#Halil Çelebi

[solumadokunma]

2016'da Öldürülen 261 Kadını İsimleriyle Anıyoruz

Sene boyunca medyadan öldürüldüğünü okuduğumuz 261 kadının isimleri...

03 Şubat 2017, Cuma 00:03

bianet’in yerel ve ulusal gazetelerden, haber sitelerinden ve ajanslardan derlediği haberlere göre, erkekler 2016’da en az 261 kadın ve kız çocuğu öldürdü. Öldürülen kadınların altısı Suriyeliydi. İkisi ise trans kadınlardı.

2016’da öldürülen her dört kadından biri ayrılmak/boşanmak istediği ya da barışma/birliktelik teklifini reddedildiği için öldürüldü.

Sene boyunca medyadan öldürüldüğünü okuduğumuz kadınların isimleri şöyle:

Ocak

Sultan Sarı, Şükran Akçakoca, Songül Demir, Fatma K., Gülden Çobanoğlu, Diya Hudra, Duygu Şen, Zeliha Kara, Hediye Yolcuoğlu, Hümeyra Korkmaz, Rabia Kızılkaya, N.S., Güler Subaşı, Yeliz Tokçak, Nafiye Kirişçiler, Leyla Laman, Hülya Okatan, Leyla Kuruçay, Serap Çınar, Nurhan Eriş, Dervişe Kara, Hacer Kara, Pembe Canal, Aliye Canal, Edibe Demirbilek, Bahar Turhan, Nurcan Arslan, Türkan Akal, Fahriye Halil

Şubat

İsmet Çiftçioğlu, Tülin Türe, Yıldız Tongul, Tuğba Taş, Şener Çakmak, Gülay T., Türkan T., Gül T., Nurcan Çakmak, Nesrin Aksoy, Hatice Aksoy, Kübra Acar, Elif Zelal Yeni, Hamiyet Uğur, M.B., Burcu Akkuş Kaya, Zeynep Çelebi, Güler Taflan, Burcu Acar, Hülya Aydın, Zeliha Köse, Türkan Sarıkaya, Selma Kiraz

Mart

Fatma Karakoyun, Emine Baştan, Beysun Özkanışlı Düz, Şeker Buse, Yasemin Altun, Safiye Geyik, Hilmiye Demitürk, Müzeyyen Neşeli, Demet Karataş, Nermin Akçay, Şükran Durmaz, Ayşe Şöhmelioğlu, Sebahat Özdemir, Sueda Üçoğlu, Gönül Çakı, Tenay Çakı, Aysun S, N.T.B., F.A., Aynur Gökhan , Özlem Koç, Neslihan Kızılkaya, Ayşegül Şimşek, Elena Carnelia, Sibel Çadırcı, Latife Çetinkaya, Elveda Battal, Hediye Durmaz

Nisan

Emine A., Gönül Gürbüz, Serap Demir, Filiz Coşkun, Hülya (Rüya) Polat, Gülcan Demir, Rita Darı Winkler, Hatice Öztürk, Güllü Çelik, Emine Uysal, Sultan Zora, Fatma Kızılçelik, Simge Alay, İlknur Keskinsoy, Özgecan Arslan, Nuborakhon Usmonova, Şerife Yılmaz, S.M.A, Gülseren A.

Mayıs

Fazile Özmen, Neşe Adıgüzel, Asmer Gruyeva, Güner G., Dilek Adıgüzel İnanç, Necmiye Ceren Baran, Rukiye Sezer, Elmas Başdüzen, Ghada Shekhousi, Behiye Güçlü, Zeliha Uygur, Zübeyde Ünlü, Fatma Kayıkçı, Esra Güvem, Gizem Bulut

Haziran

Ceren Demirkan, Sibelcan Çobandedi, Meryem Özcan Şanlı, Emine Türken, Sultan Bayram, Damla Kozak, Yıldız Eryılmaz, Afife Barsal, Serpil Sağır, Esra Adıgüzel, Abide Demirli, Zeynep Nalbant, Cansel Bağlı, Özlem Gülyaprak, Ayla Coşkunlar, Seda Erol, Nezahat Durmaz, Fettaha A., Selma Güngör, Gizem Ekinci, Bahar Akbaş, Asiye Özbay

Temmuz

Özlem Sarıkurtbay, Güleser Şimşek, Banu Demirok, Yıldız Çakır, Fatma Baloğlu, Fatma Şengül, Menel İsmail, Nurcan Efe, Sibel Çelik, Arzu Nevruz, Şükran Gülçelik, Medine Özata, Anakız Dorum, Güler Dursun, Şehriban Akbaş, Berivan B., Aysun Ural

Ağustos

Kader Kaya, Esma Şenek, Hanife Şenek, Amine Demitaş, Neslihan Kaymaz, Gizem Günay, Menekşe Kerçin, Meltem Ece, Fatma Ayhan, Şeyda Bak, Gülizar Turan, Neşadiye Gökmen, Türkan Köse, Gülhanım Ekber, Naime Öztemurcu, Muazzez Türkyılmaz, Nezife Ersoy, Gizem Şolpal, Semiha Keyik, Çiğdem Pala, Ümmügülsüm Dursun

