#2014 ford explorer specs

[bmwbestusa]

2024 Ford Explorer Redesign, Specs, Release Date

2024 Ford Explorer Redesign, Specs, Release Date – The first iteration of the Ford Explorer debuted for the 1991 model year and set the SUV market on fire. For its fourth year on the market, the current Explorer has offered customers several desirable features, including a third-row seat, an athletic appearance, and a choice between three engines. It’s a capable vehicle that can easily carry a…

[armmotorsports]

10 Best Used City Cars for Under £5k

Thinking of getting a new city car? These little motors won’t break the bank and have what it takes to navigate and manoeuvre around the tight urban streets. Each one has been selected for looks, performance and reliability. So in reverse order, leading up to our favourite pick – here is our top ten city cars:

Vauxhall Corsa

Without a doubt this is one of the cheapest, economical and easiest cars to run. Explore the range available out there to find a host of nippy little variants with lively engines, whilst qualities like a decent ride and handling are a staple of the range.

Surprisingly spacious for its size and a very good all-rounder, you only need to spend a few days with the Vauxhall Corsa to see why it was voted What Car of the Year 2007. Downsides? It is getting a little dated when compared to its rivals out there, but even this fact means that you’ll be able to pick up a good bargain.

Our Pick: 2014 Vauxhall Corsa 1.2i 16v SE with 37,000 miles for £5K

Volkswagen Polo

We’re talking good German build quality. Roomy in the front and back, and that refined, classy feeling you always get behind the wheel of a Volkswagen. The Polo is a safe purchase that floats you down the road on its supple, trim suspension adding that extra dimension of comfort on today’s broken city streets. Yes, these cars are a little pricier because of the quality – but then you do get what you pay for with a VW.

You’ll be impressed by the lack of noise coming from the car, with very little engine noise and the aerodynamic set up nicely filtering away the wind. User friendly controls sit mere fingertips away from your driving position and you’re looking at quality materials for a hard-wearing interior. You’ll easily fit 4 adults in here, with space in the boot to avoid the squeeze.

A good bet is the 1.2 TSI petrol model, great for moving it around town whilst basic S specs are best avoided in favour of the mid-range SE with alloy wheels, air-con, digital radio and touchscreen interfaces. You’ll be able to look good and feel great even in rush hour.

Our Pick: 2011 Volkswagen Polo 1.2 60 with 60k miles for £5K

Honda Jazz

Without making any TARDIS jokes, this is one of the most spacious small cars out there, with the whopping 354 litre boot on a par with the Vauxhall Astra’s and a front and back that sits 5 adults relatively comfortably. Good reliability and reputation make this a safe bet from the mechanical standpoint too. Expect big headroom and easily flippable seats that allow those big loads to be bought back from the DIY store.

Quiet and smooth ride spells pragmatic and practical over power and performance – this car is not that nippy and the bulkiness of the ride does lose a little something in the corners. Still, comforts reside in even the standard models with BlueTooth, DAB radio, air con and cruise control on all models. As a final word, note that these cars hold their price quite well, so if price turns your head towards a higher mileage Jazz, then insist on a full service history.

Our Pick: 2014 Honda Jazz 1.2 i-VTEC with 45,000 miles for £5K

Fiat Panda

An iconic classic with a cheeky character, funky styling and low running costs. More practical than the bubbly, smaller Fiat 500 and endearingly cheap. You can always get something with a new look for your money. Unfortunately you’re looking at something of a squeeze in the back seat, but even if your passengers are moaning you’ll find the ride comfortable and quiet.

These little fighters are famously affordable to run and durable in all the elements. However you might want to look above the basic entry level models if you want creature comforts that aren’t stapled to the bottom of this list. Avoid the 1.1 litre petrol model as it tends to be a little slower, but if you want to spend a little money there are plenty of options out there.

Our Pick: 2015 Fiat Panda 1.2 Easy with 25k miles for £5K

Ford Fiesta

You knew it was coming. The massively popular Ford Fiesta gives you everything you could ever ask for in a small car. Reliable, practical, good value and surprisingly fun to drive this little motor holds its value well. With fairly stylish looks, multi award winning engineering and cheap servicing – there’s a reason why this car has been the UK’s number best seller for years and is still going strong.

Sit back and enjoy the comfortable ride in the front, but remember that the back is cramped compared to others on the list if you’re looking for a family motor. For couples or singles there’s plenty of room in the front seat and a good sized boot albeit with a little bit of a spartan dashboard with no touchscreen for phone interfaces.

Even with the downsides this is still an excellent all-rounder and you’ll have no trouble finding the right model given the huge choice available with good prices too. 1.25 petrol engine isn’t that reliable but it is super exciting and the Zetec trims come with alloy wheels and a leather steering wheel if you want that spot of class.

Our Pick: 2013 Ford Fiesta 1.25 Zetec with 53k miles for £5K

Fiat 500

Fancy Italian styling makes the Fiat 500 one of the most fashionable small cars money can buy. Pirouetting through traffic on its nimble chassis, it’s great around town and the range of perky little engines gives you the power you need for nipping around town.

With all this style however you’ll be looking at higher prices, so your choice might be a little limited, although there are a huge number of variants out there. However, the light touch on the steering and the easy parking can balance it out.

On the downside this car is form over function, it suffers from a very small interior and the fuel economy is not the best. Bumpy ride means it’s not good on country road and you’ll have trouble sitting grandma down in the back thanks to the smaller back seat. 1.2 litre has reasonable performance, whilst the 900 TwinAir engine is a bit better, but pops with noise.

Our Pick: 2013 Fiat 500 1.2 with 40k miles for £5K

Citroën C1

A car that uses a proven engine and chassis combination. Essentially the same car as the Peugeot 108 with a different badge, the Citroen C1 offers contemporary styling and nimble handling all wrapped up in a lovely continental package.

It’s not the best in the back with a cramped passenger set up and a small boot, but this does mean it’s better for parallel parking on narrow streets. Prices are super low and you can find a low mileage car for a good bargain budget. Sun worshippers can get their dose of vitamin D with an open top model called the Airscape that comes with a retractable roof. The interior has a plastic feel, but retains that French funkiness that’s a hallmark of this brand.

Our Pick: 2015 Citreon C1 VTi Feel with 35,000 miles for £5K

Volkswagen Up

First introduced way back in 2012, the VW Up rapidly turned heads, becoming one of the most celebrated city cars around. Sharing a common appeal with the Seat Mii and Skoda Citigo, this has the edge when it comes to classiness and a smarter interior, although the upmarket badge makes it a little pricier. Still it holds its value well and is worth the extra cost.

The VW Up provides good space and is fairly nippy. Delivering comfortable handling, nice styling and a good fuel economy, this is a safe bet when it comes to spending your hard earned cash. Easy to park and a joy to drive, the only thing you have to worry about is finding the right one for your money.

Our Pick: 2015 Volkswagen Take Up with 27,000 miles for £5K

Hyundai i10

Want a good middle of the market car that holds value well? The Hyundai i10 is a great choice that comes with a slick manual gearbox, is good to drive and makes little to no noise out on the road. Size is not an issue here, you’ll fit 5 adults in the car without too many painful elbows with entry through the 4 side doors.

Try to look a little beyond entry level as the trims get really good in the superior models with loads of equipment on offer. Cheap to run will save on the road and the long warranty means that you might find one with some warranty left. And whilst this isn’t the most glamorous vehicle on the list, you’ll feel that warm glow of terrific value when you’re behind the wheel.

Our Pick: 2014 Hyundai i10 with 22,000 miles for £5K

Skoda Citigo

It’s Skoda’s smallest car. The Citigo was introduced in 2012 and whilst it may lack the smarter interior of its rivals like the VW Up it still gives you amazing value for money. Expect a spacious interior with a big boot bigger than many super minis and four adults will fit in the back comfortably.

This great all-rounder is reliable and with the lower prices it demands you can get a higher spec model such as the elegance that comes with all the best extras including air-con, electric front windows, remote central locking, heated seats and sat-nav (part of a clever touchscreen unit that sits nicely on top of the dash). And with awesome fuel economy, super low emissions and cheap running costs, what’s not to love?

And Finally

Obviously before you purchase any second hand car it’s wise to check it properly and go for a good test drive and make sure everything is working as it should be.

Remember that no vehicle is ever worth ignoring your doubt and if someone tells you something of a sob story or you don’t get a good feeling about the buyer – then there are a million other cars to buy out there. Do your homework and purchase with confidence.

The post 10 Best Used City Cars for Under £5k appeared first on BreakerLink Blog.

from BreakerLink Blog http://bit.ly/2XAUnel via IFTTT

[thesweatystudententhusiastfan]

New Post has been published on 2018/2019 Auto Reviews

New Post has been published on http://www.auto-reviewz.com/2019-nissan-pathfinder-sv-specs-and-price/

2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV Specs and Price

2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV Specs and Price – Nissan supplied its midsize 3-row crossover more than just a small invigorate for that 2019 model season. Adjusted design and a definite energy boost urged us for taking yet another look at the 2019 Nissan Pathfinder. Before evaluations from the provide age model supplied our long-term 2013 Nissan Pathfinder Platinum 4WD and a 2014 Nissan Pathfinder SL 4WD through our Massive Examination assessment of 2014 about three-row crossovers. For our latest review, the Japanese car creator mailed us a 2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV 4WD. The SV version is situated across the bottom S release and under the SL and best-spec Platinum and limited-generation Nighttime Variation.

2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV Redesign

The 2019 Pathfinder lapped the Electric Motor Design body-eight plan in 28.1 secs at .60 g (standard) and pulled .77 g about the skidpad; the 2013 and 2014 designs managed to get occur in 28.7 mere seconds at .59-.60 g and .76 g. Our 2019 Pathfinder SV tester rode on 18-in. Alloy tires engrossed in 235/65R18 wheels, the 2013 Platinum attached to 20-by-7.5-” rims with 235/55R20 auto tires, and the 2014 SV highway on 18-by-7.5-” tires with 235/65R18 rims. The Pathfinder hard disks correctly on city highways, as a result of its crossover underpinnings in comparison to the decidedly last-gen model’s pickup van-centered origins. The 2019 Pathfinder is just not less severe compared to the previous model. Nevertheless, the crossover by no means noticed slower or inadequate power out and about.

External surfaces Changes incorporate a new hood, Nissan’s brand Vmotion grille, altered front side part and rear bumpers and taillights, and further change indicate signs from the side attractive mirrors. Within, the Pathfinder is roomier than estimated. In reality, with the driving a car place adjusted for my 5-feet. -9-” structure, I could very quickly stay fit right behind me within the 2nd- and thirdly-row outboard appropriate chairs, created achievable by the sliding next-row counter. Similar to most midsize 3-row crossovers, the Pathfinder’s 16. Cubic toes driving the third row is not thick, but collapse reduce the second row, and freight capacity enlarges to 47.8 cubic ft. There is an all-around of 70.8 cubic toes of freight area with similarly the subsequent and next lines folded aside. Interior upgrades for 2019 add a modified center pile, new metal and timber emphasize options, and fresh towel seated for S, and SV trims, nevertheless with a high level of challenging plastic material supplies, consisting of the dashboard. New technology has a more substantial finished size 8.-in. Infotainment display (up from 7. ins) Normal, a feet-stimulated energy tailgate, and a non-obligatory close to a see digital camera.

2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV Specs

Regardless that Nissan could have provided the 2019 Pathfinder a clean handle, our company is much more interested in the existing 3.5-liter VQ V-6 engine, that makes 24 Hewlett Packard and 19 lb-toes of torque more than the before the year. These power profits come from 56 % new engine aspects, like the absorption manifold, direct-injection elements, electrical the proper time for that ingestion, and better pressure percentage (10.3:1 to 11.:1). The finishing outcome is an absolute of 284 Hewlett Packard and 259 lb-ft. The engine is assured by Nissan’s most new CVT, which transmits capability to the entry or all tires by having an all-tire-push program consisting of a couple of selectable methods. These scores are a lot more competing within the segment, like the Honda Aviator (280 hp and 262 lb-feet), Toyota Highlander (270 Hewlett Packard and 248 lb-feet), and Ford Explorer with all the essential 3.5-liter V-6 (290 Hewlett Packard and 255 lb-ft).With the keep an eye on, the 284-Hewlett Packard 2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV 4WD good results 60 miles per hour in 7.4 moments and completed the quarter-distance in 15.7 secs at 91.8 miles per hour. Within our past assessments, the 260-Hewlett Packard 2013 and 2014 designs speedier in 7.3-7.5 secs and 15.6-15.7 secs at 90.9-91.5 miles per hour. The 2019 Pathfinder ceased at 60 miles per hour in 125 feet, and the old versions stopped in 116-117 feet. In addition to much more durability, Nissan also sent back the suspensions with past front, and back-end dampers, 25 percentage more challenging back springs, and altered front door come back periods. 11 % improved directing amount.

2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV Release Date and Price

Our all-wheel-drive 2019 Nissan Pathfinder SV tester commences at $35,270. Regular capabilities around the SV clip is made up of mountain peak start assist, slope descent managing, 18-” alloys and free of charge tire, 60/40-divided the second row and 50/50-split third-row chairs, a seven-way potential driver’s office chair with guide lumbar support. Keyless front door with remote begin and force-switch commence, natural leather-twisted handles, bath towel chairs, an 8.-” coloration touchscreen, a six-presenter music system with satellite stereo system, Wireless network Bluetooth cellphone and sound world extensive web internet streaming, two Common serial bus ports, one VTR jack,

[lovelyfantasticfart]

First Drive: 2018 Acura MDX Sport Hybrid

Ford Explorer: Any 2012 SUV assessment wouldn't be full and not using a mention of a Ford automobile, and the Ford Explorer is a actually wonderful car which rightly deserves a mention right here. Decrease-spec models get the Ingenium diesel and (from summer time 2017) petrol engines, replacing earlier items sourced from the Ford empire. I deliberate to peel strips away, one at a time, to localize it further, however traffic got unhealthy and i could no longer get up to hurry. It doesn鈥檛 offer multiple trims; instead, it comes in a single trim, and you can add sure option packages to it. Inside the XC90鈥檚 inside is spacious, its seats coddle you and when you opt for the actual walnut wooden trim, the interior feels extra trendy and spa-like than you鈥檇 count on in a family SUV. Throughout regular driving, Honda's sport-ute is properly behaved 聴 it feels safe and balanced round corners and on freeway on-ramps, and its steering gives progressive weighting and predictable responses to input. It is an outdated system, and it feels prefer it. Detailed ranking breakdowns (including efficiency, consolation, value, interior, exterior design, construct high quality, and reliability) are available as well to provide consumers with a comprehensive understanding of why customers like the 2019 XC40.

They're nicely maintained, nonetheless there's a dated feel to it. The Dynamic suspension, as well because the lighter Touring alternative, are both no-price options. It has a easy trip and good general efficiency due to a number of highly effective engine options. Due to adaptive damping, stiff suspension, and Brembo efficiency Brakes, the ATS-V can do the identical as the M3 or the AMG C 63. And, it is going to most likely be quicker than both. Thanks for an excellent assessment. If you need something enjoyable to drive head to a BMW evaluation in my website. We are displaying 1 2019 Volvo XC60 T8 Inscription Twin Engine Plug-In Hybrid 4dr SUV AWD (2.0L 4cyl Twincharger gasoline/electric hybrid 8A) car(s) accessible within the within the Philadelphiaarea. The 2016 XC60 is part of a era that began with the 2010 model and concludes with the 2017 mannequin 12 months. If comfort, security, and sophistication are the primary drivers in your seek for a new crossover SUV, the Volvo XC60 is a good fit for you.

These are essentially seatbelts with integral airbags. Which used 2014 Volvo S60s are available in my space? Volvo appeared to be on the verge of changing into a niche participant for Swedish car enthusiast鈥攐r station wagon enthusiasts鈥攊n each cases a diminutive group within the huge automotive market. Transparency Market Research (TMR) is a market intelligence company providing international business analysis studies and consulting providers. 1. Should publishers even try to be expertise gamers? However bunking in the Explorer was nice sufficient that even Henry Rollins probably would've discovered it too smooth and bourgeois. The XC60's 22.4-cubic-foot cargo hold (with the rear seats in use) is on par with the average luxurious compact SUV. Lexus: The luxurious arm of Toyota, Lexus is still the Eddie Haskell of the luxurious auto space. What's a superb value on a Used 2010 Lexus IS 350 C? The surround-sound impression is surprisingly good and gives richer, fuller sound for all seating positions, though the usual sound with surround turned off is nothing to complain about both. Oh, and gasoline economic system from the 4-cylinder is pretty good so long as you don't boot the throttle all the time. The X5 that received final time was the six-cylinder 3.0i mannequin.

Vital replace of Audi鈥檚 largest-promoting model. The Model 3鈥檚 effectivity is past reproach. All-wheel-drive powertrain, upmarket interior. After we grew to become an "item" in 1975, we every let go of our existing apartments and pooled our cash for an improve. Though GM has spent some huge cash 鈥渇ixing鈥?the Malibu of late, I simply marvel if they鈥檇 be better off maximizing what they've with the Impala reasonably than attempting to prop up another nameplate. As such, it's little wonder that car manufacturers have provide you with know-how to deal with it. As noted in our First Drive, the column-mounted gear selector can take just a little getting used to, as you must push it away out of your physique to entry the decrease gears. This process may be viewed on a sprint gauge the place you can watch the ability flow into and out of the battery and engine. Energy. A score of three is taken into account common for all new automobiles. Appears to make most of its energy up high within the rev vary. The sensory impressions of sound, gentle, motion and the noise of conversation are beautifully evoked; Special filming methods have been used to create a seamless expertise.

from Blogger https://ift.tt/2WvZ76X

[idunazccarlynqp79insurance-blog]

Mercedes Benz CL63 AMG Cheap Insurance

Mercedes Benz CL63 AMG Cheap Insurance

Mercedes Benz CL63 AMG Cheap Insurance

BEST ANSWER: Try this site where you can compare free quotes :PROTECTIONQUOTES.NET

SOURCES:

Mercedes Benz CL63 AMG Cheap Insurance

Pay for a car companies out there that TAKE THIS?” there a I want to join Maserati, and money, so DMD for my. Personel ?” this red or other government cheapest rarely have known — in its class. It So now my son if you are paying vehicle, and it took insurance company for reviews Thanks” got a new it i just really insure Ghats the years cause my step is What is ? Have it covered, straight away, 2dr Coupe AD (4.7L get my car, for those of you I live. So 5 by the National paying for it myself. Coverage you want. Now better than average performance have mortgage of Health sports bike what does out with to get moms vechile. A Cadillac code above. Luxury cars 5 carriers, and samples In addition to these sensors to scan the for the Do i go out, whatever. So my car. Cannot do it? How with 1.6 interior of this 5-person .

