt that caused a five-hour delay in testimony from Laura Cooper, a Pentagon official. The members refused to leave, which prompted intervention from the House sergeant-at-arms.

House Republicans also unanimously supported a failed effort to censure Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), who has emerged as Trump’s favorite punching bag in the impeachment fight.

And Trump is clearly taking notice: he fired off a tweet that specifically praised House Republicans, making no mention of the Senate GOP.

“Thank you to House Republicans for being tough, smart, and understanding in detail the greatest Witch Hunt in American History,” Trump tweeted Thursday morning. “It has been going on since long before I even got Elected (the Insurance Policy!). A total Scam!”

Jordan Sekulow, a member of Trump’s legal team and son of thepresident’s lawyer Jay Sekulow, praised Graham for the resolution on his father’s radio show this week.

“It sends a huge message to Democrats like Pelosi and Schiff and all those Democratic presidential candidates,” he said. “Wherever you’re talking about impeachment, you’re going to fail. If you move that way, you’re going to fail.”

Graham, who had lunch with Trump and a group of senators Thursday, said the president still feels slighted by the impeachment inquiry.

“He would like the process to be exposed for being basically unfair,” Graham said. “He feels like it never stops. he feels like he doesn’t have a real fair chance of being president of the United States.”

Graham added that he spoke to acting chief of staff Mick Mulvaney and that the White House is working on getting a messaging team together to address impeachment. Graham later clarified in a tweet he “did not mean to leave some with the impression the White House needed to hire a new team to handle impeachment.” He said the discussion was more about strategy, not personnel.

Senate Republicans insist that the Graham resolution is not about pressure from Trump on the GOP to do more on impeachment. Some senators, including Sens. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) and Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va), said they had not heard anything from the president. They argue instead that it’s about fairness.

“It’s the process, it’s just unprecedented and it’s just unfair,” Capito said.

“Hopefully it gets the House to let them know that ‘hey we’re watching on this side’ if you’re going to conduct a hearing on that side with no due process,” added Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.).

The Graham resolution could both please Trump and put pressure on Republicans like Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah, who have appeared open to considering the evidence in the House impeachment inquiry. Even Republicans who have declined to offer predictions on how the inquiry might end up have attacked Democrats for how they’ve handled impeachment.

But Romney appeared open Thursday to the Graham resolution.

“I’ll take a look at that, ” Romney said. “I’d like to see a vote taken in the House to see if there’s support for an impeachment process. I’d love to see a more open process and I think it’s important we protect the whistleblower according to whistleblower law.”

Burgess Everett contributed to this report.

#Foreign #gripes #Politics #Trump

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lightshade393 · 5 years

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Now we come to the Best Director category. Like quite a few categories that year, the Academy still seemed to be finding their feet. They divided up Best Director into two categories, one for Best Dramatic Picture and one for Best Comedy Picture, not unlike how the Golden Globes eventually ended up dividing some of their categories. I’m sure they soon realized that some years this wouldn’t have ended up feasible, for while there’s always a ton of great dramatic films each year, it’s much harder to find good comedies. It’s much harder to make someone laugh then make someone cry. I will stand by this no matter what anyone says.

The first picture nominated in the category was Sorrell and Son, directed by Herbert Brenon. Maddeningly, as much as I scoured the internet, I was unable to find a copy of it anywhere, though the Academy Film Archive is said to have a partially restored print. Someone tell them to get that out on a DVD and for download toot-sweet!

So that takes us to the other picture nominated that year: The Crowd. As finding a copy of this film on the net is an exercise in maddeningly ever getting closer to the edge of the abyss while you tear your hair out, I’ve included a link for it above. Now, I am all for paying money to watch films in a legal format and supporting good films that way, but that’s only if they’re actually available. But TCM, who runs this movie occasionally, has not done so, so I was forced to watch the pirated version. I feel no shame in telling you to do the same.