Eylül

Fatmagül Karakaş, Suphiye Avşar, Cennet Gülbeyaz, Esen Yaman, Sema Acar, Fatma Alp, Alev K., Ebru K., Semra Ezel, Yeliz Y., Türkan Mavi, Zekiye Bakırcı, Esma Kamalı, M.K., Kadriye Polat, Özlem Yıldırmaz, Özlem Yıldırmaz, Fatma Metinöz, Asma Bobdione

Ekim

Özlem Yıldırım, Seycan Birişik, Elvan Dedeler, Havva Eker, Rosham Arab, Müberra B., Hasret Akdoğan, Figen Titiz, Senem Zeybek, Zeynep Aksoy, Emine Kuru, Çiğdem Koç, Hüsne Kocamanoğlu, Arife Çolak, D.Ö., M.A., Samaya K., Irmak Kupal, Mehtep Özkanlı, Fulya Özdemir, Derya Demirkan, Raciye G., Güler Mete Oğuz, Saniye Özdemir

Kasım

Fatma Kente, D.E., Hatice Sökmen, Merve Coşkun, Satı Kan, Amina Almouna, İmhan Kılıç, Kübra Karğın, Nargül Ölmez, Nursel Şengül, Havva Er, Filiz Yurdabak, Gülşan Yurdabak, Fatma Elif Uysal, Müjgan Abacı, İlknur Y., Sibel Keklik, Selime Ateş, Hafize Müjde Özer, Fatma Karabulut, Münevver Erkan

Aralık

Tuğçe Uludağ, Vildan Kandemir, Şehriban Elmas, Zeynep Demir, Songül Erçil, Nisa Özlem İnçke, Berfin Yıldız, Amine B., Gülnaziye Köseoğlu, Fatma Köse, Gamze T., Kader Korkmaz, Sevinç A., Meltem Karaslan, Şehriban Dinç, Sinem Kır, Sevgi T., Renim Taha Mehlül. (ÇT)

İstanbul - BİA Haber Merkezi

[haber71net]

Delice İlçesinde dün bizzat kendimizinde şahit olduğu su kesintileri ile alakalı www.haber71.net haber sitemizde https://www.haber71.net/delice-kerbelaya-dondu/ başlıklı haberimizden sonra bizi ya... ---------------------------- Haberin devamı haber71.net'te.

[pazaryerigundem]

İzmir'de idam edilen ülkücülere anma

https://pazaryerigundem.com/haber/175485/izmirde-idam-edilen-ulkuculere-anma/

İzmir'de idam edilen ülkücülere anma

12 Eylül darbecilerince 5 Haziran 1983′te Buca Kapalı Cezaevinde idam edilen Ülkü fidanları Halil Esendağ ve Selçuk Duracık’ı idam sehpalarında hakka yürüyüşlerinin sene-i devriyesinde sabah namazına müteakip, Hacılarkırı mezarlığındaki kabirleri başında Kur’an-ı Kerim okunarak, dualar ile yad edildi.

İZMİR (İGFA) – 12 Eylül darbecilerince 5 Haziran 1983′te Buca Kapalı Cezaevi’nde idam edilen Ülkü fidanları Halil Esendağ ve Selçuk Duracık’ idam sehpalarında hakka yürüyüşlerinin sene-i devriyesinde, sabah namazına müteakip  Hacılarkırı mezarlığındaki kabirleri başında Kur’an-ı Kerim okunarak, dualar ile yad edildi.

Ülkücü camianın yakından tanıdığı ve idam edilen iki ülkü fidanlarıyla aynı kaderi paylaşan ancak ya idam cezaları onanmadığı için  ya da çeşitli nedenler ile idam edilmeyen dönemin Ülkücü hareket ve gençlik liderlerinden Mehmet Karanfil, Murat Yalçın, Serdar Turan,  Aydın Çelebi, İsmail Yirmidokuz, Mahmut Yaraş, Musa Yıldızhan, Kemal Günek, Musa İz, Yıldırım Şekercioğlu gibi isimlerin organize ettiği etkinliğe sabahın erken saati olmasına rağmen çok sayıda ülkücünün katıldığı etkinlik, Kur’an-ı Kerim okunması ile başladı.

Program ayrıca idam edilen Halil Esendağ ve Selçuk Duracık’ın hücre arkadaşlarının ülkücü şehitler ilgili yaşadıkları hatıraları anlattıkları konuşmaları ile son buldu.

Etkinlikte ayrıca yaşı küçük olması nedeni ile almış olduğu idam cezası infaz edilmeyen ancak 37 yıl sonra iki ülkücü kardeşi ile yan yana defnedilen Ülkücü Gazi Ali Aksakal da dualar ile anıldı.

Öte yandan o dönemi yaşamış ve idam ile yargılanmış yada uzun süre cezaevlerinde kalmış çok sayıda ülkücünün yanı sıra mefkure mektebi talebeleri, Turan Birliği üyeleri, Aksaçlılar Genel  Başkanı Ahmet Bereket de etkinliğe katılanlar arasında yer aldı.