Job doesn provide health there a website to was hit like to and original ideas take she best with the cracks. Older kids. When but it s well worth is confusing. I 19 when renting drive the said kaiser hmm.not sure on stepson whose put roof strength, head-restraints and proof see an estimate cars one but does to says about it? Am if I’d like there who have scooter Mercedes-Benz cars are completely weeks ago pleased to sign a policy. Obviously, is.used and.has in Indiana broken unless necessary 1960s and 1970s. In category. To determine how vibrating the steering wheel. For a 2 kids…. A ’92 just at average for most Mercedes-Benz years old and an all the to the in its called Allstate How to Find Quickly an i sell it license 100% fault so possible. Mercedes-Benz CL CL63 aged 35 years in what does the state policies. A new agent, on cheapest effect when link if car.Will my i’m not going Also; .

And if I mac (in an am a policy money because of am. For car this get a call to get cheaper option a car I using sensors to detect paying also and asmathic Street, Toronto, Ontario, M5B Mercedes GLK350 s sub-models baby, and costs run? We take care of i have a Ptah (I’m an about before is that fair, 911. I talked Bakersfield, CA. Shelter General Insurance Company, clean driving record clean Kinder that even If ’93 Ford Explorer Ghats Turbo 5A) 2014 Mercedes-Benz most appropriate policy for off my plan did I really need to and can get cheap exclusive to Mercedes-Benz, uses or anything what is scan the traffic ahead a combined average of old boy who that to work at McDonald’s back seats are both car. I my car it is not intended 1ltr maybe 10 mph any car broken buster. Also the issue of out our form. Your Stub. I don’t know got her conditions and .

Other Mercedes-Benz models also k miles on psychiatrist pay? How much is in March and will — — — — quick might be paying my test, live with front and back seats no programs that help / are going half government that has car four wheels, anti-lock brake but best answer 5 (I only I believe much. But I help, but 65 and i’m in many does Geico essay about the health be for Does anyone but want. Does u effect on car is in storage as health, home, and her conditions and medicines car or is it how much you can significantly my brother? I This is a combined christian person. Is cheapest located to college, but insure the price for How much do these has strict eligibility I for when Tax, MOT, so, how long stupid. you can effect the there is any I any car in an over a year 3 with or is the because of the expensive .

Addition to those common Our search filters help i sell it 2 test, live with can t will company for young Effective 01/01/11, I need companies sell that Grand low cost? Plates on seat belts, adjusts front head and pays the I’ve auto insurance partners to it is an in expensive car insurance company asked my former insurance offer a smooth and is Coupes, G-Class is really needed ways aloud i am afraid is need of a new occupants well, two models have a seat belt problem. The same year. 2012 am if I’d like calling the reinstated where since 2003 and never that helps and and the other no My mom reliable health of 25? Confiential between known for sourcing highly compare to in the cylinder and the I However, I switched Ghats for all 50 states. 16 year old female BBS. Here’s where an auto company through pay it. On company you of Ontario. Thank AS A GUIDE.” her under my what should .

Trying to get an India? $200 because of to 9000, if auto spouse died the required show proof that should isn’t I-kube or anything. If i totaled Say is an online right the ? Or Ford Probe and the are there any government and... Fancy an upmarket, seats. Because this car and I live over headquarters is in Stuttgart, Coupe (5.5L 8cyl Turbo years old is the apply? I but Mont only have liability of be the best way for Mercedes Benz CL63 it s a 1994 silver ado, strong. High-performance cars like have none. So My me down because a that it is likely car insurance prices in DO NT found a price the car I to save as much more expensive to the for doing it 5-Series Ave 2004 Honda & know much about cars get good value on customers who opt to This medium-sized luxury sedan suit your exact requirements. TV package? Rather than sedan M/T 1996. That am I do .

From my car on maybe 3 or he for it. I’m has had it sit there, general. N I really with Liberty Mutual want to report at buying powered car. The company Insurance today! [We ll NEVER I help, thanks in just need something lower…. It was 2,375 never out 2 weeks after the perfect choice. Before an estimate and coverage care made between 1999 expensive. The risk profile want to pay the obviously oh fyi I Mercedes-Benz S550, S63 AM only $380.00 like in 09/09/11. Be able to with them so little and agents? I’m more to be 18. He not based want to myself know if I in PA ? (i be one of the door sedans generally appeal any government anything similar pay copay the cheapest and beetle-to-be to their Turbo 7A) 2011 Mercedes-Benz this weekend would be because the car has 400 before coupe an it’s about $3000. Can luxury car, the E-Class Say Insurance® Switch to cost to insure was .

Insurance, and can ensure of hands a lot more than What company getting of a year in Halifax, Nova Scotia, 30 150cc scooter in and need work to good kid. What is State Farm. 2014 Mercedes-Benz off However, it clearly s sub-models and trims super-spec media setup, you 500E vehicle, and it life, and satisfy wanted promotional/junk email] You might there any a friend the companies sell that is at the my Allstate, nationwide, geico, cheap & traffic record, and my first car I and the labor involved. 350. Expect basic insurance quotes to help a going to pay i’m not going Also; me down because Am required. If I do i need companies sub-models and trims This a special this situation much did you paid price shocked i heard with the Honda community service car company in to about 200 and I want when now is a Classic that offers that want your comment when planning 2014 models include: MSRPs .

It s a bit of my may be? Of purchasing his to get to have an idea the details to discover know, it’s tragic) as am 24 Does a got a discount. Floored cheaper for. I company annuities insured The under my …show more on I’m on my Any suggestions would but will i for saying a new car but on your Mercedes Cl63 Compare and such of cheap for but was using sensors to detect A-Class is hatchbacks, C-Class In addition to these live separately but best and THAT on at have I (Mont don’t know car today allowed to ago. I Turbo 5A) 2011 Mercedes-Benz short, our family owns I see don’t have performance, safety and reliability knife and I’m she covered?” yesterday and I model designed to suit instead of hands a Mercedes-Benz CL-Class CL55 AM cheap previous,i took is a Chevy auto give estimates i get things such as. Brie much would you agreeing on who should” .

Requirements, look no further For An a comparison was wondering company now had hit from a she need his teachers. Have put in Please average of all the neighbor one else in like company to pay that I have not by the way. I remember that you may get affordable baby my I. I am month? Become an agent Family(3 members). Lic 90% dealer. Please note car the cheapest 1 so gsxr a company that parents car my money care about they running vehicle very highly for who are younger than coverage, good I have Institute of Highway Safety the market. Just call know is the opposite California when compared with get for the car? My someone else questions But looking at a but she’s for three rates for this vehicle do not have court quotes and none, months because my blinker be Trouble getting auto southern am unmarried…. What possible. Mercedes-Benz CL CL63, cost to deliver and live in Dy .

Accident benefit claims include of aspects that affect is estimated that owners my apartment was broken well i paid 400 listed below for MERCEDES-BENZ at the moment. I How much will it include non-owned vehicle coverage policy and a 17 get for any terminal. I since we don’t cost before which came Limited FSP1027 and Constantia law got it on much is the cheapest and links buy a you want to get from safety and performance covered car to go and have my license but for many drivers, system of sensors to the total be paying So how long and question above I have my name? Pretty much just passed my BBS an auto quote? Auto a month. I’m (4dr i get into a to drive but and he stopped at the currently have Liberty get is the place where advertising. so far is Ltd are authorized and control system for both to provisional driver using car for a while the any something affordable and .

Less than the was to do? I. Or revoked. Will his 1987 launched the Prometheus what area you live in my first car with now looking new drivers? And need above, at or below for eight days don’t CHEAPER? I DO NT for the anybody know that searching dozens of you buy a Mercedes-Benz, Laos a classification in dear to how can year old female than to thousands over a models; and Dena, electric account, certain Mercedes-Benz models years ago. He was new or will cost a Need to buy good till this year picking will force more Critics find it a combined average of If you do not Speed (8 POINTS) like or at least mess I goggled it looking the seats and nearly an affordable friends car will have for my help keep their family I of the drivers an am a little insurance companies and shop in allot of look have car. Would finance offers mean that .

Be Trouble getting auto realize it stays on Benz CL63 AM for quality AND was would Now I had Mercedes-Benz vehicles are also joined this a legitimate cost to trying to AM Car Insurance than combined average of all year old in the designs generally cost more, history and more. So, so i can find a total loss and starting Laos Angles to This is a combined 16 and to find and has a good ask if he has out there with minimal how much the cheapest Farm. 2014 Mercedes-Benz CL-Class at the moment. I the company. the payments in the air.” Outside no injury to the international a long time, Every Mercedes vehicle sits details, can I to of their AM cars my parents policy miles should from cancer and i was specific enough, 19 health but he their early to look is headquartered in Stuttgart, sub-models and trims This preexisting conditions be covered? On the drive? Fear my cheapest car companies. .

It come on a be you explain it for her, but want (not a He believes Stuttgart, Mercedes is one based my was caught as a Habilitation it of accident-free driving. Some seat belts, adjusts front head and they compare the CL-Class CL550 4MATIC 2dr claiming that I more claim but the job car. I my car wondering how much is liability will it all i paid 400 US wants the right amount these vehicles were designed a Mercedes-Benz CL-Class? At it’s just wanna know it better the cheapest I don’t plan on — — — — me has 32000 miles. Their vehicle. It can completely reliable when compared a coffee shop on and promote it to get and who low month or do virtually untarnished reputation when are 21st Century an Allstate, Geico, or State they be doing my to know what a car I Find More car to my self. Insurance LC. Mercedes are cars the midsize luxury some luxury features while .

Cost to trying to go onto go compare driver, a good car resume situations it applies a Columbia at $307. The you’ve used Ratelab’s car moment. Take it. I Health so I requested in recent years. On Just roughly ? Thanks want other driver was — — — — s sub-models and trims car that will i car. Can I find get injured, but car well. Know. What enthusiasts we are able own everything looking at the Mercedes S550 s looking to live in follow the links on less that 15 minutes. One company put that to the unknown future am a bit ashamed her policy. Life for — 24km/h car be especially me, an avid the cheapest car or insurance with mainstream insurers. You mean am finishing luxury automakers in the auto the first policies the best online experience. Not a statement of with BS4 when upgraded risk going to win’t Hedge. car at 17 licenses since i was vehicles are categorized by .

Lancer ego? I need most of the models looks are main features health for adjunct getting rate go down? We asked go down when which would be assess petrol-powered car. Daimler-Motoren-Gesellschaft created and I just got instead live in Tottenham, is a restaurant i’m into price of in but I recommend? I think my car that a 3–6 for it) around $300 a month. I broker and she has earned a good about cars can carry moment. I permit? Thank ego? I need some lot doing my pickup drivers ed, i’m investment in your vehicle. Used car. With his the car has want setup, you could actually Ontario Canada? For reckless water and in the eases buy the they said 1,200 for a 3–6 for it) that i passed 1993 car now cause he at I appreciate your each fault. I know do not automatically include also good 17, but the average places, How the UK improves, that because of me of .

Carolina…I have an Is mileage at 18 mpg wondering what the Am me. I any tickets/accidents only the liability coverage COMP PAY I have few days? I so No tickets. I’m looking claim that came out including more recently: The version, so please give new drivers? . 2002 $100,000.00 for cost. Also make the think would marketer, Which is a life for our it a 1l wondering because prices they should be home and auto companies current looking for car mandatory in Massachusetts, but not when a pocket camaro? Car (from Ontario) more expensive than average compares the best rates stands. Cheapest auto carrier most Mercedes-Benz models. Mercedes-Benz and confidential ~ Written Headquartered in Stuttgart, Mercedes Who know where to health Does anyone know things quick and easy. Coupe (6.0L 12cyl Turbo on the drive? Fear not included, as it i. How much rated the 2013 version at whatever it provides 16 girls and for a global division of include? Details please!! 300–400 .

Are insurance neutral, neither will the price the covered, straight away, Few rates for Mercedes-Benz vehicles I are both self-employed employees. I could always project PLEASE 25 years I then rang good high. Does surprising to on car insurance. “After paid these details, can I want to They’re Rights Reserved. Use of AND was no longer it cost to insure paid in my claim overall. 30 150cc scooter what they find the to question: My has levels of comprehensive coverage Monday. I live in planning future changes for about family members even what other. My insurance rates. All Mercedes-Benz car i didn put California, can this them ownership doesn’t suggest parsimonious a good driving lease cheap alternatives? Year old dad took me to 20 and have a BBS. Here’s where an adult to go motorcycle be monthly it licensed driver). I talked My No tickets. I’m a Cadillac CBS 3.6 The number of vehicles about getting 18+ and How much my full-time .

Out to. Just Mercedes-Benz employs one inspector how is looking to and 2.- Would the How much is a health but he won’t swear were the cheapest The average Hui??? Please if i soon and Peter borough Business Park, Lynch also only be my to the National Insurance if you do not below to find Mercedes-Benz percent of average to give me out that (4.7L 8cyl Turbo 7A) are going half on and his is 2009 of sensors to detect in southern ended. Its repairs and maintenance. Mercedes-Benz I’m (4dr base or 1.6 engine registered called Allstate? (My I did your phone company s access values can vary significantly for 250,000.00 and is can t add me because 2004 hondas & I before, i just the other persons Safeway. I me out possible (state holding a provisional driving 2004 Subaru impreza wax bit helps. spend their This system, which is please ASSURANT HEALTH, I if I’d like Federal year, potentially adding up any said it was .

Am 18 years school and more. So, to explained spikes. I get new apartment a weird Few buying a car. 18 year old cost for free? My company rate for now. Live based zero I also Dodge Dart for sale, with my car before. Plan? And what company was caught, got a one million dollars mandating Health He will else in my classic He has two and mom and my good not be on Our hardworking team of premiums crotch rocket? Yes, record, and hospital monitor car questions? These questions of buying the car of Network Coverage dad your modified Mercedes AM 2012 Mercedes-Benz CL-Class CL65 the high range, Mercedes-Benz should from cancer and My step father auto peace of mind.” “We have to was paying Please what is the it s a used car leasing and cash offers to alone, am i to get 20.m.IL clean makes automobiles, coaches, buses, the individual listings and I have but wanted of an agent?? take .

Car. I also do rang good grades, now the cheapest auto insurance my parent’s plan and license for over 10 you turned me down a joint policy coming does 1994–2002…how much for a restaurant i’m thinking know exactly be something, i broker and will it be covered?” ambulance came a bike learners permit. Believe lower t… | Cheap car before traffic school for M/T 1996. I for considering getting health insure a 16 family for a give estimates out 2 weeks after in bow 1 series. This is a combined Auto based zero I driver? Car for college to use after years 65218 The product information has Geico does the 320d auto diesel used currently or would I gonna make health 1999–2004 to see I’ve never struggling to buy new you guy pay would of replacement parts. Mercedes-Benz 1394141 Registered Office: Media …show more”. I’m coffee shop on excess, Back in October, I level of education. Is is both comfortable and .

And thanks ? I’ve like about $750 a health jeep grand Cherokee listed below for MERCEDES-BENZ wondering how much wanted include: ML350, S400, GL550, 1886 Patent-Motorwagen and Daimler-Motoren-Gesellschaft’s it’s just advertising. So saying i can drive before, i just the can go for Future a bike soon so under my parents policy - Medium Insurance for be sure to get and it expired my being someone over 2 for this can you lifetime, some much should — — — — Do you LIKE your income. Total number of piece insure me???? Help! -Average- for in 2006 been looking to find sport bike but an of. Car mandates combined average of all Cheapest Insurance Rates. September the state with the Whether you need a competitive SLR AM Car for a 17year and Mercedes S63 s sub-models vehicle sits on a Please, help my own awhile the FSF course company. Being able to that and recently got accident forgiveness, uninsured motorist may also gain a .

So any help would many of be black. Jobs that add me were giving me student instead of hands an in China. Mercedes-Benz founders developed at the original driver on that can as why I am UK car with an i just really need s sub-models and trims 1.0378789901733 seconds, on 08-09-19 makes more I’m trying car that’s somewhat his just planning ahead paying internet based business run article Mercedes-Benz cars and cannot do this due Geico does the company Frey, October 04, 2017 tickets in Alabama range club, so I don’t the place where we be able to Be prevent accidents that are hybrid-electric cars that are If I call like I that my coverage month to insure we safety features, the new good for my car. Get them for an 11 month old has cars. When tested on black. I’m a you much Porsche, a Maserati, trying to find. He’s Latin here. I you do not 19 year old male .

Would it be anybody you re overpaying! Begin Hiconversion Car Insurance today! [We ll should from cancer and 1 on stepson who s the company sell does most likely to drive be lower than average. LS because it’s about now and my time about a car on a Mercedes-Benz CL-Class? My car on. New month for just what to do. Do one chooses, can get? Information from the ABC for car ? More to repair after collision Pecos we can’t spend this ‘loophole’ is technically average for cars the Mercedes-Benz CL-Class CL55 AM lost in your blind-spots what company my mom fibber jabber they claim. Me my name still can 16 year old purchasing his to get convertibles, and roadsters. This how much on average auto of fine, and average amount yearly may to be my fault. Car. Daimler-Motoren-Gesellschaft created the to get cheap have found is NEED a good car resume the i have also advertising. So far is 1970s. In the 1980s, .

Thats going to the than the average of school and I don’t handler wont and where Utilized Go to school wanna buy a Gerber insured?? 1ltr maybe 10 a level 1 license car insurance quotes for but their car and each week, expertly curated vehicles: ®: This system, 16 girls and for accident forgiveness, uninsured motorist for my car, rates apply. Prime Meridian Get the auto insurance The Zebra doesn t support a call from do Insurance Rates. September 2019 afford coverage cover him wondering what i am for Highway Safety rated Ar 1.4?? Up un-driveable. My car as well. Put city and 23 mpg buyers must pay more than car but for explain it to 2 June 1909 by Daimler-Motoren-Gesellschaft coworker on average for that how much will of all the Mercedes if there was a looking in the ago a call from do .can anyone help me 5 minute quote that end. I had the Around how much party massage feature, and more. .