The Crowd is an All-American tale of a young man named John who moves to the big city with the intent of making it big. He wants to be a somebody that people will remember as his late father always wanted him to be. Rather hard in New York City, where there’s millions of people right along side you who want the same thing. Now, The Crowd managed to make this picture feel larger-then-life by filming right on the streets of NYC, sometimes covertly for crowd scenes. You get a sense of just how massive the place is as people stream about going from place to place. The camera has large, sweeping shots all over the place, as well as a lot of tracking shots, a style which would be lost for quite some time due to the limitations that sound pictures would soon present.

Now, just to get the elephant out of the room right away, there are a few moments in the picture where black actors are portrayed in the title cards to have the “black minstrel accent”, examples like ‘Did I hear you-all speakin’ ’bout havin’ yo’ bed made up?’ and ‘I detend to be a preacher man! Hallelujah!’ There’s also a moment you might cringe as the token black boy in John’s childhood town is nicknamed Whitey. So if you’re a bit sensitive to these things, which are somewhat common in this silent era, turn it off or fast-forward a bit. Remember, not everything in the past conforms to today’s standards. To be fair, in a nice bit of solidarity, Whitey is shown to be playing with the white children of the neighborhood without being ostracized or shown to be anymore comical then any of the other little boys, a scene that would begin to be lost as films progressed. Alright, with that out of the way, time to move onto the rest of the picture.

As usually happens in these kinds of pictures, he finds a nice girl named Mary, and they soon marry, with his best friend cynically saying it’ll last maybe a year. Despite her disapproving brothers and mother, and a few small squabbles, the two weather the storm together, and soon Mary is pregnant. They have a boy and then soon a little girl some time later. The picture skips ahead five years and everything is going along alright.

The family is at the beach on a picnic and their characters are laid out nicely for us: Mary is trying her best to make the picnic nice while John sits there lackadaisically playing a ukulele instead of contributing any help at all. When Mary asks him why he hasn’t gotten anywhere in his company, he protests it takes time. But based on what we’ve seen thus far between young John blowing off his studies to go on a date with Mary, then blowing off spending time with Mary’s family to get drunk with Bert, and this idea of letting his wife do all the work while he futzes around, it comes off more like he’s just lazy. She points out his best friend Bert has gotten somewhere and again he protests that rubbing elbows with the big bosses will get you anywhere. Well…yeah, and what’s wrong with that? A little hard work plus kissing up to the bosses never hurt anyone in my opinion.

But things seem to be turning around for the family as John, who keeps sending in slogan after slogan to contests that will select them as the new one for their brand finally wins a bit of money in the form of $500. ( That’s $7,345.99 in today’s money, people!) They happily pay off debts, buy a new dress for Mary, and buy new toys for their children. They excitedly tell them to come inside and that’s when tragedy strikes. In a masterful series of shots that hype up the tension by never showing us the actual moment of impact, their little girl is struck and badly injured by a truck.

The scene fades to a sad one as the little girl starts to slip away. Small wonder that John seems to lose it a little bit, hyperfixating on the idea that if it’s just quiet enough, she’ll get well. He goes all the way to running into the crowded streets of the city, battling against the crowd and futilely trying to get them and the fire trucks to be quiet. There’s a wonderful parallel here as the crowd which was once a source of inspiration and happiness has now turned cold and unfeeling, with a policeman flat-out telling him that the world isn’t going to stop just because his baby is sick.

The little girl dies, and in a scene full of pathos that never goes over the top, we see Mary and John in the throes of grief, both trying to be comforted by their family and failing. What happens next is best summed up by the title card: “The crowd laughs with you always… but it will cry with you for only a day.” John can’t focus on his work anymore and quits his job. This proves to be a dumb mistake as he then spends his time getting jobs and losing them just as quickly. This would be eerily prescient for the Americans watching this film, soon to be plunged into the Great Depression. By the time the story picks back up, they’ve moved to a small, dingy house, Mary is forced to take in sewing to make ends meet in addition to all her other work, and their poor firstborn son Junior is completely neglected.