BU Haber İGF HABER AJANSI tarafından servis edilmiştir.

[gundembuca]

Son Dakika AK Parti İzmir Milletvekiller Adayları Belli Oldu

- MEHMET KASAPOĞU - MAHMUT ATİLLA KAYA - ŞEBNEM BURSALI - MEHMET ALİ ÇELEBİ - CEMAL BEKLE - SAVCI SAYAN - ENES EFENDİOĞLU - ÖMÜR ŞANLI - MEHMET SADIK TUNÇ - NİSA ALPTEKİN - MEHMET SAİD BAŞDAŞ - SELAHATTİN SERDAR MUÇAY - BERKAN YILDIZHAN - HATİCE YELİZ KARATAŞ İzmir 2. Bölge - EYYÜP KADİR İNAN - FEHMİ ALPAY ÖZALAN - CEYDA BÖLÜNMEZ ÇANKIRI - YAŞAR KIRKPINAR - KEREM ALİ SÜREKLİ - MUHAMMET DOĞAN - DİLEK YILDIZ - İSMAİL HANCI - AHMET CAN ÇELİK - GÜLŞEN GEZİCİ - HALİL POLAT - VEYSEL GÜLDOĞAN - GÜVEN DEMİRAĞ - YASİN DEMİREL https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0C0cB_G9wVk Read the full article

[mansetmalatya]

Deprem Komisyonunda Malatya’dan Vekil Yok

Kahramanmaraş Merkezli depremler nedeniyle Meclis Araştırması Komisyonuna üye seçimine dair karar Resmi Gazete'de yayımlandı. Komisyonda depremin vurduğu illerden Milletvekilleri yer alırken Malatya’dan ise hiçbir Milletvekili yer almadı. Kahramanmaraş merkezli depremlerin sonuçlarının tüm yönleriyle araştırılması, depreme dirençli yapı stokunun oluşturulması ve kentsel dönüşüm uygulamalarının etkinliğinin artırılması için alınması gereken tedbirlerin belirlenmesi amacıyla kurulan Meclis Araştırması Komisyonunda Malatya’da Milletvekili yer almadı. AK Parti Afyonkarahisar Milletvekili Veysel Eroğlu’nun Başkan olduğu Komisyonda diğer deprem illerinden Vekiller yer alırken Malatya’da hiç kimse listede yer almadı.

Komisyon üyeleri şöyle. AK Parti Sakarya Milletvekili Recep Uncuoğlu komisyon başkanvekili, AK Parti Ankara Milletvekili Zeynep Yıldız komisyon sözcüsü, MHP Kahramanmaraş Milletvekili Sefer Aycan katip AK Parti Gaziantep Milletvekili Derya Bakbak, CHP İstanbul Milletvekili Gökan Zeybek, CHP Elazığ Milletvekili Gürsel Erol, AK Parti Adıyaman Milletvekili İbrahim Halil Fırat, MHP Hatay Milletvekili Lütfi Kaşıkçı, AK Parti İzmir Milletvekili Mehmet Ali Çelebi, AK Parti Kilis Milletvekili Mustafa Hilmi Dülger, AK Parti Osmaniye Milletvekili Mücahit Durmuşoğlu, CHP Muğla Milletvekili Mürsel Alban, CHP Adana Milletvekili Müzeyyen Şevkin, HDP Batman Milletvekili Necdet İpekyüz, AK Parti İzmir Milletvekili Necip Nasır, HDP İstanbul Milletvekili Oya Ersoy, AK Parti Konya Milletvekili Selman Özboyacı, CHP Hatay Milletvekili Suzan Şahin, İYİ Parti Denizli Milletvekili Yasin Öztürk AK Parti Samsun Milletvekili Yusuf Ziya Yılmaz Read the full article

[theoutcastrogue]

I found your recent post on wine legality under Ottoman rule very interesting. I have tried to make a study of Ottoman history(I am mostly familiar with it's history from the 19th century onwards and have done deep dives into the rebellions in Greece and Egypt, I could talk all day about either Ali Pasha). Unfortunately since then I've had trouble finding good books on Ottoman history. I was excited by your mention of the book Crime and Punishment in the Ottoman Empire. I was wondering if you had any other books on Ottoman history that you could recommend?

Sure! Keeping in mind that I’m not a historian or an educator of any kind, I just read history for fun (and I’m mostly into rogues and cities, which may show), here’s what I got. Highlights in bold, links are to excerpts I’ve occasionally posted:

Caroline Finkel, Osman’s Dream: The History of the Ottoman Empire (2005) [this is a decent single book, narrative and accessible; I’m a big fan of having an easy-to-read introduction that covers a large period as a starting point, and taking it from there; I’m also a big fan of wikipedia]

Halil İnalcık & Donald Quataert, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire (1997) [this is nitty gritty but I think essential, 2 volumes, pass once and keep handy for references]

Halil İnalcık, The Ottoman Empire: Conquest, Organization and Economy (1978) [essay collection]

Halil İnalcık, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300-1600 (1973)

