#2019 Indian elections

[easterneyenews]

Narendra Modi: Everything About The PM Of India

Narendra Modi, the current Prime Minister of India, is a leader who has left an indelible mark on the nation's political, economic, and social landscape. Known for his dynamic leadership, visionary policies, and charismatic personality, Modi has transformed India in numerous ways. This comprehensive blog delves into everything about Narendra Modi, offering insights into his early life, political journey, significant achievements, and influence on India and the world.

Early Life and Background

Narendra Damodardas Modi was born on September 17, 1950, in Vadnagar, a small town in northern Gujarat, India. Coming from a humble background, Modi's early life was marked by hardship and determination. He helped his father sell tea at the local railway station, an experience that shaped his understanding of grassroots issues and the common man's struggles.

Education and Early Interests

As per the UK Newspapers News Modi completed his schooling in Vadnagar and later pursued a degree in political science, earning an M.A. from Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. His early interest in serving the nation led him to join the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu nationalist organization, in the early 1970s. Modi set up a unit of the RSS’s students’ wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, in his area, where he honed his leadership skills and ideological beliefs.

Political Journey

Modi's political journey began with his active involvement in the RSS, which eventually led to his association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1987. Within a year, he was made the general secretary of the Gujarat branch of the party. Modi played a pivotal role in strengthening the party’s presence in the state, contributing to the BJP's success in the 1995 state legislative assembly elections and the formation of the first-ever BJP-controlled government in India.

Chief Minister of Gujarat

In 2001, Narendra Modi was appointed the Chief Minister of Gujarat, following the poor response of the incumbent government to the Bhuj earthquake. He entered his first-ever electoral contest in a February 2002 by-election, winning a seat in the Gujarat state assembly.

Modi’s tenure as chief minister was marked by both achievements and controversies. His role during the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat drew international criticism, with allegations of condoning the violence or failing to act decisively to stop it. Despite these controversies, Modi’s political career in Gujarat was marked by repeated electoral successes in 2002, 2007, and 2012, establishing him as a formidable leader within the BJP.

Rise to National Leadership

Modi's success in Gujarat laid the foundation for his rise to national prominence. In June 2013, Modi was chosen as the leader of the BJP’s campaign for the 2014 elections to the Lok Sabha. His campaign focused on development, good governance, and anti-corruption, resonating with millions of Indians. In the 2014 elections, he led the BJP to a historic victory, securing a clear majority of seats in the Lok Sabha.

First Term as Prime Minister (2014-2019)

Modi was sworn in as Prime Minister on May 26, 2014. His first term was marked by several significant initiatives and reforms aimed at transforming India:

Goods and Services Tax (GST): Launched in 2017, GST is one of the most significant tax reforms in India's history, simplifying the indirect tax structure.

Demonetization: In 2016, Modi announced the demonetization of high-value currency notes to curb black money and counterfeit currency.

Swachh Bharat Abhiyan: Launched in 2014, this nationwide cleanliness campaign aimed to eliminate open defecation and improve solid waste management.

Digital India: An ambitious program to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy.

Make in India: Aimed at making India a global manufacturing hub, this initiative encourages companies to manufacture their products in India.

Modi's foreign policy achievements included hosting Chinese President Xi Jinping and making a highly successful visit to New York City, where he met with U.S. President Barack Obama.

Second Term as Prime Minister (2019-2024)

The Modi-led BJP won a majority again in the 2019 general election. His second term saw continued efforts to promote Hindu culture and implement economic reforms:

Revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's Special Status: In October 2019, Modi's government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, bringing it under the direct control of the union government.

COVID-19 Pandemic Response: Modi took decisive action to combat the COVID-19 outbreak, implementing strict nationwide restrictions and promoting vaccine development and distribution.

Despite facing protests and criticism for some policies, such as agricultural reforms, Modi's leadership remained influential. The BJP faced setbacks in state elections in late 2018, but Modi's charisma and a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir boosted his image ahead of the 2019 elections.

Third Term as Prime Minister (2024-Present)

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP won 240 seats, and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) secured 293 of the 543 seats, allowing Modi to become Prime Minister for a third consecutive term. Although the BJP did not secure a majority on its own, the NDA's coalition support ensured their continued governance.

Personal Life and Public Image

Narendra Modi is known for his disciplined lifestyle, early morning yoga sessions, and simple living. Despite his high-profile status, he remains deeply connected to his roots and continues to draw inspiration from his early life experiences.

Communication and Public Engagement

Modi's communication skills are unparalleled, often using social media and public addresses to connect with citizens. His monthly radio program, "Mann Ki Baat," has become a popular platform for sharing his thoughts and initiatives with the nation.

Conclusion

Narendra Modi's journey from a small-town boy to the Prime Minister of the world's largest democracy is a testament to his resilience, dedication, and visionary leadership. His impact on India's socio-economic fabric, governance, and international relations is profound and continues to shape the country's future.

Whether admired or criticized, Narendra Modi's influence on India and the global stage is undeniable. His story is not just about a political leader but also about the transformative power of determination and leadership.

Stay tuned to our blog for more updates and in-depth analyses of Narendra Modi's policies, initiatives, and their impact on India and the world.

[signode-blog]

The Indian Stock Markets and General Elections: Analyzing the Reactions in 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019

The Indian stock markets, like their counterparts around the globe, are significantly influenced by political events, with elections being one of the most critical. The general elections in India not only determine the political leadership but also set the tone for economic policies and reforms that can impact investor sentiment and market performance. This article delves into the reactions of…

[k-star-holic]

"The Korean movie industry has lost a big star." - The late Shin Sung Il, 4th cycle today (Fourth)

[reasonsforhope]

"Colorado is poised to be the first state to to expand automatic voter registration to Native American reservations, thanks to a new registration system.

Tribal members have the right to vote in elections, from the local to the national level, just like other U.S. citizens. But actually casting a ballot has been an uphill battle for many tribal residents, including those here in Colorado. Even after obtaining official U.S. citizenship a century ago, Native Americans’ ability to vote has been consistently ignored or actively undermined. In recent decades, unequal access to in-person voting, early voting and election funding on tribal lands has been a particular issue...

