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mitchipedia · 4 years

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Link list: Monday, June 15 2020

On Cory Doctorow’s Pluralistic:

Mad Magazine’s Al Jaffee is retiring young – he’s only 99.

Jaffee launched “Snappy Answers to Stupid Questions” and the fold-out.

Marie Foulston and her friends held a pandemic party in a spreadsheet.

The pandemic is rising in red states because it turns out you can’t just ignore healthcare and trust that only brown-skilled people, who are Democrats, will die.

The GOP is trapped in a prison of its own making. To keep the fortunes of the 1% intact, they need to restart American commerce. But doing so will not just murder racialized people who don’t typically vote Republican, but also the GOP’s base: elderly and rural people.

The US has virtually no cyberdefense; it’s virtually all offense.

[Jason Healey on the Lawfare blog:] “There are tremendous risks when a fearsome offense is paired with a weak defense,” because “a more fearsome cyber offense makes it more likely they will get in a sucker punch on the U.S. before Cyber Command can bring its big guns to bear.

NYC community activists are scraping traffic-cam to find evidence of police brutality against Black Lives Matter protesters.

Security researchers find a huge trove of data belonging to customers of “niche dating sites.”

Why the Pandemic Is Driving Conservative Intellectuals Mad. Conservative intellectuals view respect for life and health as symptoms of civilizational decay.

What We Know About the White House’s Secret Bunker Popular Mechanics: “There’s a whole city’s worth of stuff underneath the White House and other government buildings in and around Washington, D.C.”

“Is God Dead?” at 50

54 years ago, Time Magazine put an essay on its cover: “Is God Dead?”

The authors did not mean to claim that religion was irrelevant (which was my interpretation of the question).

The article was far more nuanced than the cover might suggest, but [theologians William Hamilton and Thomas Altizer] were not hedging in their views. It’s tempting to take them metaphorically, to say “death” and mean “irrelevance,” but they were speaking literally. The idea was not the same as disbelief: God was real and had existed, they said, but had become dead.

Jesus Christ was a better model than God for the work that needed to be done by man, of which there was a lot—particularly, for him, within the civil rights movement. He saw religion’s place in the human realm, not in heaven. Altizer took that idea a step further: Jesus Christ had to die in order for the resurrection to happen all those Easters ago, and likewise God had to die in order for the apocalypse to take place.

Today, religion is a far more powerful world force than it was in 1966.

“Nobody would ask whether God is dead [today],” says Rabbi Donniel Hartman, author of the new book Putting God Second. “You can’t understand three-quarters of the conflicts in the world unless you recognize that God is a central player.”

And yet, 97% of Americans professed belief in God in 1966; by 2014, only 63% of Americans “believed with absolute certainty.” And while religious conservatives control the White House, Senate, and judicial benches, the biggest religious affiliation in America is “none.”

The GOP is rolling over its 2016 platform for 2020, with numerous criticisms of the “current President.”

Alexis Madrigal: America Is Giving Up on the Pandemic

Jesus Christ, Just Wear a Face Mask!: There is plenty of evidence that face masks and social distancing are effective and easy methods of blocking the spread of COVID-19 and permitting safe reopening, and no good reason not to use them.

Civil Rights Law Protects L.G.B.T. Workers, Supreme Court Rules

A good day. And Trump appointee Neil Gorsuch led the decision.

Conservative hypocrites who claim to support the literal interpretation of the law are now tying themselves up in knots trying to criticize this this decision, which is based on literal interpretation of the law.

Also, Justice Samuel Alito says it’s a terrible decision because women go crazy if they see a penis.

Supreme Court lets stand California’s ‘sanctuary’ law on undocumented immigrants

A victory for decency and common sense.

Mo Rocca: The Forgotten Forerunners: Three people who changed history, but who you’ve probably never heard of: Black woman Elizabeth Jennings integrated New York public transit a century before Rosa Parks and years before the Civil War; Black man Moses Fleetwood Walker played pro baseball more than a half-century before Jackie Robinson, and Lois Weber was a highly paid, successful and prolific movie director in 1910s Hollywood.