Suraiya Faroqhi, The Ottoman Empire and the World Around it (2007) [I like things in context; for the Ottomans you always gotta keep in mind what was going on with Venice, Persia, the Arabs, the Hapsburgs, etc]

Suraiya Faroqhi & Kate Fleet, The Ottoman Empire as a World Power, 1453–1603 (2006)

Suraiya Faroqhi, The Later Ottoman Empire, 1603-1839 (2006) [these two are volumes from the Cambridge History of Turkey]

Donald Quataert, The Ottoman Empire: 1700-1922 (2005)

M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire (2008)

David Fromkin, A Peace To End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East (1989)

The Law and lack thereof

Colin Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650: The Structure of Power (2004)

Sam White, The Climate of Rebellion in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire (2011)

Uriel Heyd, Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law (1973)

Karen Barkey, Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization (1996)

Erol Ozan Yilmaz, Militarizartion of Ottoman Rumelia: The Mountain Bandits (1785-1808) (2016, thesis)

“Banditry in the Ottoman Empire”

Haim Gerber, State, Society, and Law in Islam: Ottoman Law in Comparative Perspective (1994)

Joshua M. White, Piracy and Law in the Ottoman Mediterranean (2017)

Cities

John Freely, Istanbul: The Imperial City (1998) [a joy to read, not really the product of rigorous research, but written by a well-read guy who’s in love with the city, and I think that accounts for something]

Ebru Boyar & Kate Fleet, A Social History of Ottoman Istanbul (2010)

Fariba Zarinebaf, Crime and Punishment in Istanbul 1700-1800 (2010)

Zeynep Çelik, The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait of an Ottoman City in the 19th Century (1986)

Mark Mazower, Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews 1430-1950 (2004)

Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, Image of an Ottoman City: Imperial Architecture and Urban Experience in Aleppo in the 16th and 17th Centuries (2004)

Nikolai Todorov, The Balkan City, 1400-1900 (1983) [very nitty gritty, you can’t read this for fun, but it’s got demographics and stuff you won’t find elsewhere]

Ulrike Freitag et al, The City in the Ottoman Empire: Migration and the Making of Urban Modernity (2011)

Biray Kolluoğlu & Meltem Toksöz, Cities of the Mediterranean: From the Ottomans to the Present Day (2010)

Etc

Suraiya Faroqhi et al, Living in the Ottoman Ecumenical Community (2008)

Robert Dankoff & Sooyong Kim, An Ottoman Traveller: Selections from the Book of Travels of Evliya Çelebi (2010)

Robert Dankoff, An Ottoman Mentality: The World of Evliya Çelebi (2007)

Mark Alan Epstein, The Ottoman Jewish Communities and their Role in the 15th and 16th Centuries (1980)

Dror Ze’evi, Producing Desire: Changing Sexual Discourse in the Ottoman Middle East, 1500–1900 (2006)

Stephen Ortega, Negotiating Transcultural Relations in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Ottoman-Venetian Encounters (2014)

Douglas Scott Brookes, The Concubine, the Princess, and the Teacher: Voices from the Ottoman Harem (2008)

Madeline C. Zilfi, Women and Slavery in the Ottoman Empire (2011)

Dana Sajdi, Ottoman Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the 18th Century (2007)

Sevket Pamuk, A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire (2007)

[reallifesultanas]

Family of Bayezid II (quite big lol)

+1 information about the daughter of Mahmud, Ayşe:  She surely was still alive between November 1555 and November 1556 since she is listed in Old Palace register with a daily stipend of 70 aspers. 

The same 70 apsers daily stipend was given to Sehzade Ahmed’s unnamed daughter. We dont know if this stands for Kamer, Fatma or the unknown daughter.

About his daughters:

Selcuk Sultan 1459-1508 - mother unknown - she married twice: 1/Ferhad Bey in 1484; 2/Mehmed Bey in 1486 - she had five children: 1/ Nesl-i Şah who died in 1564, she married Halil Paşa in 1510; 2/Gaazi Husrev Bey who was governor of Sarajevo, which he developed into a great city, then he was governor of Smederevo (1521), governor of Bosnia (1526-1533), then governor of Belgrade in 1533 and again governor of Bosnia from 1536 to 1541. He died in Sarajevo and was buried there. 3/ Hanzade who married her cousin, a son of Ilaldi Sultan 4/ unnamed princess who married the son of Halil Paşa (her eldest sister’s husband) in 1510; 5/unnamed princess who married twice, the first time to Grand Vizier Yunus Pasha and the second time to Defterdar Mehmed Çelebi (later Grand Vezier and Egypt governor)

Ayşe Sultan 1465 - after 1515 - she may have been sister to Şehzade Ahmed or to Şehzade Korkut. Ahmed was born in 1466 Korkud in 1467 so Ayşe surely was born before them. - she married Güvegi Sinan Pasha in 1480 and had several (at least 6) children but we don’t have information about each one of them: 1/ GevherŞah who married one İbrahim Bey 2/ KamerŞah who married the son of Grand Vizier Mesih Paşa 3/ Fatma who married another son of Grand Vizier Mesih Paşa 4/ Ahmed Bey; 5/ Mustafa Bey; 6/Hanzade Ayşe Mihrihan who later married Dukaginzade Sultanzade Mehmed Paşa and had a daughter Mihri Hatun, who surely was alive between 1555 November and 1556 November. - she built a mosque and a school in Gallipoli and in 1505 she established a foundation