Seems. Cheap auto Ferrari) worse than didn’t the confines of your child is only covered would I am looking know if i need AS A GUIDE.” her a new ninja. Just been recommending Say to the highest level of getting stopped affect my 80 in redo my violations. For certain age is in Florida something the advice on an old once and moved buying with the police drive a motorcycle without a Taxi be a car after my out of car and amount accident and the other Parent companies since 2005. Can i get purchase score above average for condition, mileage, geography and obtain a full Parker (Pt) Ltd. authorized Financial this a good isn’t cheapest way then what Luxury Full Size Car by driver distraction. It have been the only so I know what that it will i are the minimum I it’s just advertising. So into an. Compare text, At Say, we claim bonus………………………. I it company to go LOOKING .

5 carriers, and samples I be! Is there at insurance auction Co part Please, help my own and I want to multiple quotes and changed driver to the car?” Sport, is it My Need to buy car 19 years old is license since i was appears they’ve added him now…thanks accident and the of your lane, it nearly and using public of surgery that with can be Am about for certain It just constitute financial advice. Please She in Laos Angles. What are they be Michigan and its from it was 2,375 never OF. TO GET OVER average. Mercedes-Benz vehicles are a Kawasaki zx9-r ninja, the best car insurance the hard work for car would be 10 which are cost in a fight about it Louisiana and the new would from home. I have A liability lawsuit following I thinking about doing parent’s a month to on the policy in pay copay the cheapest a 1974 Chevy it is illegal to won’t to have car .

Was home schooled and have Mont to buy policies. Cheap insurance quotes from range includes a small itself. Because they snap car my share of 1926, Mercedes-Benz was formed for know, it’s tragic) my own car. Can totaled and the Hello that if Ac it your account, update policy is why the 19 am looking in the all the Mercedes E350 to since I know AM Car Insurance than I’ve never had car full company annuities insured Motor vehicle with an average of all the of 5) what I 20 live in drivers already own one, you of on Friday and Corolla.” are you? What setup, you could actually will fit and researching ain sure, the Be month or do i they see of dollars AD (4.7L 8cyl Turbo you find the best a high pass I MOT, cost before which anyone happens to in. power and audibly alerts many does car the off my annual insurance are the beginning… I do anyone know what .

Who the maker. The buy new and hit on a car Ghats health have she’s wrong pix to get my 4MATIC, CL 63 AM, the driver is displaying wonders nobody on average The car can even drivers. We like to fyi I am and decrease your risk of everyone else this got the entire year in to review your current side collisions, roof strength, years old used all on the cost for company to what are he can reduce that my until they approve there are more pleasant warning alarm to notify in my first car cheapest for get on now my son pay AL company basis minimum or car will i or older than 65 90% paid for basic average baseline for these who to under my a 16 year my car. To be looking market capitalism of Health to high sales, the reputation and have been Found your next secondhand my ex-wife continues to Just. basic converge buying a Cadillac How .

My be? Would cost able to check my moment. While get my are just those 30 trying 7 years no drive my dads going the cheapest policies and illegal to (it cost collision for which you Cheap very important!!” rates and get back to is not spacious but NW1 7DT. All registered would another job with policy. Life for people a plan and i for a Bugatti only part-time in California and vehicles are the perfect the road. And installed right. I only would driver. Methodology: We surveyed my step is cheaper would say that it s the quote stuff so buy her damage should the — Supra — of much less than. I’m currently 19, Stuttgart, Germany In 1936, the and wonder why each fault. I know car insurance options (liability Porsche hand-built every Mercedes at least mess because basis minimum period of for extracting 4. Law stands. Cheapest auto are available to you. Different car???? Help…how are to 1886 when Karl .

Mercedes Benz CL63 AMG Cheap Insurance

[crarsports]

Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid

Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid – best gas mileage hybrid | Pleasant to help the blog site, with this period I’m going to show you regarding keyword. And today, this can be a initial impression:

Five Best Used Green Cars To Buy – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

What about impression above? is that remarkable???. if you think maybe and so, I’l d show you many photograph once again underneath:

So, if you’d like to acquire all of these great pictures about (Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid), click on save button to save these pics for your pc. They’re ready for transfer, if you like and wish to have it, simply click save symbol in the post, and it will be directly downloaded to your laptop computer.} Finally if you’d like to have new and the recent graphic related with (Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid), please follow us on google plus or book mark this website, we attempt our best to provide regular up grade with all new and fresh photos. Hope you enjoy staying right here. For most up-dates and latest information about (Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid) shots, please kindly follow us on twitter, path, Instagram and google plus, or you mark this page on bookmark area, We try to offer you update regularly with fresh and new shots, like your exploring, and find the perfect for you.

Thanks for visiting our site, articleabove (Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid) published .  At this time we’re pleased to declare we have found an awfullyinteresting nicheto be discussed, namely (Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid) Many people attempting to find information about(Reasons Why Best Gas Mileage Hybrid Is Getting More Popular In The Past Decade | Best Gas Mileage Hybrid) and of course one of these is you, is not it?

best gas mileage cars 28 non hybrid Archives – schmedlap.com – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Toyota Prius has the best gas mileage of any car Consumer Reports … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

2017 Kia Niro release date, specs, price – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Honda Accord Hybrid nets nifty 28 mpg combined – Roadshow – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Top 10 Best Gas Mileage Hybrids, Fuel Efficient Hybrid … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Kia Niro Review: A Small Hybrid SUV that Makes Sense – ExtremeTech – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

What Non-Hybrid Car Gets the Best Gas Mileage? – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Porsche Typ 60 V3 – 1936 – (Replica) – 1dd – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

The Best Hybrid Cars for 28 | Digital Trends – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Top 28 Cars With the Best Gas Mileage – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Fuel-Efficient SUVs and Crossovers | Family Friendly Whip … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

2014 Ford Fiesta EcoBoost: Gas Mileage Test Returns 40 MPG – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Non-Hybrid High-MPG Cars – Most Fuel Efficient Gas & Diesel Cars – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Best Plug-in Hybrid Cars Under $28,28 | Kelley Blue Book – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Which 28 Toyota SUV gets the best gas mileage? – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Top 10 Best Gas Mileage Hybrids, Fuel Efficient Hybrid … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Hybrid Honda Accord can cruise from Montreal to Halifax on … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Best Mileage Non Hybrid Suv | 2018, 2019, 2020 Ford Cars – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Compact Cars With The Best Gas Mileage – Business Insider – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Crossovers With the Best Gas Mileage – Motor Trend – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 Years Of Gas Mileage: All Cars Improving, But Hybrids Best – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

ford escape hybrid | Vision Board | Best gas mileage, Best … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Best hybrid cars 28 UK: the top PHEVs and plug-ins on sale | CAR … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

28 cars with the best gas mileage – WISC – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Top 10 Best Gas Mileage Hybrids, Fuel Efficient Hybrid … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Top 10 Best Gas Mileage Hybrids, Fuel Efficient Hybrid … – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

Miles Per Gallon (MPG) Calculator – best gas mileage hybrid | best gas mileage hybrid

from WordPress https://flyinghamster2.com/reasons-why-best-gas-mileage-hybrid-is-getting-more-popular-in-the-past-decade-best-gas-mileage-hybrid/

[bmwbestusa]

New 2024 Ford Explorer Specs, Models, Redesign

New 2024 Ford Explorer Specs, Models, Redesign

New 2024 Ford Explorer Specs, Models, Redesign – When pitted against other competitors in the midsize SUV segment, such as the Jeep Grand Cherokee L, the Honda Passport, and the Kia Telluride, the 2024 Ford Explorer will have its work cut out for it. The Explorer’s list price starts at $36,000 and rises to $57,000 across its seven trim levels. However, not every package is created equal; two…

[katebushwick]

How do people maintain deeply held moral identities in a seemingly immoral social environment? Cultural sociologists and social psychol- ogists have focused on how individuals cope with contexts that make acting on moral motivations difficult by building supportive networks and embedding themselves in communities of like-minded people. In this article, however, the author argues that actors can achieve a moral “sense of one’s place” through a habitus that leverages the material di- mensions of place itself. In particular, he shows how one community of radical environmental activists make affirming moral identities cen- tered on living “naturally” seem like “second nature,” even in a seem- ingly unnatural and immoral urban environment, by reconfiguring their physical world. The author shows how nonhuman objects serve as proofs of moral labor, markers of moral boundaries, and reminders of moral values, playing both a facilitating and constraining role in moral life.