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merrikstryfe · 3 years

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I am troubled because even though I’d like Israel to simply pack up and leave most of Judea and Samaria and bring the occupation to an immediate end, I believe that in doing so Israel will cease to exist. I do not want to deny another people their right to freedom and self-determination, yet I do not know how that can be achieved without undermining my right to freedom and self-determination. While I am troubled by my people’s behavior, I don’t believe that our failure to pursue peace is the sole or even principal cause for the continued occupation. The Palestinian leadership has yet to accept my right to exist, and any unilateral withdrawal will transform the territories into a Hamas controlled launching pad for terror and missiles against which all the Iron Dome batteries in the world will not provide sufficient protection. With 80 percent of Israel transformed into Sderot and Ashkelon, Israel’s ability to survive—let alone thrive—will come to an end. I am troubled because while we must and can do better, I know that doing so will not alone change our reality.

[...]

A majority of Israelis and Israeli political parties either tacitly accept or actively support the egregious behavior of some of the more extreme settlers as well as state-sponsored settlement building and expansion. For some, this is the price Palestinians must pay for saying “no” to our peace overtures. For others, it is simply an economically beneficial policy (the price of housing in settlements being a fraction of that of housing within the Green Line), which, in any event, has negligible impact on the non-existent peace process. The moral implications of the occupation do not keep them up at night. Since we offered peace and they said “no,” the moral onus of the occupation lies on the Palestinians. Most Israelis are not bothered by the predicament of Gazans. We left, and instead of building a society for the wellbeing of its inhabitants, Gazans embraced terrorists who use the territory as a periodic launching pad for attacking innocent Israeli citizens. The “untroubled committed” Israeli has all but given up on peace, content instead with peace and quiet, tempered occasionally by manageable spasms of violence. For the “untroubled committed” Israeli, until the day comes when the wolf will lie down with the lamb, we must be grateful that Israel is the wolf.

As the majority of Israelis became the “untroubled committed,” most North American Jews remained “troubled committed” (even “hyper-troubled,” but as the Pew surveys demonstrated, still committed, nonetheless). At the same time, a segment of liberal Jews became “troubled un-committed.” For some, it was the result of a renewed embrace of a progressive universalist discourse and value system which rejects particularism and national identities. For others, the dissonance between their liberal Jewish values and the reality on the ground in Israel simply grew intolerable. In their eyes, the extended occupation made Israel no longer an ongoing experiment but a failed one.

#israel #palestine #israel palestine #israeli politics #politics #jewish complexity

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nci-montevideo · 3 years

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ÚLTIMO DÍA PARA INSCRIBIRSE ¡Sumate a una conversación desafiante por ZOOM! Actividad interactiva a partir de la entrevista de Ianai Silberstein al Rab Donniel Hartman, Presidente del Shalom Hartman Institute en Ierushalaim. Miércoles 7 de julio a las 19.00 h de Uruguay. Indispensable inscripción previa PARA EL ENVÍO DE MATERIAL DE LECTURA. [email protected] / +59891523716 #LaNCImiCasa #ConversaciónDesafiante https://www.instagram.com/p/CQ85F4wJWS-/?utm_medium=tumblr

#lancimicasa #conversacióndesafiante

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torahafromsincity-blog · 5 years

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Well, I made it to Israel where for the next two weeks I will be attending The Rabbinic Torah Study Seminar (RTS) at The Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem. Many of my colleagues have been attending programs at The Hartman Institute for many years, this is a first for me. It was tremendously energizing to find myself sitting at The Bet Midrash with close to 200 other Rabbis. The subject of this year’s (RTS); Between Loyalty and Imagination: Nationalism and Tribalism in a Global Era. I can’t put into words the experience of studying Torah in Jerusalem with friends that I had not studied with since my days in Rabbinical School at JTS. Donniel Hartman, gave an insightful presentation about the language that defines the nature of Nationalism both within and outside The Jewish Tradition. We used both Biblical and Rabbinic texts to gain a better understanding of his presentation and of the subject of our study in the days ahead. The highlight of my day was a session with Judy Klitsner who spoke about The Literary Friction in Our Holy Day Narratives: How dueling Stories Lend Meaning to The Chagim. We analyzed the Biblical Stories of Noah and Jonah and compared them side by side, something that would have never crossed my mind under normal circumstances. To close the day we had the opportunity to listen to Deborah Lipstadt speak about her latest book: Antisemitism here and now. Looking forward to tomorrow as I prepare for another intensive day of Torah Study in The Holy City of Jerusalem. RFG (at Jerusalem, Israel) https://www.instagram.com/p/BztVnD6HvYz/?igshid=1ex4t27rfhnxi