Working with Colorado tribes, state lawmakers passed a set of election reforms earlier this year to expand voting access for Native Americans. Those reforms include the nation’s first automatic voter registration program of its kind for Native Americans. The program will cover both of the federally-recognized Native American reservations in the state—the Southern Ute Indian Tribe and the Ute Mountain Ute Tribe, and will allow the tribes’ governments to submit lists of members to be registered through the Secretary of State Jena Griswold’s office.

Griswold said the new registration system could make a big difference for Colorado's tribal communities.

"Seeing registration rates and turnout rates being much, much lower on tribal lands is a big problem that we want to solve,” Griswold said. “I personally believe automatic voter registration is one of the best ways to register voters in the state of Colorado, and all of our data shows how highly effective it is.”

Colorado is one of more than two dozen states that have automatic voter registration systems, but Colorado is the only state so far to extend its system to cover Native American reservations. When Colorado rolled out its system for the first time in 2020, about 250,000 people were added to the state’s voter rolls within the first year.

Now, [Secretary of State] Griswold hopes the new registration program will have a similar effect on tribal lands in the state. She wants to see the program in place in time for the 2024 election. For now, tribal leadership is reviewing the plan and providing feedback on it.

“It will not take us much time to register people once we start receiving data,” Griswold told KUNC. “But I think there's a couple of logistics to still work through.”

Measures to keep tribal members' information confidential were added recently at the request of the Southern Ute tribe, and lawmakers have also increased the number of on-reservation vote centers available for early voting and on Election Day.

This year’s election reforms also build on a slew of changes in recent years. For example, in 2019 Colorado lawmakers guaranteed in-person voting centers on tribal lands and loosened address requirements for voters."

-via GoodGoodGood, December 15, 2023

[wherestoriescomefrom]

Seldom before has there been so much joy in the shadow of defeat. But as the results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections began to trickle in on Tuesday morning, the smiles and good cheer began to heat up an already sultry day. Not since the protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019 has India allowed itself what former US President Barack Obama described as the audacity of hope.

Of course, even though the Bharatiya Janata Party has fallen short of a majority, Narendra Modi has taken it close enough to the halfway mark to form the new government. However, in its enfeebled state, propped up by allies who know the precise cost of their support, the new BJP administration will be forced to temper its bluster and contain its malevolence against those it considers its enemies. Among those the BJP has considered its adversaries are independent journalists, several of whom have been jailed and prosecuted simply for doing their jobs.

This result will undoubtedly trigger a tectonic shift in the BJP. There is no telling how the pieces will fall. As long-supressed aspirations in the Hindutva party shoot to the surface, perhaps even more hardline leaders will assume prominence.

But as reports from the ground have pointed out, this mandate is a rejection of the illiberal agenda, both social and economic, that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has advanced over the past decade. By ignoring Modi’s provocations of mangalsutras, machli and mujras, Indian voters – especially the most marginalised – have decisively rallied to the defence of the Constitution.

The battle to reclaim the idea of an equitable India is far from being won. But as Tuesday demonstrated, there are many who dream of reinforcing the foundations of a Republic based on the values of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. For now, India can breathe again.

— The Audacity of Hope, Scroll Editor's Note.

[allthecanadianpolitics]

The governments of India and Pakistan attempted to interfere in Canada's federal elections in 2019 and 2021, Canada's spy agency said in documents made public late Thursday night.

In 2021, the government of India had "intent to interfere and likely conducted clandestine activities," including the use of an Indian government proxy agent in Canada, according to an unclassified summary written by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS).

Two years earlier, in 2019, "Government of Pakistan officials in Canada attempted to clandestinely influence Canadian federal politics with the aim of furthering the Government of Pakistan's interests in Canada," CSIS wrote.

The stark assessments are contained in documents that were tabled as part of the federal commission of inquiry into foreign interference. The public inquiry is examining possible meddling by China, India, Russia and others in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections. [...]

Continue Reading.

Tagging: @newsfromstolenland, @vague-humanoid

[beardedmrbean]

Got a wild one here for ya Nunny.

Submitted anonymously.

Oh fun, we got rage against the white saviors hitting now then?

::::::Obligatory "white man's burden" reference here:::::: __________________

From coast to coast, wokeness is facing a rebellion.

Communities are fighting to reclaim their local heritage after a cancel-culture rampage in recent years eviscerated Native American images, nicknames and tributes at hundreds of schools nationwide. 

"We’re actually fighting an anti-American movement," Lisa Davis, a pro-Native American activist in Cedar City, Utah, told Fox News Digital. 

"The people trying to erase Native American culture are the same people trying to remove Thomas Jefferson and bashing American heritage." 

Davis and other Cedar City residents formed the grassroots organization VOICE (Voices of Iron County Education) after the school board voted to eliminate the high school’s traditional Redmen name and logo in 2019. 

"It was an honor to be called the Redmen," Julia Casuse, a "full-blooded Navajo" and graduate of Cedar City High School, told Fox News Digital. 

The silversmith said she tells visitors at the family’s shop, Navajo Crafting Co., "I’m a Redmen through and through."

The school's nickname is now the Reds.

Yet the irony of the new name is not lost on Cedar City residents. "We went from honoring centuries of American and Native American history to honoring communism," said Davis.

"The people trying to erase Native American culture are the same people trying to remove Thomas Jefferson and bashing American heritage." 

Eunice Davidson, a Dakota Sioux and president of the Native American Guardians Association (NAGA), told Fox News Digital, "It’s a terrible injustice to these communities," 

She and others claim the decisions to remove Native American images, nicknames and logos are made by local school boards, which are often under pressure from well-funded outside forces. 

"The decisions never have popular support," said Davidson, whose organization is based in North Dakota. 

"The taxpayer is being shunned and the school boards don’t care anymore. It’s Marxism and it’s taken over the school boards."

The grassroots group VOICE claims that 79% of local residents voted in support of the Redmen in a recent Change.org survey. 