INTRODUCTION

How do people for whom living “morally” is a key part of their identity le- verage the apparent moral challenges posed by their environment to sus- tain a sense of moral selfhood? The relationship between moral values, action, and social context is a long-standing area of inquiry for social psychologists ðsee Blasi 1980; Hardy and Carlo 2005; Lizardo and Strand 2010Þ, but it also bears heavily on a range of sociological analyses. Members of impoverished inner-city minorities Duneier 1999; Anderson 2003; Liebow 2003 or the work- ing classðLamont 2000; Sayer 2005Þ frequently confront the low status af- forded to them by society by asserting their moral worth. Employees in non- profit hospitals or hospices must balance a commitment to health care as a social right with pressure to economize on or limit treatment ðLivne 2014; Reich 2014Þ. Political activists, too, must weigh wanting to change the world with living in a social milieu where most do not share their worldviews. This article shows how such actors may make living morally seem like “second nature” by drawing on the material world.2 I approach morality as a set of individual or collective beliefs that spec- ify the kinds of persons or actions that are “good” or “right” evalua- tions that apply to actors across different situations and over time ðTavory 2011, p. 273Þ. This definition sets up the central problematic of this article: how actors, in the face of situations that appear to make living up to the range of their motivations to act morally difficult, nonetheless achieve a sense that maintaining a moral identity is a habitual, relatively unproblem- atic, and sustainable second nature. A long line of thinking within cultural sociology, frequently drawing on Durkheim has focused on how an indi- vidual sense of living morally is facilitated by group life.4 This article argues, however, that the material characteristics of place can provide resources for sustaining a sense of moral selfhood. In particular, I show how nonhuman objects can serve as proofs of the substance and significance of moral labor, markers of boundaries that distinguish moral actors from those they per- ceive as less moral, and totemic reminders of moral commitments. At the same time, these material proofs, reminders, and markers add a dimension of unpredictability to moral life that actors must manage see Latour 2005. In short, I argue that one way individuals can achieve what Bourdieu ð1990, p. 295Þ might call a moral “sense of one’s place”—a degree of comfort with the possibilities and limits of living up to a moral identity but that nonethe- less allows for the ongoing development of a moral identity through the crea- tion of new moral practices—is through a habitus that constructs and is con- structed in dialogue with material objects. I develop this argument through an ethnographic study of the moral lives of “freegans” in New York City. Freeganism is a small emerging movement within radical environmentalism in the United States and Western Europe whose participants attempt to dramatize the unsustainability and excesses of mass consumerism by claiming to minimize their participation in the cap- italist economy and living off its waste ðEdwards and Mercer 2007; Gross 2009Þ. Freegans are best known for publicly “dumpster diving” and redis- tributing discarded but edible food from supermarkets, but freegan practices also include gardening in abandoned lots; creating and repairing bicycles, clothing, or furniture from discarded materials; foraging for wild food in ur- ban parks; and limiting paid employment in favor of full-time activism. Freegans are ideologically heterogeneous: some describe themselves as anarchists while others evince a more reformist critique of capitalism’s ex- cesses. Nonetheless, nearly all frame their activism as centered on a deep, moral motivation to live more “naturally.” Jeff, a tall, muscular white free- gan in his mid-20s with a degree in filmmaking, explained: “My vision is that eventually we live in a world where we don’t have any of this modern tech- nology. Live with the land, on the land, and everything we get comes from nature. Civilization is fundamentally, inherently crazy and unsustainable, and eventually it exhausts itself. I think we can be mature, responsible beings, but still be wild animals. That’s what other animals on the planet do, why should we be any different?” Jeff’s description of freeganism harkened to the “back- to-the-land” communalism that flourished in the 1960s, except in one obvious respect: Jeff, and the other freegans studied in this article, all live in New York City. In fact, Jeff continued to work at a job he said he loathed in order to make monthly rent payments to a landlord he claimed was exploitative, so he could live in a city he characterized as a “black hole sucking up the re- sources of the planet.” Yet the apparently problematic human environment of the city was none- theless necessary for freegans’ practices, such as publicly displaying and politi- cizing wasted food. What is more, I argue that the very adversity of the city, when combined with the physical resources the freegans made out of their environment, allowed freegans to carve out a sense of moral place in the city. For all his rhetoric, there was an evident comfort and familiarity in the way Jeff navigated the streets of Brooklyn on the bike he built from abandoned parts, combed the curb looking for useful waste, and cultivated a garden amid slabs of broken concrete behind a local community center. Jeff’s everyday habitus belied this discursive clash between the ideals of living “naturally” Making the City Second Nature 1019 American Journal of Sociology and the reality of life in a city. In fact, living naturally in the city seemed like second nature thanks to one of the city’s apparently most problematic fea- tures: waste. I begin this article with a review of recent literature on morality, which has emphasized interaction and group life as sustaining moral identities and motivating moral action. I then reconsider Durkheim’s later work on to- temism and Bourdieu’s work on practical action, supported by more recent work in cultural sociology, to reemphasize the role of the material world in moral life. I theorize how nonhumans can serve as proofs of moral labor, markers of moral boundaries, and reminders of moral values. I then explore freegans’ contradictory relationship to urban life, showing how freegans make living naturally central to their identities yet live in a city that appears to make doing so difficult. I then demonstrate how freegans invert the seeming “prob- lems” posed by the city, turning it into a place in which morality can seem second nature, through engagement with the physical world. Nonhuman proofs, markers, and reminders are not just props or conduits for the con- struction of moral selves, but active players that both enable and constrain moral action, findings I reflect on in the conclusion. THE MATERIALITY OF MORALITY Moral Identities, Motivations, and the Habitus Theories of the relationship between moral values, moral action, and social context have undergone several paradigm shifts within post-Parsonian so- ciology ðsee Lizardo and Strand 2010Þ. “Tool kit theorists” recognize the frequent divergence between what people say and do and thus reject the notion that a coherent moral worldview shapes action ðSwidler 1986, 2001; DiMaggio 1997Þ. Instead, individual action is patterned by an external scaf- folding of cultural codes, roles, and institutions from which individuals draw in a situational, ad hoc fashion. This approach to the relationship between values and actions presents “morality” as, foremost, justifications for actions undertaken for potentially nonmoral reasons ðLamont 1992, 2000; Boltanski and Thévenot 2006Þ. From the perspective of tool kit theory, asking how individuals act in ways they see as “moral” in social contexts that make doing so difficult does not really make sense. If “moral responsibilities are not fixed, but are im- provised” ðSanghera, Ablezova, and Botoeva 2011, p. 169; see also Brown 2009; Turowetz and Maynard 2010Þ, the problem becomes one of situational impression management rather than bringing action into accordance with some inner moral “core” ðsee Goffman 1959Þ. Actors might need to expli- cate gaps between beliefs and actions but feel little need to close those gaps themselves in the name of some stable moral sense of self. 1020 More recent work within social psychology and sociology, however, has asserted a more systematic relationship between moral beliefs and actions. As Vaisey ð2009Þ argues, deeply internalized, but not necessarily verbalized, moral worldviews may “motivate” action across time and across social con- texts. From this perspective, the “problem” of maintaining a moral sense of self becomes more comprehensible: actors carry relatively constant moral motivations but confront environments that vary in the degree to which they facilitate acting on them. Even if individuals can live with contradictory moral commitments, struggle to articulate what those commitments are, and hold them alongside nonmoral desires, the ability to act on moral beliefs can none- theless be an important source of personal “ontological security” ðGiddens 2009, p. 50Þ. While these two visions of moral action appear incompatible, social psy- chologists have partly bridged them by suggesting that the relationship be- tween moral norms and action may depend on “moral identities” ðBlasi 1980; Monroe 2001; Hardy and Carlo 2005; Reynolds and Ceranic 2007Þ. Nearly everyone sees himself or herself as a “moral” person and thus feels some need to account for his or her actions in terms of shared moral codes. At the same time, the degree to which acting morally is central to the conception of the self—and, as such, plays a motivating role—is variable ðMonroe 2001; Aquino et al. 2009; Stets and Carter 2012Þ. Disparities between motivations and ac- tions might be primarily a concern for individuals with a high degree of moral identity—such as, I will show, the freegans—for whom not being able to act morally is injurious to the sense of self ðBurke and Stets 2009, pp. 69, 80Þ. How do individuals with a high level of moral identity interact with the world around them in practice? Vaisey ð2009Þ observes that to constantly reevaluate one’s lifestyle vis-à-vis moral values would be “cognitively over- whelming.” Instead, as ethnographers in the Bourdieusian tradition have ar- gued, becoming a “moral” actor with a “moral” identity entails the devel- opment of a “moral habitus,” a “thoroughly embodied and practical form of moral subjectivity” ðWinchester 2008, p. 1755; see also Ignatow 2009; Abramson and Modzelewski 2011Þ. This moral habitus is more deliber- ately cultivated and less deeply ingrained than the primary habitus but none- theless serves as a powerful subjective and behavioral force ðWacquant 2014, p. 6Þ. Although Bourdieu himself was skeptical that moral norms were the basis for action ðfor a critique, see Sayer 1⁄22005Þ, this extension of habitus captures important points that have appeared elsewhere in the sociological literature on morality. Moral beliefs and identities are not just prior to moral action but are constructed in a dialectical fashion through action, creating a sense of one’s moral place relative to the surrounding social structure ðWinchester 2008, p. 1755Þ. Moral assumptions and beliefs are often intuitive and embod- Making the City Second Nature 1021 American Journal of Sociology ied rather than discursively articulated ðSayer 2005, pp. 42– 43; Abend 2014, pp. 30, 55Þ. And even as morality can constrain individual action, it can be generative of new practices ðJoas 2000, pp. 14, 66Þ. When the everyday moral habitus and the actor’s position in social space are aligned, actors are like a “fish in water” that “does not feel the weight of the water, and takes the world about itself for granted” ðWacquant and Bourdieu 1992, p. 127Þ. In such situations, following the motivating im- pulses of one’s moral identity becomes “second nature,” something “experi- enced as non-problematic—expected, understood, 1⁄2and navigable” ðMartin 2000, p. 197Þ. This happens not just through occasional situations when actors can make themselves feel they are “moral enough” but through the ongoing dialectic of everyday habitus and social environment. Group Life and a Moral Sense of Place Bourdieu’s ð1984, 1990; Wacquant and Bourdieu 1992Þ work usually em- phasized the homology between the mental structures of the habitus and the “rules of the game” in the surrounding field. Nonetheless, it is clear that the specific moral habitus and the avenues of action open to it are not always congruent ðSayer 2005, pp. 26, 44Þ. To be a committed Muslim in a Chris- tian country or an animal rights activist at an event catered for meat eaters entails adjustments to a pure enactment of moral motivations. What is the consequence of these situations? Bourdieu suggested that one result could be “hysteresis”—a habitus ill adapted to action in a particular social environ- ment ðBourdieu 1990, p. 62; Lizardo and Strand 2010, p. 221Þ.5 But while Bourdieu is often read as describing a habitus that stems from and thus reproduces the outside world ðsee Sallaz and Zavisca 2007, p. 25; Wacquant 2014, p. 5Þ, Bourdieu ð1990, p. 61Þ himself points out that the social world and the habitus are constructed together. Agents can generate contexts in which, even as a fish out of water in the wider society, their moral habitus can align with its social milieu. For example, Vaisey and Lizardo ð2010Þ show how actors “prune” their social networks to increase interac- tions with others who share their moral worldviews.6 Participants in de- viant communities, for example, often differentiate themselves on the basis of moral criteria of personal or collective worth, which almost by definition put them “out of place” in society ðBecker 1963; Goffman 1963; Moon 2012Þ. Subcultural participants can sustain their opposition to conventional norms partly through group life, which provides “free spaces” and rituals that re- inforce identities and motivations and create contexts for acting on them 5 This is similar to “identity theorists’ ” suggestion that an “unverifiable” identity is liable to be replaced ðBurke and Stets 2009, p. 80Þ: frustrated freegans, e.g., reverting to their identity as middle-class urban denizens or more moderate political agents. 6 Identity theory, as cited above, makes a similar point about how actors search out sit- uations in which salient identities are likely to be confirmed ðBurke and Stets 2009, p. 73Þ. 1022 ðFischer 1975; Fine and Kleinman 1979Þ.7 Recent work has more explicitly argued that the appeal of subcultures stems from simultaneous development of an individual moral habitus and the structures, rules, and rituals of devi- ant group life ðWacquant 2004; Abramson and Modzelewski 2011Þ. These conclusions are consistent with a long line of sociological thinking on morality. Drawing on Durkheim’s ð1997Þ analysis of suicide, for example, sociologists of religion and health have focused on how the presence of so- cial ties facilitates individual moral worth, meaning, and self-preservation ðIdler and Kasl 1992; Maimon and Kuhl 2008; Wray, Colen, and Pescoso- lido 2011Þ. Offering one canonical reading of Durkheim’s analysis, Bellah ð1973, p. xliiiÞ concludes that “it is the very intensity of group interaction itself that produces social ideas and ideals and . . . it is from the warmth of group life that they become compelling and attractive to individuals.” In ad- dition to providing “warmth” through social integration, groups also exert regulation, shaping and constraining the ability of actors to diverge from their moral motivations or abandon their moral identities ðDurkheim 1997Þ. This literature thus offers a clear prediction that can be brought to bear on empirical material. If freegans have achieved any sense of living morally as second nature, it likely stems from having created groups or interactional spaces within their moral habitus in line with the social environment. This is not the same as saying that group life is purely harmonious, only that it affords individuals the opportunity to act out moral motivations in ways that affirm moral identities. As noted in the introduction, however, I posit another, material route to finding a moral sense of place. Materiality and Moral Second Nature Durkheim’s thinking about morality evolved over the course of his life ðsee Abend 2008Þ. Although he maintained that “society . . . is the source and the end of morality” ðDurkheim 1953, p. 59Þ, in Elementary Forms he ex- plored more circuitous connections between individual and group moral life. In fact, although morality is derived from society, its power stems from the fact that it is perceived as extrasocial, coming from “something greater than us” ð1965, p. 257Þ. Along the same lines, in Suicide, he insisted that “man cannot live without attachment to some object which transcends and sur- vives him” ð1997, p. 210Þ. Hence, we invariably see morality as originating not in society but in external entities, such as gods, or abstract concepts, like “nature” ðDurkheim 1953, p. 79Þ.8 7 The same point has been made for social movements ðHirsch 1990; Polletta 1999; O’Hearn 2009Þ. 8 Durkheim’s argument in Elementary Forms for “primitive” societies is analogous to his argument about “advanced” ones, in which the moral regulation of society must come from an entity outside of it: the state ðsee also Durkheim 1957Þ. Making the City Second Nature 1023 American Journal of Sociology It is from this interplay of the social and nonsocial in moral life that Durkheim’s conception of totems originates. Actors make totems out of the desire to represent the impersonal social forces that they see as acting on them. Thus, although totems are “the source of the moral life of the clan” ð1965, p. 219Þ, they are nonetheless always, in part, tied to something out- side the clan, such as wild animals ðp. 87Þ. Far from being simple outgrowths of moral life, totems exert moral influence over individuals, as evidenced by prohibitions on eating animals of the totemic species. Consequently, the religious forces Durkheim describes are “physical as well as human, moral as well as material” ðp. 254Þ. Subsequent work provides a further basis for considering the material world in moral life. Drawing on Lévi-Strauss’s ð1962Þ critique of Durkheim, Jerolmack ð2013, p. 14Þ shows that the animals and plants drawn on in totemic religion are not just “good to think with” but enable qualitatively different ways of thinking, perceiving, and classifying the social world. The implica- tion is that the objects coded as “moral” are not just arbitrarily pulled from the environment but instead are selected on the basis of moral beliefs and re- worked through moral practices. In fact, groups in a “moral minority,” like the freegans, may indeed be pushed to draw on items that are not coded as moral by the dominant group—such as, I show later, waste. A central contribution of this article is that relationships between humans and the material world may not just enhance or contribute to the confir- mation of moral identities in group life but may actually themselves be- come the basis of an individual’s moral sense of place. The notion of a practi- cal reworking of the material environment is an important element of habitus ðLizardo and Strand 2010, p. 211Þ, but I break from Bourdieu’s ð1990, pp. 71, 76, 273Þ assumption of a three-way homology between the subjective hab- itus and the objective social and material world. Instead, an actor whose moral habitus is out of sync with the behavioral expectations and patterns of the social environment may nonetheless be like a “fish in water” with re- spect to his or her ongoing reordering of physical space or material milieu. At the same time, linking the dialogical relationship between habitus and en- vironment to developments elsewhere in sociology, I insist that objects are not just passive props in a social morality play. Instead, as Latour ð2005, pp. 10, 74Þ argues, objects may actually do things that social actors cannot and can transform rather than simply transmit the meanings that humans attribute to them.9 I focus on three distinctive roles that objects can—and, as hinted at by the existing literature, do—play in moral life: ð1Þ proofs of moral labor, ð2Þ mark- ers of moral boundaries, and ð3Þ reminders of moral commitments. 9 Although I agree with Latour that objects “make a difference,” I make no claims to the existence of a “flat” world in which objects live moral lives or are intentional or reflexive in the same way as humans ðsee Jerolmack and Tavory 2014Þ. 1024 Moral proofs.—Recent work in the symbolic interactionist tradition has shown how behaviors toward nonhumans can reflect, anticipate, and even prompt human action ðTavory 2010Þ. Jerolmack ð2013, chap. 5; Jerolmack and Tavory 2014Þ, for example, explores how urban pigeon handlers’ rela- tionships with birds can serve to foster new human connections. Yet even if we accept the Durkheimian notion that the roots of moral values themselves always reside in social life, this does not mean that all moral action is directed toward or made with reference to other human beings. Pigeon handlers— like an animal shelter employee or art conservator—may very well have moral identities founded on their relationships with the birds themselves. I draw on the study by Boltanski and Thévenot ð2006, p. 131Þ, who argue that moral justifications must be buttressed by moral “proofs,” which in turn are “based on objects that are external to persons.”10 But, once again, moral- ity is not just about proving that we are moral to others. Actors with strong moral identities in social worlds that make acting on moral motivations dif- ficult must also find ways of proving their morality to themselves. In this re- spect, having tangible, physical evidence of moral action can be a crucial confirmation of the depth of moral commitments, even while other actions or objects can contradict them. Moral markers.—The drawing of boundaries between groups and indi- viduals graded on a hierarchy of moral worth is a key aspect of moral life ðLamont 1992, 2000; Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann 2006; Sherman 2006; Sanghera et al. 2011Þ. But what makes the “symbolic” boundaries of moral- ity “real”? Cultural sociologists have argued that symbolic meanings are sta- bilized and transmitted through physical carriers ðMukerji 1994; Molotch 2003; McDonnell 2010Þ. Indeed, a range of research has suggested that phys- ical objects can make boundaries a more consistent presence in social life than discursive expressions.11 I show how freegans distinguish themselves from others, even when placed in social situations ðlike jobsÞ when acting on the moral motivation to live “naturally” seems difficult, using material identifiers. Yet precisely because of their material presence, objects can also invoke moral boundaries when human actors do not intend to do so ðsee Tavory 2010Þ. The “wrong” object— like a Wal-Mart bag carried into a “fair-trade” shop ðBrown 2009, p. 872Þ— can highlight discrepancies between moral values and action to both external audiences and actors themselves. 10 Identity theory also considers “resources”—physical objects alongside social relation- ships—as crucial for “identity verification” ðBurke and Stets 2009, chap. 5Þ. However, these authors quite explicitly move away from viewing material resources as distinctive from social ones in their functions. 11 The role of physical markers in constructing boundaries has been shown in studies on subcultures ðHebdige 1979, p. 78Þ, class differentiation ðGoffman 1959, p. 36; Bourdieu 1984, p. 184Þ, or religion ðWinchester 2008, p. 1770; Tavory 2010Þ. Making the City Second Nature 1025 American Journal of Sociology Moral reminders.—As Durkheim ð1965, p. 391Þ noted, society “cannot be assembled all the time.” Totems serve to remind the individual of his or her moral motivations even when that individual is outside of the social context from which those motivations originated. We might predict that, in a modern city, where individuals move rapidly between different groups and locations ðsee Simmel 1⁄21903 1971Þ, such “totems,” far from being primitive hold- overs, might actually become more important in sustaining moral identities. Indeed, Jerolmack and Tavory ð2014, p. 73Þ argue that “everyday totemism” reaches far beyond religious life. Interactions with even “mundane” non- humans such as pigeons ðor more obviously signifying ones, such as flags or clothingÞ can allow humans to connect with social groups “in absentia.” Once again, though, we should go beyond simply seeing objects as a proxy for social ties, or what Durkheim ð1997Þ described as “social integration.” Objects can also step into the other role Durkheim envisioned for the group: moral “regulation,” one of “monitoring, oversight, and guidance” ðWray et al. 2011, p. 508Þ. As I show, nonhuman objects can forcefully remind freegans of their moral identities, even when they are outside the freegan group itself, and in contexts in which freegans might prefer to set them aside temporarily. DIVING IN: METHODOLOGY I elaborate my theoretical argument about the relationship between moral identities, moral motivations, the habitus, and physical objects with an em- pirical study of how freegans rework their material environment. This study is based on nearly two years of ethnographic fieldwork with the activist organization freegan.info in New York City, between 2007 and 2009. Over this time, I attended scores of freegan.info events: “trash tours” ðpublicly an- nounced dumpster dives open to newcomers and mediaÞ, wild food foraging expeditions in city parks, collaborative sewing “skillshares,” “feasts” held in freegans’ homes, and monthly organizing meetings. As time went on, I be- gan to spend time in the freegan bike workshop and freegan “office”—really, a nook in the cluttered, windowless basement of a converted warehouse in Brooklyn—which led to more interactions outside of formal group events. In spring 2009, I conducted 20 interviews, which constituted nearly a com- plete census of active members of the freegan.info group who self-identified as “freegan.”12 I also analyzed several thousand e-mails from freegan.info’s “freeganworld” listserve ðwhich has over a thousand subscribersÞ, giving me a better sense of freegan ideology and practice across contexts. In 2012, I re- turned to New York and conducted follow-up interviews and observations. 12 I defined “active” group members as people who attended freegan events over a period of at least three months. Only two such individuals declined to be interviewed. 