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paradife-loft · 8 years

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The act of revelation, then, is not the formulation of an ideal code of behavior but the beginning of a collective process of education. Any good teacher seeks the same elusive balance between meeting students where they are and showing them a vision of what might be. If we view scripture as an educational process, there are profound consequences for how we assess its sacredness and what we can extrapolate from it about ultimate divine values. Instead of judging scripture against our current applications of morality and truth, it should be judged for its pedagogical accomplishments.

R. Donniel Hartman, Putting God Second

I don’t agree with everything in this book, but this chapter on the need and use of fixed scriptures in certain types of religious communities, and potential ways of interacting with them that are both ethical and intellectually honest, is saying something that is, imo, really important.

#(....a fair number of my departures from the author's perspective are basically my being Too Materialist and Too Recon For This Actual Belie #(... a fair number of my departures from the author's perspective are #basically my being Too Materialist And Too Recon For This Actual Belief In God Thing)#(so yeah)#James liveblogs books #I wish I remembered my custom religion tag

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biofunmy · 5 years

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Israeli Vote Hinges on a Mosaic of Competing Groups

Israeli politics can be tribal, with loyalties to ethnic groups, religious factions and ideologies as strong a factor in voting as views on particular issues. Here’s a guide in words and pictures.

By David M. Halbfinger

Photographs by Sergey Ponomarev

Sept. 17, 2019

JERUSALEM — Tuesday’s do-over election in Israel may not, by itself, decide who will be the next prime minister. That could take weeks of arduous coalition negotiations.

But the vote will almost certainly provide fresh evidence that the United States has nothing on this country when it comes to identity politics.

The April election was the first I’d covered as a foreign correspondent in Israel, and it shocked me that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu openly expressed desperation in the campaign’s final days and hours. At 11:25 p.m. on the night before votes were cast, he even had his American pollster join him on camera to declare, gravely, “Right now, we’re losing the race.”

In the United States, political candidates are programmed never to let the voters see them sweat, no matter how abysmal the poll numbers. In Israel, Mr. Netanyahu has perfected the art of setting his hair on fire and dialing 911 to get his voters to put out the flames.

There’s a reason this works so well for him. Israeli politics in many ways is tribal, and when a member of your tribe sounds the alarm, your instinct is to run to their aid.

Unlike the biblical tribes of Israel, these groups do not spring so much from bloodlines, but from loyalties to ethnic groups, religious brethren or ideology, and they erupt into plain view during election seasons.

President Reuven Rivlin took a stab at defining Israel’s tribes in a landmark speech in 2015, noting that secular Zionist Jews, once a majority, had dwindled to a large minority, as three other groups had grown: the ultra-Orthodox, the national-religious and Arab citizens.

“Israeli politics to a great extent is built as an intertribal zero-sum game,” he warned, urging all four groups to figure out a way to work in partnership. (They haven’t.)

A new book by Camil Fuchs and Shmuel Rosner, “#IsraeliJudaism,” categorizes the Jewish population along two axes: how strictly they follow religious tradition, or how Jewish they are; and how much they embrace Israel’s nationalist symbols and rites, or how Israeli they are. A majority, they find, strongly identifies with both, but many ultra-Orthodox reject nationalism and many secular Israelis reject Jewish religious practice.

What has made Mr. Netanyahu so formidable a force over the years is his melding of nationalists and the religious into a single, right-wing political bloc.

But Rabbi Donniel Hartman, president of the influential Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem, identifies no fewer than 17 tribes in present-day Israel, breaking down the ultra-Orthodox according to their attitudes toward Zionism and modernity, so-called traditional Jews according to how much they adhere to Jewish ritual, and Arabs according to religion and whether they take pride in being citizens of Israel, among other cohorts.

“That’s why coalition government is so important,” Rabbi Hartman said. “Because when you have all of this, each group sees itself as a persecuted minority.”