Hatice Sultan 1465 - 1500 - the identity of her mother is unknown - she married to 1/ Müderris Kara Mustafa Pasha around 1479 and had two children with him: Ahmed Çelebi (1480?-1500) and Hanzade; 2/ she married Faik Pasha after 1483 - she built a mosque, school and fountain in Edirnekapi - she was buried in Bursa in the Hatice Sultan Tomb, built by her son

Gevherimülük Sultan 1467 - 1550 - mother unknown - she married to Ahmed Pasha and had 2 children: 1/ Nesli Şahwho died in 1559, she married Dukaginzade Iskender Pasha; 2/ Mehmed Pasha who died in 1557, was governor of Aleppo and Egypt, he married his cousin Ayşe Hanzade Mihrihan, daughter of Ayşe Sultan - she built a school near the Zal Mahmud Pasha Mosque, and she was buried there

Şehzade Hundi Sultan 1465(?) - 1511 - some suggest a birth date of 1470 but it is not correct as she was the daughter of Bülbül Hatun and so Şehzade Ahmed’s sister. Ahmed was born in 1466 so Hundi had to be born before him. - Hersekzade Ahmed Pasha was her husband from 1484 and had children with him: 1/ Mustafa Bey who was governor of Bozok and died in 1533 killed by rebels in his province; 2/ HümaŞah who died after 1551; 3/ Musa Bey

Ilaldi Sultan ? - before 1518 - mother unknown - she had two children with her husband Hain Ahmed Pasha: 1/Aynişah who died after 1531 and married Abdüsselam Çelebi; 2/ unnamed son who married his cousin, the unnamed daughter of Selçuk Sultân - she wrote a congratulation letter to Selim I

Aynişah Sultan  1464(?) - after 1512 - daughter of Şirin Hatun and sister of Şehzade Abdullah (b. 1465) - she married Akkoyunlu Damad Göde Ahmed Bey in 1490 and had children: 1/ Hanzade who married to Yahyapaşazade Gaazi Küçük Bali Paşa; 2/ unnamed princess who married Şehzade Alaeddin, one of Şehzade Ahmed’s sons - she built a school in Istanbul and established a foundation in 1506 - she sent letters of congratulations to Selim I when he became sultan

Hüma/Hümaşah Sultan ? - after 1504 - mother unknown - she married Antalyalı Bali Paşa around 1482 - she was buried in Bursa

Kamer/Kamerşah Sultan ? - ? - she was the daughter of Gülruh Hatun - she was married to Damad Nişanci Kara Davud Pasha, with whom she had a daughter who later married one Mesih Bey. - she was buried in the tomb of her mother in Bursa

Şah/Şehzade Şah Sultan ? - after 1506 - her mother is unknown - she married Nasuh Bey around 1490 and had a daughter - she was involved in charity - she built a mosque in 1506 - she was buried in her sister Hatice’s mausoleum in Bursa

Sofu Fatma Sultan 1466(?) - after 1515 - she was the daughter of Nigar Hatun and sister of Şehzade Korkut and since  Korkut was born in 1467 so actually Sofu Fatma should born even before 1464/5/6. - she married Güzelce Hasan Bey around 1504 and had two children with him: 1/ Mehmed Çelebi who later married Ayse Sultan daughter of Şehzade Alemşah; 2/ unnamed daughter who later married Ahmed Bey, son of Ali Bey and Fatma Hanımsultan - about her marriages it is possible she had a first marriage which is not listed by most historians (she would be too old for a first marriage in 1504). She should have a first marriage around the early 1480's. About the identity of the first hubby: Öztuna claims Sofu Fatma's firs husband was İsfendiyâroğlu (Cândâroğlu) Mirza Mehmed Pasha, son of Kyzyl Ahmed Bey. Öztuna gives no marriage date. The problem is, Fatma remarried in 1504 but the pasha was alive until 1530. I don't see why would they divorce, so well I don't know. Öztuna claims they had a son, Mehmed Bey, together who later married Selim I's daughter Gevherhan. Its fine Fatma's son Mehmed did marry Gevherhan okay. But then why would she name her second son also Mehmed? Because she had a son Mehmed from her second marriage who married Ayse Sultan daughter of Şehzade Alemşah. So just why 2 Mehmeds? I dunno this... Maybe one of the names is mistaken?  - she was charitable --> left all her possession to the poor when she died - she was buried in the tomb of her half-brother Şehzade Ahmed in Bursa

Sultanzade Sultan ? - ? - daughter of Hüsnüşah Hatun and sister of Şehzade Alemşah

[mathmazella]

Vatan'ın kalbine kor ateş düşmüş çatısının altında ağıtlar yakılıyor . . .