Mary’s brothers sum it up nicely when they bitingly ask John if he plans to go on a vacation from life for the rest of his life. At this point, I started to lose my sympathies for John a bit. He just sits around in a daze, which is understandable, but in the meantime, his wife is holding the family together by taking on the lion’s share of the work. To contrast, while he’s throwing a fit and impulsively quitting his job, she’s busy making a feast for the company picnic while still in the throes of her own grief. As I’m sure all of you well know who have lost any beloved family member, life doesn’t stop just to let you spend your days grieving. Eventually, you have to get back out there and try.

Then comes the part in the picture where I wanted to smack him. Mary’s brothers say they’ll give him a job, but he refuses, saying it’s a “charity job.” This comes from a 2019 perspective, and I’m sure things were different ninety-one years ago, but this seems to me to stink with a bit of toxic masculinity. So it’s “charity” to take a job from relatives because of your stinking pride but sitting on your ass day after day moping is what…heroically supporting your family? Men have their pride, but they also have families that need to eat. Mary rightfully calls him out on this stupid line of thinking and slaps him, saying she almost wishes he were dead.

Junior follows his father as he walks around town depressed. He considers killing himself by jumping off a bridge but then reconsiders. After all, what’s the point? The shots here of the train and bridge are beautifully done. Junior, the poor little neglected son, finally breaks through to his father by telling him he believes in him. This finally snaps John back into action. He looks all over town for a job, eventually finding one as a clown wearing a sandwich board who juggles. It’s a contrast to the start of the picture when he made fun of just such a man with the same job when they were on a date.

But it appears to be too late, as when he returns, Mary seems set on departing with her brothers and taking Junior with her, even after he reveals he’s gotten a job. It’s a very tender scene, and at the end of it, Mary can’t do it. She stays with her husband and her brothers exasperatedly toss her luggage onto the porch when it becomes clear she’s not coming. The picture ends with the family attending a vaudeville show and seeing John’s winning slogan from earlier in the program. The shot fades out into a masterfully done tracking shot, pulling back from the little family we’ve followed until once again, they are lost in the crowd of people that make up the audience.

Now with such a good picture done about ordinary people, it is a bit of a headscratcher as to how it didn’t win a single award that year at the Oscars, though even I will admit the eventual winner was a smidge better. However, it makes a little more sense when you discover Louis B. Mayer, head of MGM, hated the picture and vocally urged his fellow members at the Academy not to vote for it, which honestly might have caused it to lose in both categories that it was nominated in. Small wonder, with the country going into the Depression five months after the awards ceremony, that people didn’t want to see movies with downer endings. Honestly, by today’s standards, it seems pretty optimistic, but back then, it was a bit of a bummer to see the family still struggling.

King Vidor was actually forced to shoot anywhere between reportedly seven to nine alternate different endings so that theaters could choose which one they wanted to show. To quote IMDB, one of the alternate endings was “set in a mansion showing John and Mary by a glittering Christmas tree. John has become a success at writing ad slogans. Mary’s new dialogue title was to read: ‘Honest, Johnny, way down deep in my heart, I never lost faith in you for a minute.'” Overwhelmingly, the theaters still showed the original ending, which says something about how people viewed it despite the negativity the ending might have stirred up.

Best Director, Dramatic Picture 1929: King Vidor for The Crowd and Herbert Brenon for Sorrell and Son Now we come to the Best Director category. Like quite a few categories that year, the Academy still seemed to be finding their feet.

#1929 #Best Director #Sorrell & Son #The Crowd

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Business CNN Key Races: 11 House seats move toward Democrats, 3 toward GOP

Business CNN Key Races: 11 House seats move toward Democrats, 3 toward GOP Business CNN Key Races: 11 House seats move toward Democrats, 3 toward GOP http://www.nature-business.com/business-cnn-key-races-11-house-seats-move-toward-democrats-3-toward-gop/

Business

Washington (CNN)The battle for control of the US House is coming into sharper focus with November’s midterm elections now less than 70 days away.