Mizrahim

Just as President Trump relies on support from white, working-class Americans, Mr. Netanyahu’s Likud party draws much of its political strength from working-class Israelis, many of them Jews living in the so-called development towns on Israel’s periphery, where immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa were resettled beginning in the 1950s. These Mizrahi, or eastern, and Sephardic Jews, who account for around half the Jewish population of Israel, have long harbored resentments toward the European-descended, Ashkenazi liberal elite, who discriminated against them while governing Israel from its founding until the 1970s, when Likud first came to power.

Likud is not the only party that caters to Mizrahim: Shas, the Sephardic ultra-Orthodox party, also attracts some of the many Mizrahi Jews who are “traditional” in their religious practice — a broad range of people who may not attend synagogue regularly but are perfectly at home there when they do, Rabbi Hartman said. And Labor’s Moroccan-born leader merged the party with one led by the daughter of a Moroccan-born former Likud leader, but its politics remain anathema to most Mizrahi voters.

The State of Tel Aviv

To tourists who enjoy Tel Aviv’s beaches and nightclubs and never venture farther afield, Israel can seem a bastion of ultraliberalism that is difficult to reconcile with the country’s right-wing national politics.

And to Tel Aviv’s largely secular population, the election is a battle to stop Mr. Netanyahu from undermining Israeli democracy for the sake of retaining power and from allowing the ultrareligious, through their influence on government agencies, to try to brainwash their children into becoming observant Jews. Secular Israelis have been sounding the alarm to preserve an open-minded, live-and-let-live Israel before it is too late.

A major problem for secular Israelis, who are no longer the political force they once were, is that their votes are being split among too many parties. For the first time, what remains of the storied Labor Party may not clear the threshold to be seated in Parliament. The fledgling left-wing Democratic Union is in similar shape. Both have been threatened by Blue and White, the centrist party that is vying to topple Mr. Netanyahu but is vacuuming up the votes of many on the left.

Haredim

The most outwardly recognizable tribe because of their traditional black-and-white attire, the ultra-Orthodox, also known as Haredi Jews, vote en masse, generally heeding the instructions of their rabbis — which means that Sephardic ultra-Orthodox back Shas and the Ashkenazi support United Torah Judaism.

Their ability to turn out the vote is the envy of other tribes: Bnei Brak, a Haredi city, reported a stunning 77 percent turnout in the April election. And it is the source of their political power, which among other things has given them exemptions from military service, financial subsidies and rabbinical control of marriage, divorce and religious conversions.

In a small country, having a party that represents the ultra-Orthodox means being able to seek help from someone in power who shares a similar worldview, said Binyamin Rose, a U.T.J. voter who is editor at large of Mishpacha Magazine. “If I need something, who am I going to go to?” he said. “If I go to Likud, they’ll take one look at me and say, ‘Why should we help you?’”

A growing number of ultra-Orthodox are stepping out of their insular, yeshiva-centered communities, serving in the army or taking jobs at technology companies, and engaging with broader society. But the current battle between secular politicians and the religious is driving many back to the fold.

“We’re closing ranks,” Mr. Rose said. “They say, ‘This is who represents me.’”

The National-Religious

Perhaps the most interesting tribal warfare of this campaign has been for the votes of religious Zionists, about 12 percent of the Jewish population. These Sabbath-observant Israelis encompass a broad range of views, but most tilt to the right, and include the ideological foot soldiers of the settlement enterprise.

By promising last week to annex a large portion of the West Bank, Mr. Netanyahu was making a play for these voters, whose natural home is the Yamina, or rightward, party. Yamina argues that it needs a large contingent in Parliament to force Mr. Netanyahu to keep his promises.

But Yamina is also having to protect its own right flank from an even more extreme faction, Otzma Yehudit, or Jewish Power — an overtly anti-Arab party whose leaders call themselves disciples of Meir Kahane, the Brooklyn-born militant who was assassinated in 1990 and whose Kach party was outlawed in Israel and declared a terrorist group by the United States.

The leader of Otzma Yehudit, Itamar Ben Gvir, is demanding a cabinet post if the party makes it into Parliament and delivers its support to Mr. Netanyahu.

Arab Citizens

The wild card in this election, Arab citizens of Israel make up about one-sixth of the eligible voting population, and they vote in large numbers in municipal elections. But only 49 percent voted in April, a record low, and turnout is not expected to rise dramatically on Tuesday.