Kuzey ırak'ın Goraspi dağı bölgesinde bölücü terör örgütünün taciz ateşi neticesinde kırıkkaleli piyade uzman çavuş halil Çelebi şehadet mertebesine erişti Ruhu şad olsun mekanı cennet olsun ⚘

[fymagnificentwomcn]

Why do people think Kösem mistreated or was mean to Turhan and Mehmed? I've never read that anywhere in a book, but it's so famous around internet that it's ridiculous.

<DISCLAIMER> Here I need to put a small disclaimer because while answering the question, I truly decided to share some interesting bits about Kösem vs Turhan and in the end it turned into some mini-essay heh. It was definitely a really complex matter and the myth of evil old hag who snatched unlawfully power from her angelic daughter-in-law and then began persecuting her because she was not obedient enough culminating in Turhan having no choice but to kill her mom-in-law and then become best (but absolutely not interested in power) Valide ever is just... not true.<END OF DISCLAIMER>

*******

Same.

I mean, we can bet that when later the rivalry between the two ladies was in full force, they were sometimes rude to each other, but I doubt they would have done it in public for people to note and record, and even that could be filtered out. Harem was truly a closed-off space and this is why we get most of quotes by Sultanas from their letters or if they act in political capacity, like Kösem’s speech to the pashas from the Divan. And yes you can find all sort of rumours cited in books, but I haven’t seen anything like that with legitimate sources provided.

This is also why we have so many different accounts of Kösem’s assassination, often very conflicting, and sometimes even completely internally incoherent and illogical.

And for example we have an account by Derviş Abdullah, who so wanted to avod placing blame on any of the Valides, that he put all blame of Süleyman Agha going from one Valide to another, with each telling lies about the other to incite them to act against each other. But why would the agha want to create showdown between two sultanas? In this case he was an easy scapegoat because he was present as the participant in brutal treatment of Kösem in most accounts. And both Sultanas surely actively participated in the conflict.

As I said, Turhan was very good at propaganda. She really put a lot of focus to keep a good image, especially an image as a lady who was not so much involved in politics and doing it legally, so she placed far more attention to make it seem like Mehmed was ruling, not her, during her regency. She also relied more on statesmen’s advice than Kösem because she was less experienced, and, as Halil İnalcık puts it, less talented than her mother-in-law. And when she gave her power to Köprülü (who was however her man through and through) she created that image of a woman giving up her power willingly. Sakaoğlu states plainly that those historians who criticised Kösem so much were exactly the ones who praised Turhan a lot and stresses how such historians desribed Turhan as having “no political aspirations” as opposed to her mother-in-law. “No political aspirations immediately meant “charitable lady with golden heart, religious and loved by all”. Turhan continued to create her image even when Köprülü began taking radical actions to maintain order:

The year 1656 is, nevertheless, an appropriate date at which to conclude a study of the political role of dynastic women in this period, for henceforth the emphasis in Turhan Sultan’s role as valide sultan would be altered. As her overt political involvement lessened, her ceremonial and philanthropic roles increased considerably. Indeed, the appointment of Köprülü Mehmed Pasha seems to have initiated a period of intense ceremonial aggrandizement of the dynasty. It was shortly after his appointment that Turhan undertook the construction of the Çanakkale fortresses and her great mosque—both reportedly at the grand vezir’s urging. The elaborate royal progresses between Edirne and Istanbul and to Bursa and other areas near the capital also date from this period. Mehmed IV, who in the forty-five years of his reign displayed little interest in the government of his empire, nevertheless campaigned a number of times as a figurehead ghazi under Köprülü Mehmed Pasha’s successors. It may be that these royal rituals were planned by Köprülü Mehmed Pasha, or Turhan Sultan, or both, in order to divert attention from continuing crises and the severe and bloody solutions imposed by the grand vezir. With political power and military leadership delegated to the grand vezir, the most useful function that the sovereign might perform was to furnish visible symbols of majesty and piety to maintain the subjects’ loyalty and sense of community.

Source: Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

Peirce also said that Turhan was a sultana who was very concerned with “custom and propriety”.

Sakaoğlu also concludes his citation of Evliya Çelebi’’s account mentioning [short summary & parapharase of that account by me:] how Turhan and Meleki found a way to kill Kösem and then they killed many other people after that and then mentioning also alleged mismanagement by both that brought about Cinar incidents in with the following comment: “This historical account tells us that she [Turhan] had a character far removed from some of her descriptions on other sources and the only ting that saved her from a fate worse than Kösem Sultan’s was luck and her son”. Sakaoğlu also wrote a whole article on how male historians tried to villify the most powerful woman in Ottoman history entitled precisely that (Turkish title of the article: Erkek tarihçiler Osmanlı tarihinin en güçlü kadınını nasıl kurban etti? How did male historians villify the most powerful woman in Ottoman history?)

Peirce mentions about Meleki that:.

Kösem was murdered in a palace coup led by Turhan’s chief black eunuch. Meleki became the new valide sultan’s loyal and favored retainer. She was eventually manumitted and married to Şaban Khalife, a former page in the palace training school. The couple established residence in Istanbul, where, as a team, they were ideally suited to act as channels of information and intercessors on behalf of individuals with petitions for the palace. Şaban received male petitioners, Meleki female petitioners; Şaban exploited contacts he had formed while serving within the palace, while Meleki exploited her relationship with Turhan Sultan. The political influence of the couple grew to such a point that they lost their lives in 1656 when troops stationed in Istanbul rebelled against alleged abuses in government.