For Democrats, the path to the majority appears to run in large part through suburban, well-educated districts where disapproval of President Donald Trump’s job performance could be hobbling GOP candidates. The party’s prospects have improved as Democratic candidates continue to overperform in special election contests, with the latest example being last month’s slim defeat in a reliably Republican central Ohio district. The result was further proof the party has a significant enthusiasm edge this cycle.

Despite those headwinds, there remain a few bright spots for the GOP. The party has a handful of incumbents who are running strong races in districts that would be tough in any environment, let alone one where the President’s approval rating is stuck in the high 30s or low to mid-40s. The latest ABC News/Washington Post survey,

released Friday

, showed the President at 36% approval and 60% disapproval.

Ten weeks might not seem like a long time, but in politics it is a lifetime. The national dynamics can change in an instant, as we saw with the recent legal bombshells involving Michael Cohen and Paul Manafort. Then there was the stunning indictment of a sitting GOP member of Congress for allegedly misusing campaign funds, prompting Democrats to reprise their “culture of corruption” line of attack, which the party successfully deployed against Republicans in 2006.

In all, CNN is moving 14 seats — 11 toward Democrats and three in the direction of Republicans. There are currently 11 seats held or vacated by Republicans that CNN rates as Lean Democratic or better, which would get the party almost halfway to the 23 it needs to gain in order to win control of the House. Of the 30 districts now rated as Toss-Ups, 28 belong to Republicans — and Hillary Clinton won 12 of them in 2016.

To the ratings:

CA-45:

This district is one of seven GOP-held seats in districts that Clinton won in the Golden State, carrying it 49% to 44%. In 2012, it went 55% to 43% for Mitt Romney. Based entirely in Orange County, the 45th District is diverse — 22% Asian and 19% Latino — and highly educated — a majority of residents hold at least a four-year college degree. Two-term GOP Rep. Mimi Walters is running against UC Irvine consumer law professor Katie Porter. With Republicans facing long odds in California’s gubernatorial contest and shut out of the Senate race, the party is hoping an effort to repeal the state’s gas tax will boost GOP turnout this fall to the benefit of some congressional candidates locked in tough battles. Porter recently

released an ad

saying she opposes higher gas taxes, a move to try and neutralize attacks from Walters and outside groups. Republicans are trying to cast Porter as

too liberal for the district

, highlighting the Democrat’s support of “Medicare-for-all.” Democrats, meanwhile, are likely to seize on Walters’ vote in favor of the GOP tax plan, which included a cap on state and local tax deductions — claimed by 46% of households in the 45th District in 2014, according to the

Tax Policy Center

. Both candidates should have plenty of resources for the fall campaign. Porter outraised Walters by $1 million to $704,000 in the second quarter, but the GOP incumbent held a $1.5 million to $780,000 lead in cash on hand at the end of June.

Race moves from Lean Republican to Toss-Up

CA-50:

The indictment of GOP Rep. Duncan Hunter on charges he and his wife

misused $250,000 in campaign funds

for personal expenses not only places the five-term incumbent in legal jeopardy, it also adds a degree of difficulty to his political challenge this cycle. The charges detailed in the 47-page indictment include spending campaign money on an Italian vacation, in-cabin flights for the family’s pet bunny and tequila shots at a DC bachelor party. Hunter’s Democratic opponent, Ammar Campa-Najjar, has turned the indictment into

a new TV ad

that calls Hunter an “embarrassment.” Even with the charges, the district remains an uphill climb for Democrats. Trump won it by 15 points with 54% of the vote in 2016. Romney carried it by an even wider 22-point margin in 2012, 60% to 38%. Campa-Najjar is running a progressive campaign on some of California’s most conservative terrain. That could make it difficult for the Democrat to fully capitalize on any Republican voters in the district who sour on Hunter because of the charges. Hunter has struggled to raise money amid the federal investigation into his campaign spending, which seems unlikely to change following the indictment. Campa-Najjar nearly doubled Hunter in the second quarter, $362,000 to $183,000.