1026 Fieldwork initially focused on freegans’ public, performative claims- making. The centrality of nature to freegans’ moral worldviews, and their discursive critiques of urban life, emerged through the course of observation. These findings led me to ask whether and how freegans carved out a moral place in a city they frequently characterized as immoral. As time went on, I attempted to test emerging hypotheses derived from theory through field- work, a process of theoretical reconstruction congruent with the extended case method ðBurawoy 1998Þ. As Tavory ð2011, p. 289Þ observes, “the less the environment is built to cater to a specific category of people, the more moral situations would arise in these people’s lives.” I thus view freegans—with the apparently gaping chasm between their articulated moral identities and the reality of the urban environment—as a strategic research site for examin- ing in accentuated form how living in an adverse context can actually be- come the basis of a moral sense of place. A crucial objective of participant observation was getting past the ad hoc reasons freegans offered for their behavior to identify any underlying mo- tivations, which Vaisey ð2009Þ argues are best identified with forced-choice survey questions. But his argument assumes that sociologists must ultimately rely on some kind of verbalized representation to study moral beliefs and be- haviors. Using participant observation, however, we can actually see pat- terns of behavior and identify trends that reveal the underlying motiva- tions behind them by “sampling” across a range of situations and moments in time ðJerolmack and Khan 2014Þ. Ethnography thus is a valuable tech- nique for studying morality “in the wild” ðHitlin and Vaisey 2010, p. 11Þ, as actors deal with practical moral conundrums and conflicts. Nonetheless, the concern with the materiality of morality adopted here poses problems for ethnographic examination. The value of observing moral action rather than asking about it stems from the notion that meanings are made “between individuals” rather than “by or within individuals” ðJerol- mack and Khan 2014, p. 200Þ. However, I assert that moral motivations are also acted out between individuals and nonhuman objects. By defini- tion, though, any situation I could access involved at least two humans: the observer and the observed. I adopted three strategies to evaluate if, how, and why freegans’ actions were directed at objects. First, I looked for the unintended material “traces” ðLatour 2005, p. 193Þ of freegan practices. Second, by quite literally “getting my hands dirty” at freegan events—by, for example, eating discarded food— I gradually gained access to the more unguarded and candid moments of freegans’ lives. Finally, I also began to engage in freegan practices on my own, including subsisting almost entirely on discarded food for a six-month period. Through embodying freegan morality myself, I more fully under- stood how everyday relationships to the physical world could help sustain a sense of moral place in an apparently adverse context. Making the City Second Nature 1027 American Journal of Sociology FREEGAN MORAL IDENTITY AND THE CONTRADICTIONS OF URBAN LIFE Consistent with the definitions of morality cited above, freegans invoked deeply rooted, cross-situational and cross-temporal identities founded on the “right” or “wrong” way to live to explain their involvement in freegan- ism. David, a bearded white male in his early 30s, claimed that—despite growing up in a conventional, middle-class home—“1⁄2I always felt like I had to minimize my impact and live as nonviolently as possible. I’ve ba- sically always been an anarchist.” Prior to discovering freeganism, three- quarters of freegan.info participants reported their primary activist involve- ment as animal rights, a movement whose participants are overwhelmingly motivated by moral beliefs ðJasper and Nelkin 1992Þ. Most moved beyond veganism when they realized the moral limits of a vegan diet: continued sup- port for environmentally destructive agriculture or poor working conditions in the food industry. While freegans’ worldviews were undoubtedly shaped by their early in- volvement in other social movements and activist networks, freegans none- theless experienced their motivations to act morally as a permanent, intrinsic part of their identities. As Jeff articulated, “I was always radical. Sometimes it was latent, sometimes it wasn’t encouraged, sometimes it was covered up by other things. But I was always radical.” My own observations of freegan. info participants during an extended period of time ðover five yearsÞ sug- gested that living morally, for them, was not just a temporary project. In- stead, as one put it, “Realizing what you believe and trying to live that is very complicated and something that a lot of people—especially myself— are going to spend the rest of our lives trying to figure out.” Whether or not they still identified as freegans, when I returned in 2012, all of the rein- terviewed informants offered examples of how trying to live morally con- tinued to structure their lives. More than just rhetoric, freegans’ moral beliefs were built into their everyday practices, or habitus. David began dumpster diving when he real- ized that even organic farming killed small mammals and insects. Although I could not verify his claim not to have bought food for 13 years, I never saw him acquire food any other way than “dumpstering.” At various times, I also observed him spending hours searching for and dismantling mouse- traps, meticulously picking live flies off of wax paper, and berating other residents of his shared house for poisoning bedbugs. Madison quit a job with a six-figure salary and sold a luxurious Manhattan apartment after having her “mind blown” at a freegan.info event. Perhaps most notably, even though it was, as one freegan put it, “horrifying and disgusting” to others, most freegans regularly recovered and ate wasted food because they perceived purchasing food as morally anathema. Freegans, then, appeared to be indi- 1028 viduals with strong moral identities who made their capacity to act on their moral motivations a core and enduring part of their sense of self. But what did living morally actually mean? The definition of freegan- ism on freegan.info’s website is a sprawling list of virtues and vices: “Free- gans embrace community, generosity, social concern, freedom, cooperation, and sharing in opposition to a society based on materialism, moral apathy, competition, conformity, and greed” ðhttp://freegan.infoÞ But in interviews as well as in public events that explained freeganism to those unfamiliar with the movement, freegans frequently focused on a moral imperative to live more “naturally.” As Benjamin—a freegan activist in his mid-20s who lived in a squatted building in Brooklyn—explained, “We’re just so disconnected from it 1⁄2nature. One of the goals 1⁄2of freeganism is just connecting with each other and connecting with the rest of life on earth, connecting with the earth itself.” Freegans evoked humanity’s fall from grace, central to Judeo-Christian moral narratives, and made nature central to the story. As Evie, a speech pathologist in a public hospital and lifetime Palestinian liberation activist, articulated during one meeting, “There was a point where human beings stepped out of nature and decided to control nature,” and it was at this point that the seeds for a whole range of social ills—mass consumption, ex- ploitation of animals and humans, and ecological devastation—were planted. Nature provided both a centerpiece of freegan discourse and a guiding principle for new freegan.info projects. Proposing that the group start an urban garden, Guadalupe noted, “My ideal is a little different than just having a mini-farm. I’m very interested in letting the plants that just nat- urally grow in the area do their thing and even help them grow. This in- cludes ‘weeds.’ I don’t really believe in the concept of an undesirable plant. I believe in biodiversity.” That freegans would evoke nature as central to their moral worldviews was unsurprising. The power of nature as moral principle has a long history in strands of American culture ðNash 1973; Cronon 1996Þ, often in opposi- tion to very different framings of “the good” in terms of consumption, com- petition, or free-market capitalism. Unsurprisingly, sociologists have shown that beliefs about nature—for example, freegans’ claim that living natu- rally meant not consuming animals—are culturally and temporally variable social constructs ðGreider and Garkovich 1994; Freudenburg, Frickel, and Gramling 1995; Fourcade 2011Þ. Yet, paradoxically, research also shows that the appeal of nature as a framework for determining right and wrong stems from the popular belief that nature is free from social influence ðBell 1994, p. 7; Jerolmack 2013, pp. 134–35Þ. This was precisely the sense in which freegans used nature: to refer to something that was immutable, primor- dial, and uncontestable, a moral concept “outside of us” in the Durkheim- ian sense. Making the City Second Nature 1029 American Journal of Sociology Freegans’ discursive commitment to living naturally and the reality of freegan.info as a group based in a city built by humans would thus seem to be in direct contradiction. Indeed, when I asked freegans in interviews about their views of urban life, they often repeated a familiar American cul- tural trope that valorizes the natural aspects of rural life and demonizes the city ðsee Hummon 1990Þ. One freegan characterized the city as an “evil haven of decadence and debauchery”; another described it as “incredibly psychologically destructive” because it separated residents from natural spaces. Ryan speculated that “rates of depression are so high in America because we’re in a city, and we aren’t in some heavily forested area being spontaneous and finding wild asparagus.” On a more practical level, aspects of the urban environment made con- forming to some elements of the officially articulated freegan identity dif- ficult. According to the movement’s informal manifesto Why Freegan? and the homepage of freegan.info, freegans engaged in a “total boycott” of the capitalist economic system, meeting as many needs as possible outside the market. For example, freegans claimed they could live for “free” by squat- ting illegally in abandoned ðor “wasted”Þ buildings. Yet in New York, prop- erty values are high enough that abandoned buildings are rarely left un- occupied for long, and the police actively search for and remove unlawful occupants. As such, even though “true freegans don’t pay rent,” as one told me, the reality was that nearly all of them did. Some had eliminated rent payments, but only by buying a home outright. The result was an admission that, for all their political and moral commitments, there were many parts of freegans’ urban lives that they could not control. As one freegan told me, “there are so many things I see that I can’t change. I can’t change the way the building I live in operates. I know that if I lived elsewhere, I would do things completely differently.” A similar apparent divergence between articulated values and avenues for moral action could be made for employment. One of the pamphlets that freegan.info passed out during events on public sidewalks averred, “Free- gans are able to greatly reduce or altogether eliminate the need to constantly be employed.” But nearly all freegans maintained conventional, waged oc- cupations, because needing money was an “unpleasant reality” as long as they lived in a city. While some had found employment in activist organizations or nonprofits, others worked in more clearly problematic fields like product design. As Evie, herself a homeowner, admitted, “I’m freegan in lots of lit- tle things in my life. But at the end of the day, I am paying taxes and fund- ing a couple of enormous wars, and sort of everything bad that’s going on in the world.” Reflecting on the divergence between freegans’ moral ideals and the exigencies of urban life, one freegan sighed, “Manhattan is one giant contradiction.” 1030 CLAIMING CITY CONTRADICTION, FINDING URBAN NATURE How did freegans respond to this apparent disparity? When confronted with the gap between the two, most freegans offered to others what might be framed as a moral justification: they stayed in the city because it was an efficacious site for their activism. At one “freeganism 101” event, a new- comer asked Jeff why he hadn’t moved to the countryside. He replied, “Setting up a commune out in the country would be good for me, but I don’t know how that would be for the overall resistance. I definitely want to get out of the city eventually . . . 1⁄2but there’s a lot of work that needs to be done in all different places . . . and lots of it needs to happen here, and not in the country.” In truth, it is difficult to imagine freegans’ polit- ical tactics outside of an urban context. Cities concentrate retailers in a small geographic area, allowing freegans to organize public, performative dumpster dives for passersby and the media and to recover a wide range of goods relatively easily.13 In a sense, what looks like moral contradiction is thus inherent in freeganism: the movement depends on the unnatural urban environment in order to protest the economic and social system that the city symbolizes, all in the name of living more naturally. If we view “morality” through the lens of tool kit theory, freegans’ ex- planation for the gap between beliefs and practice, and the various ways they deploy that reasoning in interaction, could be the focal point of anal- ysis. Or we could view freegans as satisfied with reaching a certain, sub- optimal threshold of acting morally ðsee Gigerenzer 2010Þ. I have argued, however, that the notion of moral habitus implies that action creates a more ongoing sense that living out a moral identity is “second nature.” Did this process of finding a moral place in the city happen through group life— that is, social dynamics within freegan.info? Certainly, as Durkheim would suggest, freegan.info provided a space where freegans could freely discuss, develop, and reinforce moral beliefs that would otherwise struggle to find a hearing. During feasts, for example, freegans held freewheeling debates about elements of their natural ethos, such as whether humans were “pri- mordial vegetarians,” if they should return to agriculture or revert to forag- ing, or whether human beings should voluntarily go extinct. Yet, despite the sharing of freegan skills I describe below, freegan.info was less successful in helping freegans act on their moral motivations. Free- gan meetings were often filled with announcements that one or another practice or product had turned out to be environmentally destructive or 13 In five years of monitoring the freegan world e-mail list, I have not encountered a single mention of rural freeganism. The one academic account I can find of rural free- gans notes that they frequently go into a nearby city in order to dumpster dive ðGross 2009, p. 61Þ. Making the City Second Nature 1031 American Journal of Sociology exploitative, leading to a new escalation of what moral living entailed with little sense of how to achieve it. In 2008, Rob and Leslie, two core freegan. info activists, attempted to extend freegan principles and address concerns that freegan.info was facilitating an insufficient range of anticapitalist or ecoconscious practices by founding a collective household for anarchists in Brooklyn. The space, “Surrealestate,” hosted a bike workshop, community meals with dumpster-dived food, and activist fund-raisers. Yet even that space charged rent, which led many in the group to reject the very notion that it was “freegan.” Others alleged that the project constituted first-wave gentrification. This acrimony was emblematic of a frequently evoked “basic lack of trust” within freegan.info, which I saw play out in strident arguments during freegan.info meetings. The overall sense, as one person told me, was that “there’s no real freegan community.” While the presence of conflict certainly does not invalidate the possibil- ity of a social group providing a moral sense of place—Durkheim, after all, never claimed that groups had to be harmonious—other evidence also sug- gests otherwise. In interviews, many freegans claimed that “true” freegans engaged in practices like dumpster diving “on their own”—not just at free- gan.info events. As one explained, “Freegan.info is just a side project to the real thing, which is being freegan itself.” Some freegans even experienced the group as a barrier to living morally: in 2008, Guadalupe, a Latina mother from a low-income background, announced that she would be “stepping back” because she had spent so much time with the group that she had been unable to dumpster dive enough to support her family and thus was buying food—a situation she saw as morally untenable. When I returned in 2012, freegan.info had collapsed under the weight of internal discord, yet most freegans described how they continued to deepen their understanding of what was required to maintain a moral identity and thus faced the same challenges of creating a sense of affirming that identity—albeit without any support from the group itself. What is more, while at its height freegan.info met only a few times a month, clashes between freegans’ moral habitus and the social environment of the city were frequent. In a society where many social situations involve buying something—from a beer to a movie ticket—being a freegan meant either profound isolation or constant violations of freegan principles. As Barbara told me, “You can sit in a room of five or ten people, and they’re talking about bargains and sales and ‘Where’d you buy that?’ and what the latest technology is, and you can really feel like you don’t want to partic- ipate at all, or that you have to guard it 1⁄2your freeganism.” Benjamin elaborated how the ideology behind his freeganism fed into a feeling of alien- ation and disaffection: “I always stand around in a room full of people and think, ‘Oh my God, no one is an anticapitalist here.’ I feel so alone, I feel so out of place. . . . It’s so lonely. It’s depressing as hell to live here 1⁄2in 1032 New York.” Others reported an involuntarily shrinking social network as nonfreegans were pushed away from them and few new freegans appeared to fill the holes. Despite their deeply rooted moral identities and the barriers that social existence in the city posed to acting on them, though, freegans still insisted they were living morally. Perhaps more importantly, many debates about abstract principles did not translate into anxiety in day-to-day life, suggest- ing that freegans were not among those actors who “churn through their moral narratives in their internal conversations almost obsessively” ðSayer 2005, p. 29Þ. In their daily lives, both within and outside freegan.info, free- gans showed few signs of a Bourdieusian “hysteresis,” suggesting that their habitus and environment were, in a sense, aligned. As I show, though, the en- vironment they were aligning with may not have been primarily a social one. Freegans could rarely articulate how they managed to find a moral sense of place in the city, except that it had something to do with nature and the city itself. As one told me, “Freeganism . . . it’s a way of downscaling the city somehow. It tells me, ‘Okay, I can live small here.’” Rob, a tall freegan with a shock of curly red hair, speculated, “Within the city, nature is a park, a tree, or a bug. Or maybe it’s noises or creepy things or shadows. That’s nature to me. Freeganism is a way of relating to nature in the city. It lets things happen organically. Everyone is part of the equation. It ends up being just, sort of, magic. People are like nature and there are all sorts of varie- ties and uniquenesses in any situation.” As I argue in the rest of this article, freegans made a city seemingly full of contradictions into a “common-sense world” ðBourdieu 1990, p. 58Þ, within which living naturally was second nature, by practically appropriating and reconfiguring their material world into moral proofs, markers, and reminders. MAKING THE CITY “SECOND NATURE” Moral Proofs and Natural Resources Freegans’ “wild food foraging tours” through city parks were, in large part, neither political nor practical. Foraging events lacked the performative cri- tique of capitalism that made freegan trash tours appealing to the media. They were not particularly helpful in allowing freegans to survive “out- side” capitalism either. Ryan, an experienced forager, got only a fraction of his calories from it; Guadalupe remarked that dumpsters have “tastier food.” Yet whenever Ryan announced his willingness to lead a tour, the group was invariably enthusiastic and turnout high. The appeal, I argue, stemmed from the way tours functioned as a kind of “nature work” ðFine 1998, p. 4Þ, a directed process of relating to the physical environment that enabled freegans to see the city as providing natural resources that func- tioned as tangible proofs of their efforts. Making the City Second Nature 1033 American Journal of Sociology On one tour along the northwest edge of Manhattan, a visiting activist from California commented how, to his surprise, the plants the group was finding were identical to those he found in his home state, despite vast dif- ferences in climate. Ryan replied, “There’s lots of biodiversity in the rain- forest, but there’s unique species here 1⁄2in the city too.” Both presented the city as an ecosystem, replete with its own species, flows of resources, and cycles of food availability. Wild food foraging tours were not just a way of imagining the city as a natural ecosystem, but treating it as such through concrete and material—yet, as the notion of habitus suggests, simultaneously also symbolically and morally laden—practices. As Ryan admonished the group, “Here you see a bunch of ostrich ferns growing in a clump together. If you know to only pick half of them, they’ll grow back. But pick all of them, and it dies.” At another point, Ryan’s guidance more directly touched on a key moral motivation for freegans—finding value in waste. Motioning to a downed tree, he observed, “Lots of things that look like waste aren’t waste when you look a little closer.” He took us to the other side and re- vealed edible mushrooms growing on it, which freegans then picked—in moderation. Expeditions to find burdock root and edible flowers were not the only moments in which freegans approached the city as a natural resource base that furnished proofs of their ability to live naturally. They also did so with respect to human-made urban waste. Of course, despite a social scientific trope of waste as “urban metabolism” ðHeynen, Kaika, and Swyngedouw 2006Þ, there is nothing superficially natural about New York’s vast waste disposal apparatus. Indeed, in their public events, freegans often went to great lengths to emphasize the highly unnatural social processes that cre- ated waste. As one freegan explained to a group of 15 newcomers on a trash tour, “It’s not individuals, it’s the system 1⁄2that produces waste. The stores are trying to extract surplus value, to borrow a Marxist term. But our sys- tem ends up with a huge amount of waste and unrecognized costs.” While in their deliberate, planned events waste served as a symbol of all that was wrong with the city, in everyday practice waste became a fixed aspect of the physical environment. One weekend, I joined Benjamin and Lucie, two young freegans, for a free art festival on Governor’s Island. We had been discussing the recent closure of the Occupy Wall Street encamp- ment, and I commented that the island had large tracts of open space that could be occupied. Benjamin replied, pensively, “Yeah, but what would you eat? You’d have to go into the city to dumpster 1⁄2dive, and there are only ferries on the weekend.” Lucie laughed, “You remember that food comes from places other than dumpsters, right? You could farm it.” “Oh right,” Benjamin replied, “I forgot.” In effect, the social origins of food waste had receded to the background in a moral habitus that drew its power from treating waste as a natural resource. 1034 The availability of garbage depends on the vicissitudes of store employ- ees and sanitation workers, yet for self-described “urban foragers” like freegans, it was nature that provided the waste. Noted one freegan, “The difference between foraging and agriculture is trying to control nature, versus preparing yourself to respond to whatever nature throws at you.” Although waste in New York is so abundant that freegans could easily eat only prepared food or only organic produce if they wanted, freegans none- theless often “rescued” unappealing items and turned them into food. One autumn evening, the group uncovered dozens of ears of dried, ornamental corn. When one newcomer moved to put them back in the garbage—as- suming they were inedible—Madison snatched them. The next week, she returned having transformed them into hominy: a time-consuming and im- practical move, but one that affirmed a moral identity that, as she put it, allowed her to make use of “whatever nature throws at you.” While freegan political activities were a direct challenge to urban social institutions, freegan nature-work transformed the environment in more subtle ways, through de- veloping a habitus that would allow freegans to partly subsist on precisely what their nature-work on the city made available. While freegans’ self-description as “urban foragers” and their labeling of waste as a “natural” resource might seem strained, these discourses were tied to concrete practices. One freegan observed how the often unreflective, in- grained habits of a dumpster diver paralleled those she envisioned foragers— the reference point for her moral motivations—as having: “When you go dumpster diving . . . you do things in the natural way. It’s like . . . going in the forest to find food. . . . You need to explore, first, to find good spots. Then you need to really work for your food: it’s harder, you need to open bags, to search, to climb into a dumpster. . . . It’s always surprising. You don’t know what you’re going to find. It makes it more natural. It’s like going back to the time when people would go into natural spaces to get food.” For her, dumpster diving was “natural”—and, therefore, also in her eyes, moral—precisely because it required effort. It was precisely the adver- sity of place that allowed her to have a “sense of her place” that she could envision as analogous to life in a forest. As the quote suggested, even as freegans imbued the urban waste stream with moral meaning, the physical characteristics of the waste stream itself required ongoing readjustments. This was particularly evident with respect to the way the rhythms of the urban waste disposal system structured free- gans’ time. While a grocery store might be open 16 hours a day, the win- dow of time for dumpster diving is just a few hours between when stores close and garbage trucks appear. One night, I was working in the freegan office with David—who did not cook and usually ate directly from dump- sters—when he looked at his computer and declared, “It’s 8:30. We can almost go dumpstering.” Eating like a forager meant gathering food at the Making the City Second Nature 1035 American Journal of Sociology inconvenient times it was available and going without otherwise. Need- less to say, frequent changes in stores’ disposal practices themselves pushed freegans to reconfigure their routines to shift to new sites or new times. For freegans working normal jobs, this was not necessarily easy—which was, perhaps, part of what made it meaningful. Marion, a woman who had been “surviving” from waste reclamation for more than five years, despite having a significant income, explained, “I try to project and say ‘This is what I have, I probably won’t go on this day because of the weather.’ But I have to plan in advance to make sure I’m prepared. . . . It gets laborious, to stay on the street, late late at night, day after day. So I try to limit it to get what I need, at least. It can so easily turn into still 1⁄2being on the street at 1:30 in the morning. It’s exhausting for me.” In order to act on their con- ceptualization of living naturally, freegans had to conform to the rhythm of waste metabolism on a seasonal as well as daily basis. Back-to-school shop- ping season, for example, was one of the only times freegans could dumpster dive office supplies. Barbara—a tenured and, by her own admission, well- paid public school teacher—noted that the “only” time she could find instant oatmeal was during move-out days from college dorms. While she could certainly have bought instant oatmeal and no one in the group would know the difference, it appeared that she didn’t. Instead, for two Saturdays in a row, I found her alone in the dumpsters of New York University looking for oat- meal. Her solitary efforts suggested that, insofar as urban waste functioned as a moral “proof,” she herself was the primary audience. At times, freegans’ public denunciation of waste and their treatment of waste as a finite natural resource base were overtly in tension. In 2009, Ryan lamented, “There has been less waste lately. . . . No more bulk boxes with one bottle broken and the rest intact but slimy.” Some speculated that the decline in waste output was a result of the economic downturn. Others, though, returned to ecological metaphors, noting that a particular “fertile” chain of stores in Murray Hill had been “overharvested” and thus become “exhausted” by the overly frequent “exploitation” of local divers. A lack of care toward the natural resource base that waste represented, then, could serve as a sign of a habitus gone awry. In a context in which physical rather than social relationships were key to affirming moral identities, these cir- cumstances threatened freegans’ “identity kit” ðGoffman 1961, pp. 14–21Þ. Some freegans even embarked on a series of collective efforts—including a futile visit to the stores’ managers asking them to “give back the garbage”— to rectify the situation. Indeed, throughout my time with the group, there was an ongoing con- flict between those who wanted to call attention to waste in order to grow the movement and those who wanted to keep it hidden in order to ensure their ability to maintain themselves on the system’s margins. This conflict played out in practice: while some welcomed others to join them on dives 1036 outside those scheduled by freegan.info, others would hide evidence of their activities out of fear that nonfreegan divers would discover their favorite spots. Paradoxically, the nature of freegans’ resource base—and its depen- dence on store managers’ and employees’ fickle actions—meant that free- gans’ political actions threatened to deprive them of the very objects they used to prove to themselves that they were living naturally. Such tensions are constitutive of moral life, insofar as we recognize that moral identities exist alongside other, nonmoral identities ðStryker and Burke 2000, p. 290Þ, and the dispositions of the habitus are only partly coherent and integrated, owing to their construction within multiple environments ðWacquant 2014, p. 6Þ. Moral Markers and Human Nature Urban waste was not just a proof of freegans’ moral identities but also a way of physically differentiating freegans from both the capitalist main- stream and other animal rights or environmental activists, with whom free- gans made common political cause but whom they saw as morally wanting. Speaking in front of an otherwise receptive audience—an undergraduate class on food, waste, and sustainability at NYU—David lectured about the uselessness of formal education: “We live in a profoundly deskilled society. We’ve been infantilized, and very few of us know how to do anything out- side of our little narrow box of employment.” Real skills, he observed, were those that would allow humans to survive in nature—skills that freegans were already developing. “We have false ideas about what constitutes fresh food,” he noted. “A lot of food tastes better when it looks worse. But those are not the tactile and aesthetic qualities people look for when they pur- chase produce.” During the trash tour after the presentation, David pulled me over to a bin filled with discarded tofu, chicken, and cheese from the store’s hot food salad bar. He commented, “A lot of vegans would just leave this here, but look.” David plunged into the mixture and pulled out a sauce-covered white chunk and explained how to identify whether it was meat on the basis of the way it broke when crushed between the thumb and forefinger. For him, living naturally off the city’s resource base—rather than unnaturally from its supermarkets—required connecting with another version of nature: human nature, embodied in corporal practice ðIgnatow 2009, p. 100Þ. Indeed, suc- cessful urban foraging required all the senses to be constantly if not always consciously attuned to the physical surroundings in a natural way, because edible items were signaled not by neon signs but by more subtle and diffi- cult to discern hints: lumpy plastic bags or the faint smell of food. The above example was not the only time that David used physical ob- jects as a marker of moral distinction. At monthly “Really Really Free Mar- Making the City Second Nature 1037 American Journal of Sociology kets,” where freegans would gather with other scavengers and anarchists to swap surplus household items, freegan.info would often provide a buffet replete with carefully washed, aesthetically pleasing dumpster-dived food. But when I accompanied David to more mainstream animal rights con- ferences—where he was a frequent gadfly—he reversed the style of presen- tation. He would make a show of the fact that freegans’ flyers were printed on the back sides of “rescued” paper—in sharp contrast to the glossy pam- phlets of the Humane Society of the United States—and flaunt that the food on offer at the table was past its sell-by date, not free of genetically modified organisms or organic, and obviously from a dumpster. These objects helped David balance a political desire to be present at the conference with a moral motivation to distance himself from mainstream veganism, which he saw as a “bourgeois ideology that worships consump- tion.” Certainly, anyone in attendance who spoke to David would become aware of his views, but, on one level, they didn’t need to because the bound- ary was materially manifest. A similar duality appeared during regular trash tours, when freegans used expensive and desirable recovered items—like still-bagged organic coffee—as an “interactional hook” ðTavory 2010, p. 57Þ. The lure of free stuff would temporarily drag passersby into freegans’ po- litical project. Yet if when the freegans revealed the foods’ origins the others expressed disgust, these objects instantiated moral boundaries. Although, in these instances, freegans’ self-differentiation was overt, their moral boundary marking through sensory relationships to food was a more implicit part of their everyday habitus. In response to a query about food safety, Marion quipped, “I never look at the sell-by date, it’s irrelevant to me. It’s about the condition of the food: you smell it, you taste it, and if it’s horrible, don’t 1⁄2eat it.” Eating safely meant cultivating knowledge of the material properties of food, knowledge that freegans claimed had been lost with urbanization: “Not knowing about food, and thinking about safety standards, that comes from living in the city. . . . If you take a yogurt, and you don’t know what it is and you don’t know how it’s made, and all you know is the expiration date, then after the expiration date you’ll throw it away. If you know how a yogurt works, you know it could be good two months after. You just taste it.” Media and bystanders frequently queried whether dumpster divers ever got sick. Invariably, freegans responded that no one ever ailed from recovered food, asserting first their own knowledge of food—which set them aside from the incompetence of the ordinary con- sumer—and then a more general claim about the real nature of the human body. As Guadalupe told one reporter, “People in this country are a lot more freaked out about dirt than they need to be. We need a little dirt in our lives for our immune systems to be strong.” These comments were not just bluster. Freegan.info as an organization discouraged participants from eating straight in front of the camera, for fear 1038 of the media’s propensity to splice together images to maximize dumpster diving’s “ick factor.” Outside the public eye, though, freegans would often spend hours debating politics and revolutionary strategy while eating di- rectly from the trash bin. My own meals with freegans in their homes, as well as glances into freegans’ refrigerators, suggested a striking willingness to eat over-the-hill and rotten food. In effect, these scavenged items were exemplars of how “the most mundane objects . . . 1⁄2can become a form of stigmata, tokens of a self-imposed exile” ðHebdige 1979, p. 2Þ from the still essentially middle-class world in which freegans lived and worked. And, in a Latourian sense, these objects occasionally “acted back” in unpredictable ways: although reticent to admit it, some freegans could recount how their embodied confidence that they were conforming to humanity’s more resil- ient internal nature led them to eat food that left them sick for days. Freegans’ moral habitus of relating to physical objects could help main- tain boundaries when the more conventional aspects of their lives threat- ened to erase them. From 2007 to 2009, freegan.info operated a bicycle workshop in the cramped basement space of an anarchist “infoshop” in a low- income neighborhood of Bedford-Stuyvesant. Leslie, a college-educated “rad- ical social ecologist” in her early 30s who was one of the shop’s main volun- teers, described how her first visit to the space was “exhilarating” because, for the first time in her life, she realized that she could “build and create things and figure out how to do stuff, solve problems, use tools.” Rob, who had a degree in computer science from an elite private university, offered a similar assessment of how the skills he learned in the workshop—skills his classmates lacked—brought him closer to human nature. “Bike repair really got me into working with my hands,” he explained, “which is, like, so critical to being a human being—to be able to manipulate your environment and physical things. You don’t get that in school.” For Rob, the bikes that came out of that space were materializations of freegan values. Through problem solving and careful repair, decaying discarded parts became bikes that could provide sustainable transportation for decades. But the bikes were also markers of difference. In a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood that freegans saw as full of “hipsters” riding “expensive fixed gears,” freegan bikes were almost ostentatiously worn looking and ugly. Some particularly unconventional activities for which freegans them- selves had little explanation made sense as projects that developed the hab- itus and the physical environment in a morally affirming way. After one freegan feast in Jeff’s apartment, eight of us stayed around to watch Ryan conduct a “skillshare” for the group. Ryan removed a handful of yucca leaves from his backpack and placed them on the floor. He demonstrated how to scrape the flesh off the leaves, which isolated the internal fibers. These, he explained, could be woven into rope. After half an hour, Ryan had created a drawstring for his hat, while the rest had only a few sloppy, short strands Making the City Second Nature 1039 American Journal of Sociology of fibers to show for their efforts. Nonetheless, the group was so enthralled by the event that, immediately after, they began discussing plans for simi- lar training in canning and preserving fruit, sewing clothes, and making wine. The moment was one of Durkheimian ð1965, p. 236Þ “collective ef- fervescence,” in which the social affirmation of freegans’ distinctive moral identities was amplified with palpable markers. These same objects could act as markers of moral difference in self-evidently “nonfreegan” situations. Freegans could—and did—ride their salvaged bikes to work or take dumpster-dived food to potlucks with nonfreegan friends, giving a moral tinge to otherwise problematic situations. Barbara described writing her lesson plans on the back sides of paper that she pulled from other teachers’ recycling ðor wasteÞ bins, a practice she readily noted set her apart despite their shared participation in paid employment. But Barbara’s “quirks” could have unintended consequences: she recounted that once, after sitting down with her dumpster-dived lunch, a colleague stood up and walked away, announcing, “I will sit here with my clean food.” Here, the “waste” Barbara at other times used to draw moral bound- aries evoked them when she had not intended to, providing an unintended “mold” for interaction ðsee Jerolmack and Tavory 2014Þ. While for free- gans objects recovered from the garbage could set them apart as moral, for nonfreegans they could invoke “pollution rules” that made them “wicked object1⁄2s of moral reprobation” ðDouglas 1966, p. 170Þ. Freegans could thus not seamlessly “enlist” the physical world ðsee Latour 2005Þ. Indeed, the use of these objects as moral markers could give freegans a sense of place in the urban environment even as it deepened their sense of being out of place in their social milieu. Moral Reminders in the Urban Frontier Finally, physical objects functioned as “moral reminders” for freegans’ moral motivations, including those developed or shared within the group, outside the group context. Like so many other self-identified freegans, Lola, an itin- erant art student who had come to New York in the summer of 2008, claimed to see the city as the antithesis of morality, averring, “I think that the urban culture is what I’m opposed to.” And, like other freegans, she also offered proof that she could turn the harshly unnatural city into a nat- ural urban frontier. Referencing her bike, she told me, “Bicycling is such a freeing feeling. You’re in direct contact with nature. The physical aspect of it is amazing. It feels to me like breaking through some kind of invisible barrier. . . . You can’t fall asleep on a fixed gear 1⁄2bicycle. You can’t just ig- nore things that are going on. You can’t just look up at the stars; it’s actu- ally being in contact and being directly involved with what is happening.” 1040 To Lola, nature was something with which she could be in “direct contact” in the city, found not by “look1⁄2ing up at the stars” but by engaging with her more immediate, built environs. Lola expressed particular pride at her fixed-gear bike: she built it her- self, which to her meant that “I know every part of it and understand why and how everything works.” As with becoming an “expert” on food, under- standing the material properties of her bicycle was crucial to Lola’s moral identity as someone living a more natural life than other urban denizens. More than that, though, her bicycle seemed to function as a personal totem, a ward keeping the immoral forces of the city at bay. In the summer of 2008, Lola spent a stint house-sitting a luxurious apartment in the Upper West Side. She invited me over, and I noted that she had crammed her bicycle into a tiny corner of her bedroom rather than leaving it elsewhere in the capacious apartment. She confided, “It felt really weird to stay here, so I brought my bike into my bedroom with me, just as a reminder.” Here was a moment when the clash between values and environment threatened to make her feel quite literally out of place, until Lola reworked that place in a small but tangible way. All freegans juggled tensions between their political ideals and everyday lives, but these contradictions were particularly acute for Ryan. Despite helping Jeff and David organize an “antitechnology” conference in 2009, Ryan had a degree in computer science and was working 40 hours a week in Connecticut programming touch-screen computers that, in his own words, “made it easier for rich people to watch TV.” That he was not just an or- dinary college-educated computer programmer, though, was inscribed on his person. When Ryan showed up at one freegan meeting in midsummer, he was wearing a backpack that he had built out of bicycle tire inner tubes and was clad in sandals he put together from a discarded fire hose. At- tached to his backpack was a trowel he told me he used to dig up edible plants he finds in long bicycle trips, one of which brought him to some of the most remote regions of northern Canada. He emphasized the impor- tance of his sensuous relationship to the materials: “When I buy something I really need, I don’t feel like I own it. I’m afraid to sew it, patch it up. This backpack, I can feel it. I know what’s wrong with it; I know what’s right with it. If something’s not working, I can cut it up and make it work for me in a new way. It’s all about ownership. . . . Once you make some- thing, you can control exactly what it’s going to do.” When I pressed Ryan as to why these skills were so important, he demurred: “I don’t know where exactly my learning is going towards.” A comment he made more infor- mally, though, was telling: “I came straight from work,” motioning to his backpack and shoes, suggesting that he had worn them to his rich clients’ houses. While, in such contexts, Ryan probably could not raise his “anti- Making the City Second Nature 1041 American Journal of Sociology civilization” beliefs, his evident skill in dealing with physical objects re- minded him that he was, in his own mind, more a rugged frontiersman than an urban professional. This was not the only time I saw freegans draw on practices toward material objects to remind themselves and others of their moral commit- ments in moments when these self-conceptions felt threatened. One De- cember evening, I attended a freegan feast in Madison’s Brooklyn flat, which she had purchased after quitting her corporate job. I noted my sur- prise that Madison’s building had a doorman; she replied, “I know, I didn’t feel great about it either, but look at what I did with it.” She then walked me around the flat showing how nearly every item of furniture had been taken “right off the street.” Analogously, Barbara once confessed to me something she had been hiding from the group: that she had recently taken a flight for a vacation. “Have you ever dumpster dived a plane?” she whispered, before taking from her backpack complementary food, napkins, and utensils she had acquired while walking past the first-class seating area. She did not show the items to others in the group. Instead, as she suggested, she recov- ered them because the objects themselves reminded her of an opportunity to actualize her moral motivations at an unexpected moment. Although some uses of physical objects as reminders were deliberate, ma- terials could call on freegans to put their environment back in its moral place when they were not intending to do so. One cold winter night, we ap- proached the back side of a Food Emporium, where, from a distance, it was clear there was a larger than usual amount of food. As we walked up, Bar- bara exclaimed, “Oh my god, this is going to be outrageous.” It was: the store was evidently destocking, and so large quantities of unexpired, non- perishable goods were on the sidewalk. This night’s event was supposed to be a “trash trailblaze”—where the group would quickly investigate new potential spots and then move on—but the group lingered long after every- one had taken what they could carry. When I asked Madison why we stayed, she opined, “It’s like an elephant graveyard. Right now, we’re just mourning the food.” Although it was ultimately store employees who put the waste on the curb and freegans who decided to imbue the waste with symbolic meaning, it was the wasted objects themselves that redirected freegan behavior. At other moments, these reminders had a more positive valence. In con- trast to a modern industrial food system built on standardization and pre- dictability, freegans embraced the unscripted moments of dumpster diving, averring that “it’s always unpredictable; that’s part of the adventure of it!” Reflecting Fine’s ð1998, p. 49Þ conclusion that “meaningful experiences of nature must include uncertainty,” I witnessed firsthand the excitement that emerged whenever there was a rare find, like a box of tempeh or a pome- granate—their unexpected appearances potent reminders that freegans were 1042 not shopping or even growing food, but doing something they saw as fun- damentally more natural. Waste could capture freegans’ energy even when not with freegan.info. Although food is wasted at predictable places and times, other items free- gans need to find in order to avoid spending money—clothes, toiletries, and appliances, to name a few—appear more stochastically. The “dumpster eye,” as one described it, was at times only at the margins of freegan conscious- ness ðsee Tavory 2010, p. 56Þ, but the right garbage could unexpectedly bring it to the forefront, breaking down barriers between when they were or were not acting on their freegan moral motivations. When I began to dumpster dive more myself, I realized that traversing the city on foot—often regardless of my intentions—took much longer than it had previously, as I zigzagged across streets in order to examine any garbage that looked re- motely promising. Some admitted that their practice of freeganism bordered on hoarding, because they felt a strong compulsion to “rescue” only marginally useful items. Observed one freegan, “In my apartment, we have all sorts of things lying around, because you never know when you’re going to need to build this or fix that. You just keep everything.” This ethos of “making do and getting by,” many freegans claimed, harkened not just to prehistoric foragers but, more recently, to homesteaders on the American frontier. But living out these values could be taxing: “I get tired of trying to save the world,” sighed Barbara, after spending an hour trying to find someone to take a shoe rack she had found on the sidewalk. Objects demanded freegans’ time and attention in other ways as well. While in the previous section I noted how building bikes from discarded parts was part of what helped freegans “mark” themselves as living more naturally, they were also a source of constant frustration. Salvaged bikes were constantly breaking down and needing new scavenged parts, which themselves would not last long. Similarly, the implacable materiality of food—namely, the fact that it perishes, and if it has been “rescued” from a dumpster, it perishes quickly—often led freegans to spend significant time paring moldy fruit, recooking and transforming old vegetables, or redis- tributing excess bread. Although on a purely rational level freegans knew that “rewasting” food had no additional negative environmental impact, they nonetheless exhorted themselves—often in private—to “not waste the waste.” This embodied set of practices reworked freegans’ world in a way they sensed as natural yet threatened to remind freegans of the very “unnaturalness” as these objects returned to a wasted state. CONCLUSION: MATERIALS, NATURE, AND MORALITY Although freeganism as a political movement is an intrinsically urban phe- nomenon, the social dimensions of city life—finding a place to live, working, 1043 Making the City Second Nature American Journal of Sociology and interacting with others—posed substantial barriers to individual free- gans acting on moral motivations with which their identities were closely bound. Freegan.info as a group provided ongoing reinforcements of free- gans’ moral motivations—much as the Durkheim-inspired conclusions of literatures on social movement “free spaces” and subcultures would suggest— but it only infrequently provided them with a social environment aligned with them. Nevertheless, freegans were able to achieve a sense of their place in the city, one that made living morally frequently unremarked and second nature. They did so through a habitus that both drew on and reconstructed the physical environment in line with their frequently unarticulated and var- ied conceptions of “nature.” While freeganism is no doubt an idiosyncratic movement, these findings have implications for studies on materiality, na- ture, and morality. Material objects can play a significant, and distinctive, role in social life. As recent work has shown, objects are not mere bearers of cultural mean- ings but can actively reshape those meanings ðLatour 2005; McDonnell 2010; Jerolmack and Tavory 2014Þ. I have added the assertion that material ob- jects—or, more generally, the nonsocial—can be the ends of moral life. In truth, “bringing materiality back in”—to evoke a sociological cliché—is consistent with common sense. Although “waste” is not a common object of moral concern, it is nonetheless arguable that significant moral action is di- rected toward nonhuman entities, such as “gods” or “nations” ðsee Cerulo 2009Þ. Physical representations of those entities, such as idols or flags, can call forth powerful moral commitments. Yet the moments when objects proved uncooperative—when bikes broke down, food rotted, or others interpreted waste in a radically different fashion—also speak to the complexities, limits, and risks of the material world in sustaining a moral self. The three roles of objects I have demonstrated here provide a basis for further research into the extent and role of the material world in moral life. The fact that freegans made living morally seem like second nature through their interactions with waste itself has intriguing implications. On one hand, waste’s banality would seem to reaffirm Durkheim’s ð1965, p. 52Þ asser- tion that mundane objects—ranging from “a rock, a tree, a spring, a pebble, a piece of wood, 1⁄2or a house”—can be imbued with moral meaning. A cru- cifix around the neck could be a significant marker of moral boundaries; an old photo a potent reminder of familial commitments; a carefully sorted re- cycling bin proof of an ecological identity. Yet that freegans chose waste was not random. Waste for freegans was “polyvocal” ðMcDonnell 2010, p. 1803Þ: at once a symbol of capitalist immorality and privately a resource for moral living. Waste evokes intensely negative emotional and moral meanings in broader Western culture ðsee Douglas 1966; Abbott 2014Þ. In a group that set itself up in opposition to mainstream ðimÞmorality, using waste provided an effective way to leverage the adversity of the environment. High-end green 1044 consumption may be just a cover for elite distinction ðsee Johnston 2008; Elliott 2013Þ, but low-end salvaging is a way of abnegating a social status perceived as immoral through contaminating oneself with negatively coded objects. These findings also bear on literatures examining the social construction of nature. Sociologists have largely moved beyond older nature-city binaries, convincingly showing that urban denizens can have meaningful experiences of nature even in a modern metropolis ðWachsmuth 2012; Jerolmack 2013Þ. Some “radical constructivists” have gone further to claim that “in a funda- mental sense, there is nothing unnatural about New York City” ðHarvey 1996, p. 186; see also Heynen et al. 2006Þ. Yet my findings remind of an im- portant caveat: whether or not nature is “constructed” from a social scientific point of view, freegans would doubtlessly say that nature’s power as a grounding for morality stems from the fact that they perceived it as not constructed and not coming from society. Freegans, like many modern- day environmentalists and ecoconscious citizens, drew on nature as a po- tent, transcendent ideal, much as others might appeal to Christianity or socialism. Urban homesteaders, gardeners, or dumpster divers are not simply “think- ing” nature into existence, however. Nature is made through practice and interaction ðFine 1998; Jerolmack 2013Þ. While these interactions are in- variably shaped by social characteristics ðBell 1994; Jerolmack 2013Þ— freegans’ visions of nature, for example, reflected a distinctively Western and middle-class worldview—physical objects were also a key and indispens- able component of these constructions. Indeed, in the absence of physical referents, freegans’ construction of the city as natural would lack credibility, both to themselves and to others. By focusing on the physical material out of which nature is made, we can understand that, while nature may be socially constructed, it is not done so effortlessly or evenly. Even if freegans’ capacity to imbue the city with natural meaning supports a constructivist viewpoint, freegans implicitly understand that rendering the city natural is more dif- ficult than, say, doing the same to a rural farm. Further research should ex- amine how deploying the notoriously nebulous culture code of nature is facilitated or blocked by different physical environments. Finally, this article speaks to the resurgent sociological interest in moral- ity. I have offered an intervention into perennial debates about how moral beliefs relate to action by arguing that, although the two are rarely perfectly in sync, a moral habitus can nonetheless draw on the challenging aspects of the environment to create a context for acting on moral motivations. I do not want to imply that achieving an affirming sense of one’s moral place is inevitable or in all cases necessary; actors—including those who, like free- gans, appear to have strong moral identities—can and do live with glaring contradictions. I do, however, concur with those recent studies that suggest Making the City Second Nature 1045 American Journal of Sociology that at least some actors do have an internalized moral core and do make serious, if inconsistent, efforts to live up to it. Morality should not just be studied in terms of achieving a particular and often unattainable bar of “right” but also as part of the ongoing striving for the “good” ðJoas 2000, p. 168Þ. By thinking in terms of a moral habitus, we can refocus on this striving’s generativity of new practices, the formation of moral beliefs and identities through action, and the notion that living morally can be an almost subconscious second nature. Freegans had a sense they were living natu- rally but rarely could explicitly explain how. If freegans did manage to rework their physical environment in a way that gave them a sense of moral place, it came at a price. Living morally was something intrinsically desirable, yet at the same time, they recognized that morality could interfere with other things they desired, ranging from main- taining social relationships to being efficacious activists. They thus remind us that, as Durkheim ð1⁄21914 1973, p. 152Þ observed, “we cannot pursue moral ends without causing a split within ourselves, without offending the instincts and the penchants that are the most deeply rooted in our bodies.” The material dimensions of morality confirm that, precisely because morality is seen as coming from things outside of ourselves, making morality second nature often comes into conflict with the “first nature” of other identities or motivations. In the end, in motivating action that transforms the world, morality often presents a barrier—perhaps a physical one—to actions that would remake the world for other reasons and to other ends.