Battles all across the country

Communities around the nation are waging similar battles. 

Activists in Killingly, Connecticut are fighting to reclaim the town's Redmen tradition after it was trampled by a statewide mandate to wipe out its own Native American legacy.

Cambridge, New York has taken its fight to save its beloved Indians tradition to the courts — after the Board of Regent announced its plan to trample Native American history across the Empire State. 

Local residents recently voted two new pro-Native American candidates onto its school board, including Iroquois Dillon Honyoust.  

"When you think about Native Americans, any icon that you see is about strength, honor, pride. Always a positive symbol to portray the strength of our heritage," Honyoust said in an interview with WAMC Northeast Public.  

The school board in Southern York County, Pennsylvania voted in January to allow Susquehannock High School to bring back its traditional Warriors name and logo. 

The decision came after five new school board members won elections in November by running on pro-Native American platforms. 

"This movement was about erasing Native American culture and I wasn’t about to stand for it," Jennifer Henkel, a mother of three children and one of the new school board members, told Fox News Digital previously.

The powerful group National Congress of American Indians (NCAI), based in Washington, D.C. has led the effort to erase Native American images in local communities around the nation. The organization is funded by benefactors such as George Soros’ Open Society Foundations, along with taxpayer dollars. 

Gonna clip it here, but it's wild (also not unexpected) to see things like this at the end of the piece

Students at Wellpinit (Washington) High School voted to keep the school's Redskins mascot in March 2023, rejecting calls to erase history and heritage by local Democrat leaders.  The student body is 87% Native American, according to the Department of Education.

So much of this stuff is the 'offended on your behalf' nonsense we've been seeing for decades.

Gotta wonder if this kind of thing continues to gain momentum if the "I" will get dropped from BIPOC.

The NCAI "has tracked the retirement of more than 200 unsanctioned Native ‘themed’ mascots since 2019, and has supported legislation banning the use of these mascots in multiple states," the group said in a statement last year to Fox News Digital. 

The group is also largely responsible for the effort to force the NFL's franchise in Washington, D.C., to drop its traditional Redskins name and the familiar Native American face that appeared on the team's helmets.

"Widely consumed images of Native American stereotypes in commercial and educational environments slander, defame and vilify Native peoples," the NCAI claimed in a 2013 report that tilted public opinion against the Redskins and other Native American images. 

The report, however, offered a dubious narrative. Among other omissions, the report's lengthy history of the Redskins failed to mention Blackfoot Chief John Two Guns White Calf — even though he served as the face of the franchise for 48 years. 

He was one of the most influential Native Americans of the 20th century. He fought for Native American causes and counted President Calvin Coolidge among his sphere of influence. 

His proud facade appeared on Redskins helmets from 1972 until he was canceled in 2020. The NCAI scrubbed his name from its history of the franchise.

Fox News Digital reached out to the NCAI for further comment. 

Communities across the nation, however, are fighting to preserve their Chief White Calf Redskins logo. 

Voters in Sandusky, Michigan recalled three school board members who voted to eliminate the Redskins. They've since elected three new school board members who ran on promises to reclaim the Redskins. 

Rick Spiegel, an activist in Sandusky who is leading the effort to reclaim the Redskins, said 2,100 registered voters in the town responded to a mail-in survey, with 90% supporting the traditional name. 

A survey at the high school revealed that 74% of students, and 53% of teachers, supported the Redskins.

Even so, the Sandusky High School teams are now known as the Wolves. 

"They're trying to erase or eradicate Native American history," said Spiegel. 

The Michigan communities of Camden, Pawpaw and Port Huron, he said, are fighting similar battles to preserve local traditions. 

The Red Mesa (Arizona) High School Redskins installed a new football field last year with a Redskins logo splashed across the 50-yard line. 

Students at Wellpinit (Washington) High School voted to keep the school's Redskins mascot in March 2023, rejecting calls to erase history and heritage by local Democrat leaders. 

The student body is 87% Native American, according to the Department of Education.

Kingston (Oklahoma) High School is also a majority Native American school that embraces the Redskins.

"The people that I’ve talked to — they have a sense of pride about our name, and about our mascot being the Redskins," Kingston athletic director Taylor Wiebener told KXII.com in 2020.

Students and residents of Donna, Texas, and McCloud, Oklahoma, have repeatedly voiced support for their Redskins identity, despite constant pressure, according to Native American activist Andre Billeaudeaux.

Casuse, the Navajo alumna of Cedar City High School in Utah, claims her allegiance to the Redmen began when she arrived at the school from a Navajo reservation in New Mexico in the 1960s.

She was feeling homesick while attending her first home football game.

"It gave me a sense of honor … It was a proud feeling for me, a sense of my heritage."

"All of a sudden I heard a very strong native beat. The school song," she said. "It stopped me in my tracks. It was wonderful hearing that sound and the beautiful Native music."

She suddenly felt at home, she said, adding that she served as a member of the pep club throughout high school. 

"It gave me a sense of honor. I was never embarrassed about it, never felt any tinge of prejudice. It was a proud feeling for me, a sense of my heritage."

[mapsontheweb]

Vote Share of the BJP in Indian General Elections: 2014 vs 2019 vs 2024

[mariacallous]

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Ram temple in Ayodhya in the key northern state of Uttar Pradesh in January in hopes it would earn him a massive victory in the national election that concluded in June. That didn’t happen—at least not to the extent that Modi, his Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and their ideological fountainhead Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) expected.

In what has widely been described as a shock result, the BJP won merely 240 seats in the 543-seat parliament, after setting a target of 400 seats. Modi has formed a government but only with support from other parties.

Like any election result, the outcome had multiple causes that will take time to fully sort out. But one thing is already clear: Modi failed in his long-running bid to homogenize India’s Hindus across castes and cultures and consolidate their vote for his political benefit.

In 2014, Modi came to power on the back of religious nationalism and security issues, and he continued that trend in 2019. This year, in the absence of any urgent security threat from regional rival Pakistan and rising concerns over unemployment, inflation, and authoritarianism, Modi banked on the RSS’s homogenization strategy.