Races moves from Solid Republican to Likely Republican

IA-04: Eight-term GOP Rep. Steve King remains a heavy favorite to prevail in November, but he’s got some competition in the form of Democrat J.D. Scholten, a former professional baseball player barnstorming the northwest Iowa district in a red, white and blue Winnebago emblazoned with his name. Part of the challenge for Democrats in the 4th District is the GOP’s commanding registration advantage. Republicans make up 39% of registered voters, while Democrats are just 25%. Another 35% don’t have a party affiliation. Scholten will have to tap into that vote if he’s going to fare better than previous challengers to King. The conservative firebrand’s previous low-water mark came in 2012, when he defeated former Iowa first lady Christie Vilsack by 8 points, 53% to 45%. One area that might be of concern for King is money. Scholten outraised King by $342,000 to $140,000 in the second quarter of 2018 — which marks the third consecutive quarter he’s hauled in more funds than the GOP incumbent. At last check Scholten leads $254,000 to $117,000 in cash on hand. Race moves from Solid Republican to Likely Republican

KS-02: Democrat Paul Davis lost his 2014 bid for governor against Sam Brownback by 4 points, but he carried the 2nd District by 6 points. This year the former Kansas House minority leader will face off with Army veteran Steve Watkins, who won a competitive seven-way GOP primary with 26% of the vote. Watkins benefited from roughly $300,000 in television advertising from a PAC founded and funded by his father, support that Democrats might try to turn into a political liability. Still, that kind of outside spending could help Watkins close the fundraising gap with Davis, who had a $942,000 to $125,000 advantage in cash on hand as of mid-July. Watkins is also getting an assist from the Congressional Leadership Fund, the House GOP super PAC, which is targeting Davis with ads saying he’ll “rubber-stamp” House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi’s “liberal tax and spend agenda.” Davis has vowed to vote against Pelosi for Democratic leader if he’s elected. Another figure who could be a factor in the race is Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, the GOP nominee for governor. Kobach, a vocal proponent of strict voter identification laws and hardline immigration policies, could be a potential drag on House GOP candidates in the Sunflower State. Republicans there were already facing headwinds stirred up by Brownback, the unpopular former governor, who resigned earlier this year to take a job in the Trump administration. Race moves from Lean Republican to Toss-Up

KS-03: Staying in Kansas, the potential Kobach and Brownback drag also applies to the 3rd District, where GOP Rep. Kevin Yoder is facing a challenge from Democrat Sharice Davids, a former mixed martial-arts fighter and White House fellow who emerged from a competitive six-person primary. This mostly suburban district surrounding Kansas City has a large share of college graduates. In 2016, Clinton narrowly won the district, 47% to 46%. Romney carried it by 10 points four years earlier. Yoder received less than 70% of the GOP primary vote, which could be a warning sign for the four-term incumbent. He also was called out by the Kansas City Star editorial board for primary night comments that Davids and one of her Democratic rivals didn’t “know Kansas” and “don’t know our values.” Davids would be the first openly lesbian congresswoman from Kansas and one of the first Native American women elected to Congress along with Deb Haaland, who is running for a solidly blue House seat in New Mexico. Race moves from Lean Republican to Toss-Up

KY-06:

Just how far will the Democratic Party’s enthusiasm edge carry it in 2018? Kentucky’s 6th District, home to Lexington, is one race to watch for an answer. Democrat Amy McGrath, a retired Marine Corps fighter pilot, is challenging three-term GOP Rep. Andy Barr in a state Trump carried by 16 points. McGrath’s candidacy — fueled in part by sharply produced television ads

highlighting her military background

— has turned this into a top Democratic target this cycle. Barr recently sought to compare his political experience to McGrath’s military service,

telling The New York Times

they “both served our country” — adding he did so “in a position where ideas matter” and McGrath “where execution matters.” His campaign also has attacked her as a “radical progressive” and a “feminist” in an effort to cast her as “too liberal for Kentucky.” McGrath has been a strong fundraiser, pulling in $1.2 million in the second quarter, compared with $913,000 for Barr.