Arabs give plenty of reasons for not participating in the Israeli political system: in protest of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, in reaction to Zionist parties’ refusal to consider including Arab parties in a governing coalition, or out of impatience with Arab lawmakers’ focus on the Palestinians’ problems rather than their own voters’ needs. But Arab and center-left Jewish politicians are at least making an effort to woo them, by promising to address crime, housing shortages and other tangible problems in their communities.

Russian Speakers

For a while, it seemed as if the premiership might be decided in places like Bat Yam, a seaside town heavily populated by immigrants from the former Soviet Union. Mr. Netanyahu has tried to make inroads with supporters of Avigdor Liberman, the Moldova-born leader of the Yisrael Beiteinu party, after Mr. Liberman refused to join Mr. Netanayhu’s coalition after the April election. Mr. Liberman’s refusal to compromise with the prime minister’s ultra-Orthodox allies prevented Mr. Netanyahu from forming a government and precipitated the new elections.

Mr. Liberman’s Russian-speaking supporters, who have backed him for more than 20 years, do not appear to be deserting him. But they are aging, and their children are fully Israeli and vote for a variety of parties, prompting Mr. Liberman to reinvent himself as a champion of secular Israelis, whatever their native tongues.

One hot-button issue, among many: the hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens, including many former Soviet immigrants and their offspring, who are considered Jewish by the state but not by the ultra-Orthodox rabbinate, meaning they cannot get married in Israel.

Ethiopian-Israelis

Not every tribe in Israel can muster enough votes to gain representation in Parliament through its own party. The roughly 130,000 Ethiopian-Jewish Israelis have yet to wield much muscle in politics, despite the election of a handful to the Knesset since the waves of immigration in the 1980s and in 1991.

But after a string of fatal police shootings, they are working hard to assert themselves politically, with frequent protests against police brutality aimed at forcing a national reckoning with what black Israelis say is a history of racism.

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nataliesnews · 8 years

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The trial of Azaria 5.1.2017

know I have been sending so much about this trial but if you only knew what is going on here. I feel as if all our ethics and our democracy is going straight down the drain of extremism. There have been death threats against the judges, the blame is on the left and on the media. Netanyahu surpassed himself by giving all the support to the soldier and the family and lip service to democracy. Nothing at all about the danger of the threats against the judges , threats of kill them. His speech made me think of the balcony speech before Rabin was murdered. Not a word about honouring the courts of the law. And this is also the result of politicians and army officials who have come out in the last years saying that anyone who is a terrorist is to be shot dead no matter if he is endangering anyone’s life or not …in other words shoot to kill. Where that is concerned there are others besides Azaria who should have been brought before the courts. They gave him the go ahead with such words. Those politicians would probably have agreed that the Germans were correct in bombing ambulance ships in the 1939. I had better not go on before I write something which I will be ashamed of afterwards. We are not on a downward slope…we are approaching the bottom. o pardon the Rebellious Son?

JANUARY 5, 2017, 1:40 PM 1

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· Let the debate around settlements begin

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· What’s complicated and what’s not: Our future lies in knowing the difference

Elior Azaria arrives in court before announcement of his verdict, January 4, 2017 (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

The facts in the case have now been determined. Sgt. Elor Azaria has been found guilty of manslaughter. While the shooting was not premeditated, the court found him guilty of intentionally killing a wounded terrorist who no longer posed a threat to human life. In doing so, Sgt. Azaria violated Israeli military law and the moral foundations on which our Army stands.

The facts in the case have now been determined, and the noise has begun:

“Azaria is our son.”

“We don’t leave our soldiers behind.”

“Azaria may be guilty, but he deserves an immediate pardon.”

Azaria is indeed our son, a part of our family. Family membership, or for that matter citizenship in our society, is not contingent on one’s actions. We ask our children to defend us and send them into harm’s way. We are in their debt, and they remain our children, whether they are in the right or in the wrong.

Our children demand our love, loyalty, care, and compassion. But we are not required to morally acquiesce and accept everything that our children do. In fact, we are derelict in our duty as parents and family if we do so. Sgt. Azaria is our son, but he is a rebellious son, a son who broke the law and violated our moral code.