The Ram temple was built on a site long disputed with Muslims, where a 16th-century mosque stood until December 1992, when a group of Hindu nationalists razed it to the ground allegedly on the BJP’s provocation. Experts said the BJP had envisaged the temple would instill pride in Hindus, feed their Muslim animosity, and bring them under the Hindu umbrella to choose Modi.

Even though, by and large, the Hindu community seemed to have been pleased with the inauguration of the temple, that didn’t translate into votes for Modi across the Hindu hierarchy. Instead, the results exposed the weaknesses of the homogenization exercise.

Hartosh Singh Bal, an Indian journalist and the executive editor of the Caravan, said there is “diversity in Hinduism” and the election results prove that it can’t be “papered over by directing attention and hatred outwards” toward Muslims. This election proves that “Hindus are not a monolith” and that “various segments of Hinduism have a successful chance of taking on the BJP,” he added in reference to tactical voting by lower castes in Uttar Pradesh against the BJP.

Karthick Ram Manoharan, a political scientist at the National Law School of India University in Bengaluru, said that in Tamil Nadu, a state in southern India with the second-biggest economy in the country, the BJP did not win a single seat out of a total of 39.

“Hindus are the absolute majority in Tamil Nadu, but they still mostly vote for the secular Dravidian parties,” Manoharan said in reference to local parties that have emerged out of social movements opposed to an upper-caste Hindu order that the BJP and RSS have been long accused of nurturing and propagating.

In March, just a month before voting began, I witnessed saffron-colored flags expressing support for Modi’s party jutting out from rooftops and windows in tightly packed homes in western Uttar Pradesh. Some people I spoke to said that BJP workers had decided to adorn the neighborhoods as they pleased, but underneath the flag-waving, a large-scale discontent was brewing over a lack of employment opportunities.

The upper-caste youth seemed confused, if not yet disenchanted, with Modi and in the absence of industry and strong local economies once again mourned the loss of government jobs to affirmative action. (The Indian Constitution reserves almost half of all state jobs for people from lower castes and others who confront a generational disadvantage and historical discrimination.)

Meanwhile, Dalits, who sit at the bottom of India’s Hindu hierarchy, in hamlets nearby who depend on the quota for their dignity and livelihood were quietly recalibrating their options. The mood was starkly different from 2014 and 2019 when I visited some of the Dalit-dominated parliamentary seats in Uttar Pradesh. Back then, Dalits I met were upbeat and decisively pro-Modi. They said they supported him since they believed that he might raise their stature in the Hindu hierarchy.

But 10 years later, they suspected the BJP was plotting to weaken the constitution, the only assurance of rights for marginalized communities in a country where upper-caste Hindus continue to hold social capital and economic power.

Recent comments by BJP leaders that if Modi won 400 seats, he would change the constitution spread anxiety among lower castes that the party intended to scrap the reservation system. The BJP repeatedly denied this, but the suspicion that it is first a party for upper-caste Hindus is deep-rooted among lower castes, and experts believe the comments were part of the BJP’s political strategy.

“They were testing the waters to see what would be the reaction,” said Sushil Kumar Pandey, an assistant professor of history at Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University in Lucknow and the author of Caste and Politics in Democracy.

“The opposition picked it up and campaigned on it, telling people a change in the constitution could mean losing your livelihood, your jobs,” Pandey added. “That worked at a time [when] people were also scared of privatization” and in government-run sectors.

For Dalits, it was about more than jobs. The Indian Constitution is nearly worshipped by the community and celebrated en masse on the birth anniversary of the Indian intellectual who wrote it. B.R. Ambedkar was no fan of Ram and advocated against the caste discrimination inherent in Hinduism all his life, even converting to Buddhism when he felt there was no escaping caste-based prejudice. While he couldn’t annihilate the caste system, he ensured that the constitution offered lower castes a quota in government jobs to gradually uplift them.

In his honor, and as an ode to the progressive document, Dalits sing songs in praise of the constitution and hail it as the upholder of their dignity in a society where they continue to be belittled. Any change to the text was unacceptable. “Their cultural identity is linked to this book,” said Ravish Kumar, a journalist and the host of a popular YouTube news show.

In the south, too, there was a fear of culturally being subsumed by a Hindi-speaking upper-caste elite. Indian federal units, or states, were defined in the 1950s on the basis of language, and to this day south Indians identify themselves on the basis of the language they speak. The Ram temple had no resonance in the southern states, particularly in electorally significant Tamil Nadu, with the highest number of seats regionally. Tamils were wary that the RSS’s homogenization agenda would drown out their cultural ethos and impose a secondary status on the Tamil language.

Manoharan, the political scientist, said that in Tamil Nadu, it was “not so much religious but fear of cultural homogeneity” and “a language policy which will give importance to Hindi speakers over Tamil speakers and upper-caste Tamils over other backward castes.”

In a state where “88 percent people come from so-called lower castes” and “69 percent have jobs under affirmative action through a special act,” people were also extremely worried that the BJP may “water down” the employment quota promised in the constitution, Manoharan added.

The southern Indian states have a longer history of resistance to upper-caste domination, a higher literacy rate, better economies, and a tradition of secular politics. While the BJP maintained its tally of 29 seats from the last election, it is being seen as a poor result considering the inroads the RSS has made in the south.

For instance, in the southwestern state of Kerala, the RSS has more than 5,000 shakhas, or branches, second in number only to Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state—yet “despite the fact that the RSS has thousands of training grounds in Kerala, they are unable to get influence,” said K.M. Sajad Ibrahim, a professor of political science at University of Kerala. “That’s because while religion is important, communal harmony is more important to people here. BJP tries to create tensions, and that doesn’t work here.”

The BJP managed to gain one seat for the first time in Kerala, but that isn’t being attributed to its ideological success or expansion of homogenization project but to the winning candidate’s personal appeal. Suresh Gopi, the winning candidate, is a popular movie star.