Source: Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

Curiously, some people truly believe in some myth it all immediately became good after Kösem was killed. Evliya’s account is not the only one actually that mentions Meleki and Turhan being good friends even during Kösem’s lifetime, so maybe the “betrayal” wasn’t actually betrayal even if Meleki was formally Kösem’s slave/servant. Maybe the story of Meleki warning Turhan was invented. We will never know.

Turhan was truly careful to cut herself from controversial decisions and whatever the Grand Vizier was doing, but as Leslie Peirce puts it, she undoubtedly had influence on Köprülü and if she hadn’t liked what he was doing, she would have definitely had a way to end it.

Turhan saw what problems her mother-in-law encountered, so was careful to hide her interest in politics (which again does not mean she had none). But when she gave up power it was a necessity - chaos persisted and persisted after Kösem’s death, there was no Grand Vizier who could stay for longer, and last rebellion was bloody and very dangerous to both Turhan and her son. Turhan realised she would not be able to handle it and in the end made a correct decision because that was a necessary step at that point.

According to Naima, nothing came of these efforts because no one was strong enough to enforce the necessary reforms; the would-be reformer Tarhuncu was brought down by the discontent of influential persons injured by his attempts to economize.The year-and-a-half-long grand vezirate of Derviş Mehmed Pasha in 1653 and 1654 was a respite of relative solvency and harmony, but after his death matters once again began to deteriorate. The integrity of the throne was increasingly threatened both internally by rebellious pashas and externally by Venetian advances in the war over the island of Crete, as well as by chronic fiscal shortages now exacerbated by the costs of mounting campaigns against these internal and external enemies. A serious uprising of the troops in March 1656 that resulted in the execution of many palace officials demonstrated the urgent need for a political solution. It was found six months later when Turhan Sultan appointed the elderly Köprülü Mehmed Pasha grand vezir.

Source: Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

Sakaoğlu descirbes this event in the following word “the financial and political management were responsibilities that Turhan Sultan and her son Mehmed IV could no longer attempt to rescue and operate, so they handed over the management to Köprülü Mehmed Pasha and new era began for the Ottoman Empire”.

Which does not mean Kösem ruling in her own right was a bad decision either - Kösem was more talented in state matters and she knew she could handle stuff, especially during her second regency when she also had a lot of experience. Turhan realising she could not handle it and withdrawing also spoke well of her sense of responsibility, even though she was not as gifted in politics as Kösem.

Thus said, while Turhan did not have such gift for state matters, she was truly skilled in the act of PR & ceremony, which truly helped her a lot during her career and after her death.

Since she later skillfully cut herself off from blame concerning what was happening in politics, there was still one huge stain on her reputation, namely the way she took power from her mother-in-law.

Contemporary Ottoman chroniclers did not welcome the news of Kösem Sultan’s death and recorded it as an injustice committed against a woman of great accomplishments and stature, and as a harbinger of greater social disorder. The manner in which the older valide was disposed of and the subsequent chaos in the palace was recalled during the reign of Mehmed IV as a time of upheaval. Bobovi, so taken by the event, was able to recall more than a decade later the part of the palace where the old valide had been removed from her quarters for the last time.

Source: Lucienne Thys-Senocak, Ottoman Women Builders: The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan

Murder of Valide Sultan was unheard of in Ottoman history. And what was a better way to justify it then by assassination attempt on the padişah himself? But how to explain why Kösem, known for her prudence and careful calculation, would have attempted such a risky move for no reason? Wouldn’t it have meant that Turhan, the lady of pure characters with no political aspirations, actually did desire power and wanted to take her from her mother-in-law?

Peirce comments that:

The bloodiest contest between competing mothers—the murder in 1651 of the formidable queen mother Kösem by the party of her daughter-in-law Turhan, who was impatient to take power—was reminiscent of past rebellions of princes against aging sultan fathers.

We know little about their relations when Turhan was just a haseki - we only know about conflicts between Turhan and Ibrahim. We similarly know next to nothing about relations between Kösem and Ibrahim’s concubines - the person she was definitely in conflict with was Şekerpare aka one of the people who encouraged Ibrahim’s spending and supported corruption in his court (do not confuse her with his consort Şivekar, historically they were two separate people, show put them together because of limited screentime). There are however some mentions of her, similarly like in the show, backing up Turhan in her conflict with Zarife. Peirce mentions Kösem groomed Turhan in the Imperial Harem and one of her articles. This is a mention of Kösem backing up Turhan in the Zarife conflict from Sakaoglu’s Famous Ottoman Women, though of course this whole Padre Ottomano story with illegitimate prince has so many versions and legends surrounding it and again this account sounds sensationalised in some details like Turhan seeing them in bed or Zarife being pregnant with Ibrahim’s child only then, though we know such situation with throwing Mehmed after a quarrel did take place.