It is true that we do not leave soldiers behind. I remember in the first Lebanon War our frantic race to reach our fellow soldiers we thought were wounded and were going to be killed or taken captive. I remember our inability to fulfill this responsibility to the members of our unit who fell in the Battle of Sultan Yacoub. I remember the body of my brother-in-law, Aharon Katz, who our Army was unable to retrieve.

This is what we mean when we say we don’t leave our soldiers behind. To use this most basic axiom of Israeli society in the context of Sgt. Azaria is a desecration of all those who were wounded and died in valiant efforts to bring our fellow soldiers home. It is a form of emotional manipulation that is nothing short of sinful.

We send our children into the Army to fulfill some of the most difficult tasks imaginable. We challenge them in ways that no 18-year-old should be challenged. We do so, because we have no choice. An army, like civil society, is governed by laws and regulations meant to ensure soldiers’ safety and rights and clarify their responsibilities. Every day, soldiers break some of these laws and are tried and punished. Is every soldier in military prison today a soldier who was “left behind”? Do any of us posit that our family loyalty and debt to our children in the army must override the rule of law?

The most moral army in the world?

Why does Sgt. Azaria deserve an immediate pardon? The only grounds for a pardon is an argument that while he may be legally culpable, his actions were not morally flawed: He killed a terrorist who was willing to die as a shaheed in order to kill one of our children in the Army.

If this is indeed the argument, let’s stop the political posturing, emotional manipulation and competition over who truly loves our children, and debate the issue.

Do we want to put our children in an army that sanctions the killing of prisoners? Do we feel that our military code of ethics and the demand that we maintain the “purity of arms” serve our children, our army, and the interests of our country? Or do we believe these demands endanger and threaten them? Over and again, we declare that our army is the most moral army in the world. Is that a declaration we inherit by right, or a responsibility we must earn?

One of our greatest challenges is that our national rebirth has occurred in one of the most violent and morally challenged places on earth. We must learn to survive in the Middle East, but without becoming yet one more Middle Eastern phenomenon. Living by our moral principles, that all human life is sacred and can only be taken in an act of self-defense, is not merely our challenge, but our greatest strength.

Our children, whom we send to defend us, must be given the best training and equipment our resources can provide. But as a soldier, I knew that my greatest strength lay in my certainty in the justice of my cause and in the moral fortitude of my country and my army. It was with this certainty that I sent my children to the army. It was with this certainty that I knew — in the deepest sense — that my children would be OK. Because Sgt. Azaria and all the soldiers in our army are indeed our children, our greatest act of care and loyalty is to guarantee that they will serve in an army that truly aspires to be the most moral in the world.

The Rebellious Son

In the rabbinic legal discourse, the rebellious son is punished now, because of what he might become. Sgt. Azaria must be held accountable, for if we pardon him, I fear what we may become: A society that has lost its moral compass, that has survived the dangers of the Middle East, only to become of the Middle East.

Sgt. Azaria has been found guilty, but he is also a victim. Our children, whom we send to protect us, must endure moral challenges often too great for their young shoulders to bear. He is a victim, because while our army is crystal clear on its rules of engagement and of the moral standards it demands of its soldiers, our civil society is not so clear. It has become acceptable for political, religious, and social leaders to advocate for actions and policies of revenge and retribution. Despite our immense power and success, fear has penetrated into the heart of our reality, and legitimized advocating for the abrogation of human rights.

Sgt. Azaria is guilty, but he is also a victim. It would be a great miscarriage of justice if the severity of his sentence reflected the enormity of the issue that his actions unleashed. Let the sentence reflect the fact that he is both guilty and a victim. Let us then go on from the debate around the fate of our rebellious son to a debate around the future of who we ought to become.

—

Rabbi Dr. Donniel Hartman is President of the Shalom Hartman Institute and author of Putting God Second: How to Save Religion from Itself. Donniel is the founder of some of the most extensive education, training and enrichment programs for scholars, educators, rabbis, and religious and lay leaders in Israel and North America. He is a prominent essayist, blogger and lecturer on issues of Israeli politics, policy, Judaism, and the Jewish community. He has a Ph.D. in Jewish philosophy from Hebrew University, an M.A in political philosophy from New York University, an M.A. in religion from Temple University, and Rabbinic ordination from the Shalom Hartman Institute.

#The trial of Azaria 5.1.2017

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