In many states in the Hindi belt and even in the south, the BJP did well. The upper castes and urban voters are standing firmly behind Modi. Kumar, the journalist, said it would be foolhardy to dismiss Modi—and the bigger Hindutva, or Hindu nationalist, forces backing him—just yet. He said Hindutva hasn’t lost and only faced a setback. “The BJP was trying to dominate caste politics with Hindutva,” he said, “but the election result shows that dominance has cracked.” However, he added, “it has only cracked—the ideology still has wide-scale acceptance.”

Everyone else Foreign Policy spoke to concurred but added that Hindus are far too diverse to be homogenized. Manoharan said the results exposed the weakness of the homogenization agenda and its faulty premise. “Hindutva’s aim for homogeneity is confounded precisely by a structural feature of the religion-culture it seeks to defend—caste,” he said.

[darkmaga-retard]

By Monica Showalter

When Kamala Harris switched her identity from Indian-American to black, (and back again), for the sake of winning elections, President Trump called her out on it, and the pushback from Kamp Kamala was fierce.

I suppose it's understandable, given that people can have mixed ancestry, but Trump was right in calling her out for being a chameleon when she's in front of voters.

After all, she's pandered to Indian-American voters in the past, doing a 2019 cooking segment with actor Mindy Kaling, who is Indian-American. She wasn't terrible in that one, but she admitted she never cooked a dosa, either, which is kind of basic.

It's known that she does do 'fake' for the sake of pandering to voters. That was obvious enough when she told a radio host she smoked pot because: "Are you kidding? Half my family's from Jamaica," (giggle, giggle), prompting an unsolicited statement of disapproval from her Jamaican father who noted that proper Jamaicans never said crap like that.

Politico noted it and it was brutal:

“My dear departed grandmothers (whose extraordinary legacy I described in a recent essay on this website), as well as my deceased parents, must be turning in their grave right now to see their family’s name, reputation and proud Jamaican identity being connected, in any way, jokingly or not with the fraudulent stereotype of a pot-smoking joy seeker and in the pursuit of identity politics,” he wrote. “Speaking for myself and my immediate Jamaican family, we wish to categorically dissociate ourselves from this travesty,” he added.

If she were actually about being authentic, she would know that.

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Zack Beauchamp at Vox:

I met Raqib Naik, a journalist who had fled his native India, at a coffee shop in suburban Maryland. We sat at the same metal table where he once discussed the prospect of his assassination with FBI agents.

Naik is a Muslim from Jammu and Kashmir, India’s only Muslim-majority state. In August 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi revoked the state’s longstanding self-determination rights and temporarily imposed martial law. Indian officials arbitrarily detained thousands of Kashmiris, including many journalists. Through it all, Naik did his best to convey the reality in Kashmir to the outside world — a firsthand account of what was really going on in what’s often termed “the world’s largest democracy.” On August 15, 10 days after the crackdown in Kashmir began, Naik received the first of three visits from Indian military intelligence officers who interrogated him about his reporting. The harassment forced him underground; he eventually fled to the United States in the summer of 2020. But Modi wouldn’t let him go that easily. In September 2020, an Indian military official sent Naik a message saying “i have invited your father for a cup of tea.” In November 2020, a second intelligence officer said he too had contacted Naik’s father, vowing that he and Naik would “meet in person” even though Naik had moved to America. While traveling in another country in June 2022, Naik received an anonymous text message saying “you are being tracked and will be prosecuted.” He flew back to the US as quickly as possible.  [...]

India’s plot against America

I have spent the past several months investigating stories like Naik’s: critics of India who say the Indian government has reached across the Pacific Ocean to harass them on American soil. 

Interviews with political figures, experts, and activists revealed a sustained campaign where Narendra Modi’s government threatens American citizens and permanent residents who dare speak out on the declining state of the country’s democracy. This campaign has not been described publicly until now because many people in the community  — even prominent ones — are too afraid to talk about it. (The Indian government did not respond to repeated and detailed requests for comment.)  India’s efforts include a handful of high-profile incidents, most notably an assassination plot against American and Canadian activists. But more commonly, India engages in subtle forms of harassment that fly under the public radar. An American charity leader who spoke out on Indian human rights violations saw his Indian employees arrested en masse. An American journalist who worked on a documentary about India was put on a travel blacklist and deported. An American historian who studies 17th-century India received so many death threats that she could no longer speak without security. Even a member of Congress — and vocal critic of the Modi regime — said she was concerned about being banned from visiting her Indian parents.

[...]

And while Russian involvement in the 2016 election swayed few votes, there’s good reason to believe India’s campaign is working as intended — muting stateside criticism of India’s autocratic turn under Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

An American academic warned me that they couldn’t speak openly about India out of concern for family. An American think tank expert described numerous examples of censorship and self-censorship at prominent US institutions. These two sources, and many others, would only share their personal stories with me anonymously. All were concerned about the consequences for their careers, their loved ones, or even themselves — and they weren’t alone. “Indian Americans who are against the BJP, or oppose the BJP, have been intimidated and as a result routinely engage in self-censorship. I have heard them say as much to me,” says John Sifton, the Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “There are prominent Indian American intellectuals, writers, [and] celebrities who simply will not speak out against Modi because they are afraid that by doing so they will subject themselves to a torrent of online abuse and even death threats.” As a result, one of the most important developments of our time — Modi pushing the world’s largest democracy toward an authoritarian future — is receiving far less scrutiny in the United States than it should, especially at a time when Modi is running for a historic third term. 

India’s willingness to go after critics outside its borders — a practice political scientists call “transnational repression” — is a symptom of this democratic decline. Most sources told me that Indian harassment of Americans began in earnest after Modi took office in 2014, with most reported incidents happening in the past several years (when the prime minister became more aggressively authoritarian at home). Modi, a member of a prominent Hindu supremacist group since he was 8 years old, seems to believe he can act on the world stage in the same way he behaves at home. Despite the brazenness of India’s campaign — attacking Americans at home in a way that only the world’s worst authoritarian governments would dare — the Biden administration is putting little pressure on Modi to change his ways. Judging New Delhi too important in the fight against China, the US government has adopted its own unstated policy of avoiding fights with India over human rights and democracy. [...]