Race moves from Lean Republican to Toss-Up

NJ-03:

This New Jersey swing district features two-term GOP Rep. Tom MacArthur and Democratic challenger Andy Kim, a former White House national security official. A recent

Monmouth University poll

of the 3rd District showed a tight race: 41% for MacArthur, 40% for Kim and 15% undecided. Trump’s approval among voters in the 3rd District stands at 46%, while 49% disapprove. In 2016, Trump carried the district 51% to 45% — a swing from four years earlier, when Obama won it 52% to 48%. Kim has proven to be a strong fundraiser, hauling in more than $1 million in the second quarter and leading in cash on hand $1.6 million to $1 million — though MacArthur could help his cause by leaning on his personal wealth. Democrats have made health care a centerpiece of their midterm messaging. That is especially true in the 3rd District, where Kim has seized on MacArthur’s role in the House GOP’s effort to repeal Obamacare last year. MacArthur was also the only New Jersey representative from either party to back the GOP tax cut plan that limited the popular deduction for state and local taxes.

Race moves from Lean Republican to Toss-Up

OH-01: GOP Rep. Steve Chabot was swept into office amid the 1994 Republican revolution. He lost his seat in 2008 during a strong year for Democrats, only to gain it back two years later in the GOP wave of 2010. Can the 11-term incumbent withstand the political headwinds facing his party this time around? He’s facing a serious challenge from 35-year-old Hamilton County Clerk of Courts Aftab Pureval, who has significantly outraised Chabot the last two quarters. The back-to-back hauls have Pureval closing in on Chabot’s cash on hand, $1.5 million to $1.3 million. The 1st District is a blend of urban and suburban areas with a sizable share of college graduates and where 30% of residents are nonwhite. In particular, the President’s struggles with college-educated women could pose trouble for Chabot. In an election where offering “change” could be an asset and the power of incumbency somewhat diminished, the contrast between Pureval and Chabot has the potential to sway some voters toward the Democratic challenger. Race moves from Lean Republican to Toss-Up

OH-12: For Democrats, the August special election was likely the party’s best opportunity at flipping this long-held GOP seat in central Ohio. Republican Troy Balderson eked out a win, defeating Democrat Danny O’Connor in a district Trump carried by 11 points in 2016 and that had been represented by Republicans for more than three decades. Balderson and O’Connor will face off again in November, but the rematch isn’t expected to draw the same level of national attention and money as their initial encounter. Given the Republican DNA of this district, Balderson starts Round 2 with an advantage. Race moves from Toss-Up to Lean Republican

OH-14: Three-term GOP Rep. Dave Joyce is running a television ad touting his opposition to his party’s efforts to take away health insurance protections for pre-existing conditions while also trumpeting that he “stood up” to Trump on funding for the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative. The move to stress his independence reflects the balance Joyce must strike in this suburban Northeast Ohio district that Trump carried by double digits but for a long time was held by the late Rep. Steve LaTourette, a moderate Republican who advocated for pragmatism over partisanship. Democrat Betsy Rader has accused Joyce of “running away from his record” — noting his previous support for repealing the Affordable Care Act. Rader’s experience as a senior counsel at the Cleveland Clinic and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services could help her more effectively litigate the health care argument in the race. Before Trump’s 11-point win in the 14th District, Obama narrowly lost it twice — by 3 points in 2012 and by less than a point in 2008. Race moves from Likely Republican to Lean Republican