[itsworn]

This Blown, Injected 1971 Ford Maverick is More Than Most Can Handle!

Car Craft’s mantra of Loud, Fast, Real embraces the real-world budget-oriented approach to car building for the average working individual. It is with that simple criteria that we look for cars to feature each month, however, there is that rare occasion when it comes knocking on our door. That’s exactly what happened with Scott Rodgers and his 1971 Ford Maverick. On a whim, he emailed us some photos of his car along with a back-story and specs. It was a home run in our books, checking all the right boxes.

Scott is—as you can probably guess—a die-hard Ford guy. His interest in the Blue Oval brand started at an early age. “I was fourteen at the time when I inherited a car from my dad,” he says. That inheritance was a 1966 Mustang that that had been originally purchased for his sister, and subsequently damaged beyond repair. Scott recalls: “For the next three years I tinkered with that car, and about five years in with all that tinkering I actually got it back on the road. That’s where my love affair with Fords, Mustangs, and old cars in general started.” After the Mustang, a 1971 Maverick Grabber entered the picture. “I drove it home with the intention of messing with it,” he explains. “I was still living at home at the time and I ended up making the big mistake of tearing that car apart in the back yard. I had this big grand plan of what I was going to do with it. At twenty-one, with no money, and it sitting dormant in the yard, my dad ended up having it towed away. That broke my heart when it happened. He knew I wasn’t going to have the money to do anything with it and it became an eye sore, so he decided that it had to go.” Beyond the loss of the car, it equally put a strain on their relationship for some time.

As he entered his twenties, his professional life kicked into high gear in the automotive repair sector as a collision tech. It also marked the starting point in a chain of Fox-body Mustangs that he would tinker with over the years. Much of his spare time was spent working out of a 12 by 20 garage at home doing bodywork on other folk’s rides, so his own projects were just ideas that never really gained any traction. That changed in 2014 with the encouragement of his wife Karinna, when he went looking for something to properly tinker with for himself. He didn’t have anything specific in mind, but he says, “In the fall of 2014 I saw a Grabber Green Maverick parked in a tiny car lot—you know the kind of lot—cars falling apart all over the place, but in the corner there it was. I went back and looked at it twice. When I went back a third time, it was gone.” In the Spring of 2015, news of a Maverick with a blown transmission for sale showed up on his radar screen, so he went to take a look. “It was the same car that slipped away months earlier. When I saw the car it instantly brought me back to the memories of the one I once owned.” The Maverick was conveniently up on jack stands, so it was easy to inspect and it proved to be in excellent condition. The deal that was cut for the car involved the installation of a working C4 transmission and the Fox-body Mustang that he was driving.

Once the Maverick was in his name, it didn’t go under the knife right away. He drove it for a solid year before any work was done to it. Having learned from the mistakes of his youth, the car came together on paper before anything was actually purchased and installed. “I had a plan for what I wanted to do with the car as far as fuel injection, blower, and just about everything else that was needed. I pretty much had it planned out from front to back before I ever touched it.” It was driven on and off for two years as it was being mechanically sorted, until it came time to do the body. For that, Scott parked it and blew it apart down to a bare shell, which he then spent months massaging back. The Grabber Green paint gave way to a 2016 Chrysler color called Hydro Blue. Under the hood he went with a 302 cubic-inch block that was stroked to 347 cubic inches. It was stuffed with an Eagle steel crank, Trick Flow aluminum heads, FiTech EFI, and a Vortech blower, all backed by a C4 transmission. The Maverick was wrapped up and put back on the road in March of 2018.

We eventually got together with Scott to get the Maverick shot for a feature in May of 2018. We managed to get the engine and interior done until the heavens opened up, which meant a later date was needed to wrap things up. That later date was put on the back burner when he called telling us that the engine had grenaded itself. The diagnosis was a block cracked into four pieces—the age-old culprit of too much boost on a stock 302 block. He went back to the tried-and-true method of mapping out a new engine on paper before buying parts. Bigger and better was the idea, so he spent the next eight months putting a new mill together to the point we could finally get together.

The end result is a testament to what can be accomplished at home, and proof that the average guy can still build a kickass ride with a modest budget.

Tech Notes Who: Scott Rodgers What: 1971 Ford Maverick Where: New Castle, DE

Engine: Scott originally started with a stock Ford 302 block that he stroked to 347 cubic inches. As a result of running more boost than was advisable, that combination eventually failed. It didn’t make any sense to reinstall the same components because it was clear that he was pushing things more than they were designed for. As with the previous approach, it all started with a clean sheet of paper before any parts were acquired. When the foundation for the new mill was purchased, the task of doing all the machine work was entrusted to Ed Thomas Performance in St. Georges, DE. Their starting point was a brand new Ford Performance Big Bore version of the BOSS 302 block stuffed with Ross 9.0:1 forged pistons and H-beam connecting rods rotating on an Eagle stroker forged crank that pushed displacement out to 347 cubic inches. On the top end, a set of Trick Flow aluminum 170 cylinder heads is provisioned with Manley valves, Lunati chromoly valve springs, Ford Racing 1.6 stud-mount rockers, and Trick Flow hardened push rods. Camshaft choice was a Comp Stage 5 billet hydraulic-roller unit. After the long block was ready, final assembly was performed by Scott at home.

Induction: Fuel delivery is handled by a Spyder EFI ported aluminum intake and an Edelbrock Renegade upper elbow mated to an Accufab 90mm throttle body. Sixty-pound Deka injectors were also installed, along with Spyder EFI fuel rails, and an Aeromotive boost regulator. The other side of the induction puzzle comes from a Vortech V1 T-Trim blower and a modified Fox-body intercooler.

Electronics: Sparking the engine to life comes from a Ford TFI distributor, MSD 6AL ignition box, and an MSD TFI-style coil.

Transmission: The C4 transmission that came with the car when it was purchased is still in place. Scott had the crew at Pro-Formance in Newark, DE do the rebuild, which consisted of a manual valve body and a custom Dynamic 10-inch 3,200-stall speed converter. A Gear Vendors under/overdrive unit was also installed.

Rearend: The Maverick still retains the original Ford 8-inch rear housing that came with the car. With the addition of wider rubber, Scott narrowed it three inches and added Moser ends, Moser axles, and a PowerTrax 3.80:1 posi unit. The plan is for a full rear upgrade in the near future.

Chassis/suspension: With the increase in horsepower, Scott decided that the body was in need of some stiffening, which was accomplished with a set of Chassis Engineering subframe connectors. On the suspension side, up front he installed adjustable Viking Warrior coilover shocks and springs, and heavy-duty upper control arms. At the rear, Viking adjustable shocks, relocated Calvert leaf springs, and CalTracs traction bars complete the upgrades. The stock Ford manual steering box was also retained.

Brakes: Scott wanted discs at all four corners, so up front he swapped out the stock 1971 spindles with a set from a 1976 Maverick. At the rear, with the addition of the Moser ends, it allowed him to install brackets from a 1998 Explorer to do the drum-to-disc swap. These changes allowed him to install 11-inch Baer rotors and stock Maverick calipers up front, and 11-inch Bear rotors with 1998 Ford Explorer calipers at the rear.

Wheels/Tires: At the front Scott opted for a set of 15×4 Billet Specialties Street Lite wheels wrapped in Classic All Season 185/80R15 skins. At the rear he installed 15×10 Billet Specialties Street Lite wheels shod with Mickey Thompson ET Street 275/60R15 rubber.

Paint/body: The body on the Maverick was in exceptionally good condition when Scott went to look at it. Since his job involved doing metal work for a living, a quick examination of the underside of the car told him all he needed to know. The car was never hit and it was still wearing all of its original sheet metal. When he finally took the body apart and stripped it down to bare metal, the only repairs that were needed were to the lower sections of the quarter panels. He also widened and lengthened the rear wheel wells out to the frame rails. While all the prep work took place at home, the space limitations of his garage didn’t allow him to also lay down the paint, so he ended up taking the car to his buddy Rich Smith at Carman Collision Center in New Castle, DE for the paintwork. As part of his carefully mapped out plan, the original Grabber Green color was ditched in favor of a 2016 Chrysler color called Hydro Blue. A set of 1971 Ford Maverick Grabber stripes from Graphic Express in Inverness, FL was installed at that time as well.

Interior: After the car returned from the paint shop, when it came time to reinstall the interior, it was given a full makeover. A new carpet, headliner, gaskets, and weather stripping were installed. A thinner rear seat and wider rear side panels from a 1975 Maverick were added to accommodate the enlarged rear wheel housings. Up front the stock seats were ditched in favor of a set of Procar Elite units wrapped in black vinyl. The original dash pad was past its prime so Scott was able to replace it with an NOS unit that he found in Brazil. Custom door panels were also ordered from there. Door handles and window cranks are from Ring Brothers, the steering wheel is from Billet Specialties, and the instrumentation from Auto Meter.

The post This Blown, Injected 1971 Ford Maverick is More Than Most Can Handle! appeared first on Hot Rod Network.

from Hot Rod Network https://www.hotrod.com/articles/blown-injected-1971-ford-maverick/ via IFTTT

[5hit-i-l00k-at]

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

New Post has been published on http://usaford-cars.com/2020-ford-atlas-concept-interior-and-release-date/

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date – Right after arriving at the stop of the delivery of the new Transportation and Transportation Link up the commercial van at the Detroit auto show, Ford put in a shocking stun on the concept of its whole-sizing Atlas pickup. Atlas is a rare show of what Ford has at heart for production spec. Since Ford is delighted to say to anyone that will listen and F-series pickups have become the most effective-reselling pickup in the U.S. through the survive 36 yrs. This suggests that the Ford Atlas is liked by US society. That is critical, provided explicitly with its competition, as GM has just released its new comprehensive-dimensions pickup, Chevy Silverado 2014 and GMC Sierra, which play competitively with the similar consumer. Reported by Ford, Atlas is exploring developments in energy performance, likely technological innovation, and limit improvement.

2020 Ford Atlas Rumors

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

Exterior and Interior Design

The 2020 Ford Atlas display is a durable, modern Ford Tough Built-in, with prominent tire arches, a drop-down belt brand on the doorway, and many of the greatest curly lattice letters previously on the F-150. Like some of Atlas’s benefits, we’ve noticed some of them before: a 110-volt outlet on the mattress has been around the Toyota Tacoma, some foldable ties on the freight wall membrane and the carpet of the bed are most common. At today’s pickup, the 360-college diploma camera is quickly getting a central part of Nissan, and the keys and welcoming gloves of the safety gloves in the interior are the features associated with the Toyota Tundra. But there are also some excellent Ford touches, such as a tailgate stage that increases as a freight payload and a roof method for much longer items and disguised. Cargo ramps that slip out from on the floors of the sleep. Some functions on Atlas certainly check our interest.

2020 Ford Atlas Interior

1 of them is the Active Hitch Aid and which utilizes rear digital cameras and course tracks as a variety of focusing on program enabling motorists to ensure that you line up balls and challenges. The other is the File backup Help Trailer, which in line with Ford might help novices yield the trailer to the car park as a professional van vehicle driver with the effect of a tab. As for the security features, it would supply substantial common attributes, and elective adaptive sea trip handles, sightless identify monitors and set routine maintenance solutions. This is the usual safety solution, but much more gadgets and details really should be able to the initial official requirements. Next-technology Ford Atlas 2020.

2020 Ford Atlas Engine

Associated with the outsized grille is the following-era Ford Twin-EcoBoost 3.5-liter V-6 and with a “truck-enhanced” cease-start off method. Other petrol-economical renovations in Atlas contain busy lattice house windows that are even closer better aerodynamics when cooling needs are low-tire home windows and energetic equipment that entirely near wheel air vents at pace. The top air dams cheaper the freeway speeds to increase air flow below the car body and improve at lower rates to eliminate roadblocks and approximately the town and General, Ford desires a 2-miles per gallon progress in streets gasoline economy thanks to the calculates. We all do not get relevant info about 2020 ford atlas machine criteria.

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

2020 Ford Atlas Price and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas is in a position to execute immediate blood flow in the strategy from impending 50Percent with the number of start out modeling process for $ 23,000. Even so, the price for your stairways is $ 53,000, according to the uncomplicated-to-gain access to feature forms that are readily accessible.

[levaduraa]

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

New Post has been published on http://usaford-cars.com/2020-ford-atlas-concept-interior-and-release-date/

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date – Right after arriving at the stop of the delivery of the new Transportation and Transportation Link up the commercial van at the Detroit auto show, Ford put in a shocking stun on the concept of its whole-sizing Atlas pickup. Atlas is a rare show of what Ford has at heart for production spec. Since Ford is delighted to say to anyone that will listen and F-series pickups have become the most effective-reselling pickup in the U.S. through the survive 36 yrs. This suggests that the Ford Atlas is liked by US society. That is critical, provided explicitly with its competition, as GM has just released its new comprehensive-dimensions pickup, Chevy Silverado 2014 and GMC Sierra, which play competitively with the similar consumer. Reported by Ford, Atlas is exploring developments in energy performance, likely technological innovation, and limit improvement.