Modi’s “new India”

India was founded in 1947 as a secular democracy, with formal equality of all citizens enshrined in its constitution. But even before then, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) had begun laying the groundwork for an alternative Hindu nationalist state. Narendra Modi has been a part of this fight since 1958, when he first got involved in his town’s RSS branch.

The RSS’s ideology, called Hindutva, holds that India must be a state principally for Hindus. It treats non-Hindus, especially Muslims, as foreign imports at best and invading forces at worst. The BJP is the RSS’s political wing, and it has worked extensively to bring the Indian state in line with Hindutva principles.  Making this dream into reality has been the purpose of Modi’s political career. Since becoming prime minister, he’s proven remarkably adept at it. The revocation of Kashmir’s autonomous status, and the subsequent crackdown that swept up Raqib Naik, is just one of many Hindutva victories during his tenure.  His government recently inaugurated a major new Hindu temple in the city of Ayodhya, on the site of a mosque that was torn down by an RSS-aligned mob in 1992. It passed the Citizenship Amendment Act, a law that, among other things, set up discriminatory immigration rules for Muslims. In states across the country, local BJP governments have passed laws restricting interfaith marriage between Hindus and Muslims.

Vox exposes India’s siccing of Americans critical of its authoritarian turn under PM Narendra Modi.

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Activist calls for border march in Ladakh to mark land lost to China

The march would be taken out in the north and south banks of Pangong Tso lake, Demchok, Chushul among others along the Line of Actual Control with China; two dates are shortlisted — March 27 and April 7

Around 10,000 people from Ladakh will march to the border along China this month to showcase how much land has been lost to the neighbouring country, climate activist and education reformer Sonam Wangchuk said on Tuesday.

Mr. Wangchuk has been protesting in open in sub-zero temperature in Leh, surviving only on salt and water for the past 14 days, to demand constitutional safeguards for the Union Territory.

“We know from the shepherds that they are not allowed [anymore] to go to the places that they always used to go. In particular areas, they are stopped kilometres before where they used to go earlier. We will go and show whether land has been lost or not,” Mr. Wangchuk said.

The march would be taken out in Finger area (north and south bank of Pangong Tso), Demchok, Chushul among others along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China.

He said two dates have been shortlisted for the march — March 27 and April 7.

“The march will also highlight the areas, prime pasture lands, that are being turned into solar parks. On one hand, nomads are losing their land to corporates who are coming to set up their plants, maybe mining in future. Nomads will lose 150,000 sq km of prime pasture land, on the other hand they are losing pasture land to China which is encroaching from the north, the Chinese have captured huge chunks of land in the last few years,” he said.

After the June 15, 2020 incident in Galwan where 20 Indian soldiers were killed in violent clashes with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, several rounds of talks between the two armies have taken place leading to disengagement and creation of buffer zones or no-go areas. These areas in eastern Ladakh were regularly patrolled before April 2020 when China started amassing troops close to the LAC. At least 26 patrolling points out of total 65 PPs in Eastern Ladakh are not being patrolled due to the border dispute.

At the centre of Mr. Wangchuk’s protest that has received huge support from the locals is the failure of talks between Ladakh civil society leaders and Union Home Minister Amit Shah on March 4.

The members of Leh Apex Body (LAB) and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) representing the Buddhist majority and Shia Muslim dominated regions respectively in Ladakh, are jointly protesting for Statehood for Ladakh, inclusion of Ladakh in the sixth schedule of the constitution thus giving it a tribal status, job reservation for locals and a parliamentary seat each for Leh and Kargil.

Though ministry officials had in previous rounds of meetings agreed to examine how the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution can be implemented in Ladakh’s context, the meeting with Mr. Shah “did not result in any positive outcome”.

“Government has been declining to keep their promise on Sixth Schedule. The Home Minister said we cannot give this but we will give you some constitutional safeguard,” Mr. Wangchuk said adding that he wants to awaken the people of India to this “breach of trust”.

“People are disillusioned, disenchanted and angry. There is no chance BJP will win a seat here in the upcoming elections. But this is not only for Ladakh, am trying to awaken the nation, if this is how election promises are honoured, then elections are a joke. Why did we vote this party to power twice?” he said. Ladakh’s only parliamentary seat was won by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014 and 2019.

After the special status of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Constitution was revoked by the Parliament on August 5, 2019, Ladakh was turned into a Union Territory without any legislative assembly.

[signode-blog]

A Resounding Victory: The Indian Financial Market's Response to the 2019 Lok Sabha Election Results

The 2019 Lok Sabha elections in India were a significant event, not only politically but also economically. The landslide victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) under the leadership of Narendra Modi sent ripples across various sectors, notably the financial markets. This blog post delves into the intricate dynamics of how the Indian financial markets responded to the BJP’s victory and what…

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In the days leading to August 5, 2019 and in the weeks and months to come, Kashmir became a site of unfathomable cruelty. Thousands of Kashmiris were detained; pro-India politicians were placed under house arrest, pro-freedom leaders as well as minors were rounded up and thrown in jail. Young boys were shipped off to Indian prisons 1,500km away in Agra and Varanasi. Foreign journalists and international human rights groups were banned from access to Kashmir. The region was placed under a complete communication blackout. Cellular phones, Internet, landline services, and even the postal services were dismantled. News traveled by word of mouth. Journalists compressed photos and video onto memory cards and smuggled them out with passengers en route to Delhi. Schools, offices, banks, and businesses were closed for months. Life came to a standstill.

On August 5, 2019, the Modi government revoked both Articles 370 and 35A, split the region into two union territories of Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh, and placed them under the direct control of Delhi. Kashmir had been effectively annexed. It was a stunning rebuke to the myth of Indian democracy as well as the veneer of Kashmiri autonomy. Observers warned that this move represented an intensification of India's settler-colonial project in Indian-occupied Kashmir. Under the new status of the state, India would now have the legal justification to allow non-Kashmiris to access residency rights in Kashmir as well as purchase land that had previously been restricted to Kashmiri permanent residents, or state subjects. The end goal was now within sight: Kashmir's Muslim-majority demography would be changed in favor of Indian Hindus. In time, elections would be held, and democracy would cover for the ethnocratic, colonial rule that had been imposed on the region.