PA-01: On paper, this suburban Philadelphia district should be locked in the Toss-Up column from now until Nov. 6. But first-term GOP Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick has cultivated a moderate brand, voting against the House GOP’s Obamacare repeal plan while also picking up endorsements from organized labor and Giffords, the gun control advocacy group founded by former Democratic Rep. Gabby Giffords. The Democratic nominee is Scott Wallace, a multimillionaire philanthropist and grandson of one of Franklin Roosevelt’s vice presidents. Republicans have sought to cast Wallace as a wealthy outsider and seized on donations made by his charitable foundation, including those to groups protesting Israel. Wallace’s campaign blasted the attacks from “special interests” and charged Fitzpatrick with being “in the pocket of Donald Trump.” A June poll from Monmouth University found 53% of the voters in the district had a favorable impression of Fitzpatrick, compared with just 22% who had an unfavorable view, signaling the challenge Wallace faces in trying to redefine his opponent while also defending himself from political attacks. Wallace holds a slight edge in terms of cash on hand — $1.7 to $1.65 million — and can lean on his personal wealth to fuel his effort. But the GOP cavalry is prepared to boost Fitzpatrick with roughly $7 million in TV ads between now and Election Day, per Kantar Media/CMAG. Race moves from Toss-Up to Lean Republican

PA-10: The redistricting scramble in Pennsylvania earlier this year put the 10th District within reach for Democrats. The redrawn lines, which included adding parts of Harrisburg favorable to Democrats, shifted the district from one Trump carried by 21 points to one he would have won by 9 points. The party also landed a candidate, George Scott, whose background as a retired Army lieutenant colonel and Lutheran pastor could appeal in the district. The incumbent, GOP Rep. Scott Perry, is an Iraq War veteran and assistant adjutant general in the Pennsylvania National Guard. Scott outraised Perry in the second quarter, but the Republican holds a $553,000 to $207,000 advantage in cash on hand. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee recently added Scott to its “Red to Blue” program, which should help bolster his fundraising for the final stretch of the campaign. Race moves from Likely Republican to Lean Republican

TX-23:

GOP Rep. Will Hurd, a former CIA officer, is no stranger to close campaigns. He won his first race in 2014 by 2 points and was re-elected by an even slimmer margin. He’s also established a moderate political brand — and managed to preserve it in the era of the Trump GOP. Hurd voted against the House GOP Obamacare repeal bill — the only Texas Republican to do so — and has criticized the Trump administration’s immigration policies, including building a wall along the border with Mexico — more than 800 miles of which are in the 23rd District. Following the Helsinki summit in July, Hurd faulted the President over his “failure to defend the United States intelligence community’s unanimous conclusions of Russian meddling in the 2016 election” and suggested Trump was being

“manipulated”

by Russian leader Vladimir Putin. The challenge for Democrat Gina Ortiz Jones, a former Air Force intelligence officer, is to convince voters in the district that Hurd’s centrist credentials are disingenuous. Jones is well-funded — raising $1.2 million in the second quarter — but still trails Hurd in cash on hand $2 million to $1.1 million. Between now and November, Hurd and his GOP allies plan to spend about $5.3 million on television, compared with $1.7 million by Jones and Democratic groups, according to Kantar Media/CMAG. And while many prime Democratic targets this year are found in the suburbs,

the 23rd District

spans two time zones, stretching from San Antonio to El Paso, totaling more than 58,000 square miles. Clinton won it by 4 points; Romney by 3. Jones is a credible challenger who should keep the race close, but heading into the final stretch it appears Hurd has the edge.

Race moves from Toss-Up to Lean Republican

WA-03:

GOP Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler placed first in the 3rd District’s top-two primary in August, but the four-term incumbent received only 42% of the vote. Democrat Carolyn Long, a professor at Washington State University Vancouver, was second with 35%. The overall

primary vote

was split 51% to 49% in favor of Republican candidates. Trump carried the district by 7 points — but with just 48% of the vote in 2016. Romney won it 50% to 48% in 2012. Herrera Beutler had more than $1 million in the bank as of mid-July, compared with $111,000 for Long. That’s a significant gap to make up given the late primary in the Evergreen State.

Race moves from Solid Republican to Likely Republican