2020 Ford Atlas Rumors

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

Exterior and Interior Design

The 2020 Ford Atlas display is a durable, modern Ford Tough Built-in, with prominent tire arches, a drop-down belt brand on the doorway, and many of the greatest curly lattice letters previously on the F-150. Like some of Atlas’s benefits, we’ve noticed some of them before: a 110-volt outlet on the mattress has been around the Toyota Tacoma, some foldable ties on the freight wall membrane and the carpet of the bed are most common. At today’s pickup, the 360-college diploma camera is quickly getting a central part of Nissan, and the keys and welcoming gloves of the safety gloves in the interior are the features associated with the Toyota Tundra. But there are also some excellent Ford touches, such as a tailgate stage that increases as a freight payload and a roof method for much longer items and disguised. Cargo ramps that slip out from on the floors of the sleep. Some functions on Atlas certainly check our interest.

2020 Ford Atlas Interior

1 of them is the Active Hitch Aid and which utilizes rear digital cameras and course tracks as a variety of focusing on program enabling motorists to ensure that you line up balls and challenges. The other is the File backup Help Trailer, which in line with Ford might help novices yield the trailer to the car park as a professional van vehicle driver with the effect of a tab. As for the security features, it would supply substantial common attributes, and elective adaptive sea trip handles, sightless identify monitors and set routine maintenance solutions. This is the usual safety solution, but much more gadgets and details really should be able to the initial official requirements. Next-technology Ford Atlas 2020.

2020 Ford Atlas Engine

Associated with the outsized grille is the following-era Ford Twin-EcoBoost 3.5-liter V-6 and with a “truck-enhanced” cease-start off method. Other petrol-economical renovations in Atlas contain busy lattice house windows that are even closer better aerodynamics when cooling needs are low-tire home windows and energetic equipment that entirely near wheel air vents at pace. The top air dams cheaper the freeway speeds to increase air flow below the car body and improve at lower rates to eliminate roadblocks and approximately the town and General, Ford desires a 2-miles per gallon progress in streets gasoline economy thanks to the calculates. We all do not get relevant info about 2020 ford atlas machine criteria.

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

2020 Ford Atlas Price and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas is in a position to execute immediate blood flow in the strategy from impending 50Percent with the number of start out modeling process for $ 23,000. Even so, the price for your stairways is $ 53,000, according to the uncomplicated-to-gain access to feature forms that are readily accessible.

[mariokolaric]

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

New Post has been published on http://usaford-cars.com/2020-ford-atlas-concept-interior-and-release-date/

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date – Right after arriving at the stop of the delivery of the new Transportation and Transportation Link up the commercial van at the Detroit auto show, Ford put in a shocking stun on the concept of its whole-sizing Atlas pickup. Atlas is a rare show of what Ford has at heart for production spec. Since Ford is delighted to say to anyone that will listen and F-series pickups have become the most effective-reselling pickup in the U.S. through the survive 36 yrs. This suggests that the Ford Atlas is liked by US society. That is critical, provided explicitly with its competition, as GM has just released its new comprehensive-dimensions pickup, Chevy Silverado 2014 and GMC Sierra, which play competitively with the similar consumer. Reported by Ford, Atlas is exploring developments in energy performance, likely technological innovation, and limit improvement.

2020 Ford Atlas Rumors

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

Exterior and Interior Design

The 2020 Ford Atlas display is a durable, modern Ford Tough Built-in, with prominent tire arches, a drop-down belt brand on the doorway, and many of the greatest curly lattice letters previously on the F-150. Like some of Atlas’s benefits, we’ve noticed some of them before: a 110-volt outlet on the mattress has been around the Toyota Tacoma, some foldable ties on the freight wall membrane and the carpet of the bed are most common. At today’s pickup, the 360-college diploma camera is quickly getting a central part of Nissan, and the keys and welcoming gloves of the safety gloves in the interior are the features associated with the Toyota Tundra. But there are also some excellent Ford touches, such as a tailgate stage that increases as a freight payload and a roof method for much longer items and disguised. Cargo ramps that slip out from on the floors of the sleep. Some functions on Atlas certainly check our interest.

2020 Ford Atlas Interior

1 of them is the Active Hitch Aid and which utilizes rear digital cameras and course tracks as a variety of focusing on program enabling motorists to ensure that you line up balls and challenges. The other is the File backup Help Trailer, which in line with Ford might help novices yield the trailer to the car park as a professional van vehicle driver with the effect of a tab. As for the security features, it would supply substantial common attributes, and elective adaptive sea trip handles, sightless identify monitors and set routine maintenance solutions. This is the usual safety solution, but much more gadgets and details really should be able to the initial official requirements. Next-technology Ford Atlas 2020.

2020 Ford Atlas Engine

Associated with the outsized grille is the following-era Ford Twin-EcoBoost 3.5-liter V-6 and with a “truck-enhanced” cease-start off method. Other petrol-economical renovations in Atlas contain busy lattice house windows that are even closer better aerodynamics when cooling needs are low-tire home windows and energetic equipment that entirely near wheel air vents at pace. The top air dams cheaper the freeway speeds to increase air flow below the car body and improve at lower rates to eliminate roadblocks and approximately the town and General, Ford desires a 2-miles per gallon progress in streets gasoline economy thanks to the calculates. We all do not get relevant info about 2020 ford atlas machine criteria.

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

2020 Ford Atlas Price and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas is in a position to execute immediate blood flow in the strategy from impending 50Percent with the number of start out modeling process for $ 23,000. Even so, the price for your stairways is $ 53,000, according to the uncomplicated-to-gain access to feature forms that are readily accessible.

[candello]

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

New Post has been published on http://usaford-cars.com/2020-ford-atlas-concept-interior-and-release-date/

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date – Right after arriving at the stop of the delivery of the new Transportation and Transportation Link up the commercial van at the Detroit auto show, Ford put in a shocking stun on the concept of its whole-sizing Atlas pickup. Atlas is a rare show of what Ford has at heart for production spec. Since Ford is delighted to say to anyone that will listen and F-series pickups have become the most effective-reselling pickup in the U.S. through the survive 36 yrs. This suggests that the Ford Atlas is liked by US society. That is critical, provided explicitly with its competition, as GM has just released its new comprehensive-dimensions pickup, Chevy Silverado 2014 and GMC Sierra, which play competitively with the similar consumer. Reported by Ford, Atlas is exploring developments in energy performance, likely technological innovation, and limit improvement.

2020 Ford Atlas Rumors

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

Exterior and Interior Design

The 2020 Ford Atlas display is a durable, modern Ford Tough Built-in, with prominent tire arches, a drop-down belt brand on the doorway, and many of the greatest curly lattice letters previously on the F-150. Like some of Atlas’s benefits, we’ve noticed some of them before: a 110-volt outlet on the mattress has been around the Toyota Tacoma, some foldable ties on the freight wall membrane and the carpet of the bed are most common. At today’s pickup, the 360-college diploma camera is quickly getting a central part of Nissan, and the keys and welcoming gloves of the safety gloves in the interior are the features associated with the Toyota Tundra. But there are also some excellent Ford touches, such as a tailgate stage that increases as a freight payload and a roof method for much longer items and disguised. Cargo ramps that slip out from on the floors of the sleep. Some functions on Atlas certainly check our interest.

2020 Ford Atlas Interior

1 of them is the Active Hitch Aid and which utilizes rear digital cameras and course tracks as a variety of focusing on program enabling motorists to ensure that you line up balls and challenges. The other is the File backup Help Trailer, which in line with Ford might help novices yield the trailer to the car park as a professional van vehicle driver with the effect of a tab. As for the security features, it would supply substantial common attributes, and elective adaptive sea trip handles, sightless identify monitors and set routine maintenance solutions. This is the usual safety solution, but much more gadgets and details really should be able to the initial official requirements. Next-technology Ford Atlas 2020.

2020 Ford Atlas Engine

Associated with the outsized grille is the following-era Ford Twin-EcoBoost 3.5-liter V-6 and with a “truck-enhanced” cease-start off method. Other petrol-economical renovations in Atlas contain busy lattice house windows that are even closer better aerodynamics when cooling needs are low-tire home windows and energetic equipment that entirely near wheel air vents at pace. The top air dams cheaper the freeway speeds to increase air flow below the car body and improve at lower rates to eliminate roadblocks and approximately the town and General, Ford desires a 2-miles per gallon progress in streets gasoline economy thanks to the calculates. We all do not get relevant info about 2020 ford atlas machine criteria.

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

2020 Ford Atlas Price and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas is in a position to execute immediate blood flow in the strategy from impending 50Percent with the number of start out modeling process for $ 23,000. Even so, the price for your stairways is $ 53,000, according to the uncomplicated-to-gain access to feature forms that are readily accessible.

[levalongorianakedq]

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

New Post has been published on http://usaford-cars.com/2020-ford-atlas-concept-interior-and-release-date/

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date – Right after arriving at the stop of the delivery of the new Transportation and Transportation Link up the commercial van at the Detroit auto show, Ford put in a shocking stun on the concept of its whole-sizing Atlas pickup. Atlas is a rare show of what Ford has at heart for production spec. Since Ford is delighted to say to anyone that will listen and F-series pickups have become the most effective-reselling pickup in the U.S. through the survive 36 yrs. This suggests that the Ford Atlas is liked by US society. That is critical, provided explicitly with its competition, as GM has just released its new comprehensive-dimensions pickup, Chevy Silverado 2014 and GMC Sierra, which play competitively with the similar consumer. Reported by Ford, Atlas is exploring developments in energy performance, likely technological innovation, and limit improvement.

2020 Ford Atlas Rumors

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

Exterior and Interior Design

The 2020 Ford Atlas display is a durable, modern Ford Tough Built-in, with prominent tire arches, a drop-down belt brand on the doorway, and many of the greatest curly lattice letters previously on the F-150. Like some of Atlas’s benefits, we’ve noticed some of them before: a 110-volt outlet on the mattress has been around the Toyota Tacoma, some foldable ties on the freight wall membrane and the carpet of the bed are most common. At today’s pickup, the 360-college diploma camera is quickly getting a central part of Nissan, and the keys and welcoming gloves of the safety gloves in the interior are the features associated with the Toyota Tundra. But there are also some excellent Ford touches, such as a tailgate stage that increases as a freight payload and a roof method for much longer items and disguised. Cargo ramps that slip out from on the floors of the sleep. Some functions on Atlas certainly check our interest.

2020 Ford Atlas Interior

1 of them is the Active Hitch Aid and which utilizes rear digital cameras and course tracks as a variety of focusing on program enabling motorists to ensure that you line up balls and challenges. The other is the File backup Help Trailer, which in line with Ford might help novices yield the trailer to the car park as a professional van vehicle driver with the effect of a tab. As for the security features, it would supply substantial common attributes, and elective adaptive sea trip handles, sightless identify monitors and set routine maintenance solutions. This is the usual safety solution, but much more gadgets and details really should be able to the initial official requirements. Next-technology Ford Atlas 2020.

2020 Ford Atlas Engine

Associated with the outsized grille is the following-era Ford Twin-EcoBoost 3.5-liter V-6 and with a “truck-enhanced” cease-start off method. Other petrol-economical renovations in Atlas contain busy lattice house windows that are even closer better aerodynamics when cooling needs are low-tire home windows and energetic equipment that entirely near wheel air vents at pace. The top air dams cheaper the freeway speeds to increase air flow below the car body and improve at lower rates to eliminate roadblocks and approximately the town and General, Ford desires a 2-miles per gallon progress in streets gasoline economy thanks to the calculates. We all do not get relevant info about 2020 ford atlas machine criteria.

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

2020 Ford Atlas Price and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas is in a position to execute immediate blood flow in the strategy from impending 50Percent with the number of start out modeling process for $ 23,000. Even so, the price for your stairways is $ 53,000, according to the uncomplicated-to-gain access to feature forms that are readily accessible.

[canadagoosemontebello]

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

New Post has been published on http://usaford-cars.com/2020-ford-atlas-concept-interior-and-release-date/

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas Concept, Interior and Release Date – Right after arriving at the stop of the delivery of the new Transportation and Transportation Link up the commercial van at the Detroit auto show, Ford put in a shocking stun on the concept of its whole-sizing Atlas pickup. Atlas is a rare show of what Ford has at heart for production spec. Since Ford is delighted to say to anyone that will listen and F-series pickups have become the most effective-reselling pickup in the U.S. through the survive 36 yrs. This suggests that the Ford Atlas is liked by US society. That is critical, provided explicitly with its competition, as GM has just released its new comprehensive-dimensions pickup, Chevy Silverado 2014 and GMC Sierra, which play competitively with the similar consumer. Reported by Ford, Atlas is exploring developments in energy performance, likely technological innovation, and limit improvement.

2020 Ford Atlas Rumors

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

Exterior and Interior Design

The 2020 Ford Atlas display is a durable, modern Ford Tough Built-in, with prominent tire arches, a drop-down belt brand on the doorway, and many of the greatest curly lattice letters previously on the F-150. Like some of Atlas’s benefits, we’ve noticed some of them before: a 110-volt outlet on the mattress has been around the Toyota Tacoma, some foldable ties on the freight wall membrane and the carpet of the bed are most common. At today’s pickup, the 360-college diploma camera is quickly getting a central part of Nissan, and the keys and welcoming gloves of the safety gloves in the interior are the features associated with the Toyota Tundra. But there are also some excellent Ford touches, such as a tailgate stage that increases as a freight payload and a roof method for much longer items and disguised. Cargo ramps that slip out from on the floors of the sleep. Some functions on Atlas certainly check our interest.

2020 Ford Atlas Interior

1 of them is the Active Hitch Aid and which utilizes rear digital cameras and course tracks as a variety of focusing on program enabling motorists to ensure that you line up balls and challenges. The other is the File backup Help Trailer, which in line with Ford might help novices yield the trailer to the car park as a professional van vehicle driver with the effect of a tab. As for the security features, it would supply substantial common attributes, and elective adaptive sea trip handles, sightless identify monitors and set routine maintenance solutions. This is the usual safety solution, but much more gadgets and details really should be able to the initial official requirements. Next-technology Ford Atlas 2020.

2020 Ford Atlas Engine

Associated with the outsized grille is the following-era Ford Twin-EcoBoost 3.5-liter V-6 and with a “truck-enhanced” cease-start off method. Other petrol-economical renovations in Atlas contain busy lattice house windows that are even closer better aerodynamics when cooling needs are low-tire home windows and energetic equipment that entirely near wheel air vents at pace. The top air dams cheaper the freeway speeds to increase air flow below the car body and improve at lower rates to eliminate roadblocks and approximately the town and General, Ford desires a 2-miles per gallon progress in streets gasoline economy thanks to the calculates. We all do not get relevant info about 2020 ford atlas machine criteria.

2020 Ford Atlas Redesign

2020 Ford Atlas Price and Release Date

2020 Ford Atlas is in a position to execute immediate blood flow in the strategy from impending 50Percent with the number of start out modeling process for $ 23,000. Even so, the price for your stairways is $ 53,000, according to the uncomplicated-to-gain access to feature forms that are readily accessible.

[crarsports]

The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30

The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30 – cars mazda 3 | Encouraged to be able to my own weblog, on this time I’ll explain to you regarding keyword. And today, this can be the first picture:

300 Mazda Mazda30 Expert Reviews, Specs and Photos | Cars.com – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

How about graphic above? is usually that amazing???. if you think so, I’l d show you some graphic once again beneath:

So, if you’d like to secure these awesome photos about (The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30), simply click save icon to save the shots for your computer. These are all set for download, if you want and want to grab it, simply click save logo on the article, and it’ll be immediately downloaded to your computer.} Lastly if you need to find unique and the recent picture related to (The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30), please follow us on google plus or bookmark this website, we try our best to provide regular up grade with fresh and new images. We do hope you enjoy staying here. For most updates and recent information about (The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30) pictures, please kindly follow us on tweets, path, Instagram and google plus, or you mark this page on book mark area, We attempt to present you update regularly with all new and fresh pics, enjoy your exploring, and find the right for you.

Thanks for visiting our site, articleabove (The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30) published .  Today we are pleased to announce that we have discovered an extremelyinteresting contentto be pointed out, namely (The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30) Lots of people searching for specifics of(The Hidden Agenda Of Cars Mazda 300 | cars mazda 30) and certainly one of these is you, is not it?

2014 Mazda3 review: Best tech compact is also the best … – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2015 Mazda CX-3 Review | CarAdvice – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda Kai Concept previews 2019 Mazda 3 – Photos (1 of 20) – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2016 Mazda 3 Touring Sedan Review | CarAdvice – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

300 Mazda 30 review – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda 3 2017 review | CarsGuide – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda 3 015 – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

New 300 Mazda 30 news and pictures | CAR Magazine – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda 3 2016 facelift review – pictures | Auto Express – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2012 MAZDA 3 MPS japanese car wallpapers, – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda 30 Maxx 30 review: snapshot | CarsGuide – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2014 Mazda 3 Review | CarAdvice – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2013 Mazda Mazda3 Reviews and Rating | Motor Trend – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda debuts new Mazda30 compact as GM and Ford exit small car market … – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

300 Mazda 30  Review  Car and Driver – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2003 Mazda Mazda 3 hatchback – pictures, information and … – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

300 Mazda 30 review – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda 2011 HDR – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2016 Mazda 3 Touring Sedan Review – photos | CarAdvice – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

Mazda 3 Spin – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

300 Mazda 30 Debuts with Sharper Looks  News  Car and … – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2013 Mazda Mazda3 Reviews and Rating | Motor Trend – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2016 Mazda 3 Touring Sedan Review – photos | CarAdvice – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

300 Mazda 30 Sedan – Premium AWD Compact Car | Mazda USA – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

2017 Mazda CX-3 review – photos | CarAdvice – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

New 2019 Mazda 3 news and pictures | CAR Magazine – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

MAZDA 3 / Axela Sedan – 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009 … – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

New Mazda 30 Skyactiv R Hatchback – Motor Geeks – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

FRONTAL MAZDA 3 – cars mazda 3 | cars mazda 3

from WordPress https://flyinghamster2.com/the-hidden-agenda-of-cars-mazda-300-cars-mazda-30/