Revoking Article 370 and Article 35A were long-held goals of Hindu nationalists and supremacists in India. They had resented the autonomy PM Nehru had "granted" Kashmir in 1947 and wished to see Kashmir fully integrated into India. For Hindu-supremacists, these two articles were an obstruction to the region's full integration into the Indian state and had contributed to the rise of "separatism" or "terrorism" in the region—which is how India refers to Kashmiris' decades long resistance to Indian rule. To the Hindu right, the problems in Kashmir were borne out of India's coddling of Kashmiri Muslims. The question of Kashmiri self-determination had never been on the agenda. The removal of the two Articles was therefore portrayed as ushering in a "New Kashmir" in which peace and prosperity would arrive through Indian investment and development. This had been a central plank of Narendra Modi's second election campaign, too.

Azad Essa, Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between India and Israel

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Narendra Modi’s electoral success in Gujarat between 2001 and 2014 and on the Indian scene since then stems from his novel blend of populism and Hindu nationalism (Hindutva). Hindutva grew out of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (National Volunteer Organization, RSS), a paramilitary-style nationalist group founded in 1925 to bulk up young Hindus both physically and morally so they could stand up to Muslims, who were depicted as a danger to the majority. Modi joined the RSS as a child and devoted his life to it, pursuing no other careers and even living apart from his wife. He rose through the ranks, eventually becoming the chief minister of Gujarat (his home state) in 2001. The following year, he oversaw an anti-Muslim pogrom that left some 2,000 dead— a strategy of religious polarization that won him the December 2002 regional elections. Similar successes in 2007 and 2012 made Modi the obvious prime ministerial candidate for his Bharatiya Janata Party (Indian People’s Party, BJP) in 2014. But he left behind the RSS tradition of collective decision-making, putting himself front and center and striving to connect directly with “his” people. Rather than relying on the activist network, Modi held rally after rally where he showcased his flair for speechmaking. He also founded his own television channel, worked social media, and employed a revolutionary strategy: using holograms to simultaneously lead one rally in hundreds of places. Modi even distributed masks printed with his likeness to deepen supporters’ identification with him. In short, he saturated the public arena so as to embody the masses—a task made easier by his low-caste origins, on which he has built a complete narrative. (He worked as a teaboy in his father’s shop.) However, the “masses” meant only the Hindu majority, which he was busy stirring up against one target in particular: Muslims. As in the 2014 elections, in 2019 “Moditva”—Modi’s idiosyncratic hybridization of right-wing nationalist ideology, Hindutva and a personality cult—triumphed on the strength of BJP landslides in the north and west. This success allowed him to bend to his will both the RSS and the BJP—whose MPs had ridden to victory on his coattails—fashioning a government of faithfuls and a parliament of yes-men. The other institutions soon succumbed too—even the Supreme Court, once a beacon of independence. In the summer of 2014, Modi advanced a constitutional reform that would have changed the appointment process for judges, until then picked by a collegium of peers. His co-optation, opposed by the entire political class, would have replaced the collegium with a five-member commission. The Supreme Court eventually declared the amendment unconstitutional, but Modi still got his way: Of the nominees submitted by the collegium, his government finalized appointments only for those he liked. The court thus resigned itself to proposing candidates who were apt to please him.

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I'm sorry to bother you but all the elections stuff is really confusing me and i don't know what's happening

I'm not at the age of voting but will be by the time of the next elections

Again sorry to be a bother

Not a bother at all! And good on you for wanting to learn about this stuff already! The more informed you are by the time you are of voting age, the more informed of a decision you can make 🙂

Full disclosure, I'm not a social scientist or anything, just an average Indian citizen/voter with some academic expertise (not in this field). If someone reading all this finds something wrong, please feel free to point it out, preferably politely.

TL;DR : Indian parliamentary system is built to thrive on diverse viewpoints representative of its people. An attempt to smooth out dissensions and differences without healthy discussion goes against a democratic system. What we are happy about this week is election of a healthy opposition and a coalition that has the potential of keeping power concentration into one hands in check.

This is a bit of an expansive topic but I'm gonna break down certain key terms that you're gonna hear a lot in the news or other election commentary in the next few days. I'm not sure how much of a background knowledge you already have, so this is super long and detailed. Sorry about that in advance! Take your time reading this, or use it as a reference. Up to you! Follow up questions are more than welcome.

The Indian Parliament: The Indian Parliament is split into two houses, the Lower House or the Lok Sabha/House of the People, and the Upper House or the Rajya Sabha/Council of States. Lok Sabha members are appointed through elections while Rajya Sabha members are selected by the State Legislative Assemblies (Vidhan Sabha) and the President. When a new law is proposed as a bill or an ammendment to the constitution is proposed, it must pass through BOTH the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha.

The Lok Sabha: Lok Sabha has a total of 543 seats, representing 543 electoral constituencies throughout the country. Note that these 543 constituencies aren't exactly based on existing district divisions (eg: The Ayodhya district in UP is in the Faizabad constituency). Constituencies are split by population density. This means a region with more people will have more seats/stronger voice in the Lok Sabha. As a result, the largest state by area, Rajasthan has 25 seats in the Lok Sabha, while the most densely populated state of Uttar Pradesh has 80 seats in the Lok Sabha despite being the 4th largest state in the country. Also means if a political party bags UP, it gives them a huge leg up in winning Lok Sabha elections. To form a government, a political party or a group of political parties (a coalition) needs to have majority in the Lok Sabha. This mean winning over 272 seats or in other words, winning majority votes in 272 or more constituencies. Lok Sabha elections happen every 5 years, and the one that just happened, was a Lok Sabha election.

Important parties and alliances to keep in mind while parsing the news and comments are :

Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP): The ruling party that formed the government in the past two Lok Sabha terms (10 years). Note that in the 2014 and 2019 elections, BJP won a majority without forming an alliance with any other party. BJP's core politics are right-wing, which typically translates to capitalism, socially conservative, and maintaining class hierarchy as a form of order and structure in society.

Indian National Congress (INC or Congress): The main opposition party against the BJP. Indian National Congress's politics are liberal/center. While their polities don't entirely dismantle class/caste divide, they don't entirely aim to privatize sectors or take capitalism as the end all be all.

National Democratic Alliance (NDA): BJP-led coalition that secured majority in Lok Sabha elections and will form the government for the upcoming election term.

Indian National Development Inclusive Alliance (INDIA): Congress led coalition which didn't get the majority, but did secure 232 out of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha. Even though those that are part of the INDIA coalition won't be forming the government, they will be present in the Lok Sabha as the elected representative of their respective constituency to voice their opinion on any motion that passes through the Lok Sabha.

Janta Dal (United) or JD(U): A political party from Bihar led by Nitish Kumar. JD(U) is currently part of the NDA, however JD(U) joined NDA pretty much right before the elections. As a matter of fact, Nitish Kumar has a tendency to switch sides depending on what he thinks would ensure his power and position. In 2014, when it became apparent that BJP was aiming for a Modi-led government and that Nitish, as someone who is not formally in BJP, didn't stand a chance of even being a cabinet minister, much less the Prime Minister, Nitish left NDA. However, back then, BJP managed to get a clear majority and Nitish's pullback didn't have weight. However, with JD(U) winning 12 seats in this election and BJP having to rely on a coalition government, Nitish's pullback has weight. At the time of writing this, word on the street is Nitish is sticking with the NDA and has made demands for 2 cabinets being handed over to JD(U) (See below cut for info on what is a cabinet).

Telugu Desam Party or TDP: Led by Chandrababu Naidu, TDP is a party with a stronghold in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. Currently also in the NDA coalition, TDP managed to win 16 seats in Andhra Pradesh. While Chandrababu Naidu isn't as much of a flip-flopper as Nitish, he has been fairly outspoken against the Modi government in the past. That being said, word on the street is also that Naidu garu may have been offered the position of the Lok Sabha Speaker (as in the person who mediates Lok Sabha discussions) and to also assign 2 cabinet berths to TDP in exchange for their continued support of NDA.

Other notable parties and names:

- DMK : Won 22 seats in Tamil Nadu. Is in the INDIA coalition/opposition. Led by M. K. Stalin.

- AITC or TMC: Won 29 seats in West Bengal. Is in the INDIA coalition/opposition. Led by Mamata Banerjee.

- SP : Won 37 seats in Uttar Pradesh. Is in the INDIA coalition/opposition. Led by Akhilesh Yadav.

All in all, the Indian parliamentary system allows for diverse voices and points of view to be a part of the discussion regarding national policies and lawmaking, even if the said voice doesn't make the ruling government. Something also to keep in mind about Indian politicians specifically is that they rarely think about public welfare and rather prioritize their personal hold on power. None of them are above the other when it comes to scheming on how to maintain power and these schemes often involve tactics to deflect their accountability towards the people.

In its decade long term, BJP as a ruling party has invested on multiple levels to maintain a one-man stronghold. I want to keep this answer objective and won't comment on any specific ruling. However, know that a one-man stronghold and a weak opposition defeats the purpose of the parliament and the constituencies. What most people are celebrating today is having a healthy opposition in place in addition to a coalition which would be a sort of check against power being concentrated into one person's hand.

When you vote in the next election, keep in mind that Indian politicians aren't like bands or artists you should root for. What you will be electing them to are positions of public service. Their priority is power and YOUR vote helps them have that. You are not answerable for their loss, THEY are answerable to YOU.

Also whoever you elect to the Lok Sabha is among the candidates in your constituency. A random schmuck from South Delhi who voted for BJP didn't vote for Modi, they voted for Ramvir Singh Bidhuri, the BJP candidate running from South Delhi. You could make the argument 'they voted for Modi Sarkar!' but the real, flesh and blood person that vote put in the parliament was not Narendra Modi, it was Ramvir Singh Bidhuri. Only people in Varanasi could vote directly for Modi because he contested from there. Had Modi lost the Varanasi seat, he wouldn't have been a member of the Lok Sabha. In which case, even if BJP or NDA made the government, Modi would have to become a part of the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha in the next six months to be chosen as the Prime Minister. Long story short, learn more about the constituency you are in, the candidates and parties in that constituency, the demographic of your community, the problems it faces, and in light of all of that, who is the best candidate to represent your community's voice in the Lok Sabha.

Adding an additional note cabinets, but I think that's a little tangential so it's under the cut. Again, follow up questions more than welcome. Hope this helps you make some sense of the mess that is Indian electoral politics!

Cabinets and Socialism: A Cabinet Minister assumes leadership of one of the 53 ministries within the government. Most countries around the world, regardless of their government system, have a similar structure. Though, I do want to point out that India is a Socialist Republic. What this means, is that there are entire sectors that are folded into a centralized, government funded cabinet as opposed to a third party, like a private company, being responsible for it. Indian Railways are a great example for this. From literally manufacturing trains to operating railway stations to laying down rail lines to issuing tickets, the Ministry of Railway is responsible for all of it. While Indian Railways do have subdivisions to handle different aspects, the Minister of Railways is in-charge of the management of ALL of those subdivisions. There are also sectors like Aviation or Telecom where while the government doesn't own ALL airlines or telecom companies, the government does have it's own public funded unit (Air India in case of aviation and BSNL and MTNL in case of Telecom) and there are cabinet ministers who oversee the management of these units in addition to laying out guidelines and regulations which the entire sector has to follow.

Socialist structures with their govt centralized system help regulate cost and keep cost inflation in check because the purpose of a cabinet that runs on government money is public service, not profit margin (eg: general compartment train tickets are affordable and have been affordable for a long time). In the meantime, privatization of sectors may increase efficiency of a service (eg: Ministry of External Affairs outsourcing passport services to TCS has been a huge success), it may also drive cost inflation, unless checked on by the ministry responsible for the third party contract. We will find out who in the NDA will lead which cabinet on June 8.