Turhan was definitely the person who benefitted most from Ibrahim’s deposition - from relative obscurity she entered big politics as Valide Sultan. While Kösem got the job of a regent, her position was actually not as stable as woman with her own son - it all depended on statesmen and their whims. She was offered a job due to her experience as opposed to really young Turhan (she was only around twenty two) and as person who had already stabilised Empire when it had been on the brink after Osman’s deposition and Mustafa’s disastrous reign. It was not legally normalised in the Ottoman Empire for a mother to be automatically regent - in the past it was often Grand Vizier and when Süleyman left for campaigns, he always appointed his viziers and later his sons as his regents, not his mother or Hürrem. Mehmed III was the first one to appoint Safiye as regent when he was on campaign to Hungary. Later Halime and Handan were appropriately co-regent and regent de facto, but they did not have the naib-i-sultanat title like Kösem and later Turhan.

Judge Abdülaziz Efendi commented on this unprecedented occurrence in the following words:

It being an ancient custom that upon the accession of a new sultan the mother of the previous sultan remove to the Old Palace and thus give up her honored office, the elder valide requested permission to retire to a life of seclusion. But because the loving mother of the [new] sultan was still young and truly ignorant of the state of the world, it was thought that if she were in control of the government, there would result the possibility of harm to the welfare of the state. Therefore the elder valide was reappointed for a while longer to the duty of training and guardianship, and it was considered appropriate to renew the assignment of crown lands to the valide sultan.

Of course I can bet neither Kösem wanted to go to Old Palace nor Turhan was happy about not becoming regent, but it obviously had to look like this officially :) Peirce comments here that truly the position of Valide Sultan had become institutionalised by then for Abdülaziz to put it in these words because he was a well-known as opponent of Kösem.

After quoting the above,Thys-Senocak goes on to say:

By the time that Turhan Sultan was to take up the position of valide, Kösem Sultan was in her sixties, and she had been a valide since 1623, close to three decades. Upon the death of her husband, Sultan Ahmed I, she had been removed to the Old Palace for six years until her son Murad IV succeeded to the throne in 1623 and she returned to the Topkapı. When Murad died, she continued to serve as a valide for her son İbrahim. During these years Kösem had established a solid network of alliances within the court and among the Janissaries, who would support her if her power was threatened. In the unstable times that faced the Ottoman administration Kösem’s seniority and guidance were seen as essential by many in the palace. Her authority was not, however, welcomed by Turhan, who saw her place in the harem administration usurped by her mother-in-law.

Turhan was deprived neither her Valide Sultan title NOR status. Kumrular mentions she was nowhere near as powerless as some try to portray her. There is even evidence from Spanish ambassadors she participated in foreign politics, e.g. that she complained about ambassador Allegretti sent by Spain .She also moved to Kösem’s old Valide chambers.

Kösem’s rank as “Big Valide” was a new one, created especially to allow her to be regent. It was the only time this title was used in the Ottoman Empire.

Also the new Grand Vizier, Sofu Mehmed Pasha, was against the appointment of Kösem as a new regent because he hoped to get the position himself and as Peirce says also saw himself as “temporary ruler”. He was supported by Abdülaziz Efendi, and these two were the two statesmen Kosem addressed particularly in her famous speech because she was well aware they plotted against her together. Swedish ambassador Ralamb said the following about two first years after Ibrahim’s death: “the state experienced two good years. The valide sultan, an intelligent and smart person, ruled well and peacefully thanks to her natural talents and much experience”.

It is generally assumed by historians who assessed the whole conflict, like Kumrular or Peirce, that Turhan was the one who initiated the rivalry. From the start, she tried to undermine Kösem’s rule, thus also making it difficult for her to stabilise Empire and Kösem was actually doing a good job with it. Her first decision was to remove corrupt harem aghas, who participated in mismanagement and mayhem of Ibrahim’s reign, but Turhan used this opportunity to lure them to her side and made them her supporters, which as Valide Sultan was not a difficult task. In her speech dimissing the aghas according to the account by Derviş Abdullah, Kösem apparently accused them of having schemed against her which resulted in her exile and then said that thanks to their corrupting influence “light of my eyes, Sultan Ibrahim, became a martyr, crying loudly. Do you intend to bring similar fate to Sultan Mehmed?” 

Turhan also worked hard to lure as many statesmen as possible to her side by showing herself as morally superior to her mother-in-law, which again was quite easy considering she was up against a woman with so many years of experience on political scene. She especially used Ibrahim’s deposition for this purpose. According to Rycaut, she sent letters to statesmen describing herself as poor grieving widow with an orphan who hopes to see those responsible for his father’s death punished.. obviously she meant Kösem among them. She often incited anger following Ibrahim’s deposition and rebellions, which again made it difficult to restore peace after Ibrahim’s reign. And please - relations between her and Ibrahim were so bad & she was so sidelined by him during his reign compared to his other women, it is hard to believe she was truly in any grief. Sakaoğlu mentions three “strikes of luck” for her - Ibrahim’s death, Kösem’s death and surviving Cinar incidents of 1656). Rycaut ends his description of the “throwing Mehmed” incident with the following words: “All these matters served for farther fuel to nourish the implacable Spirit of the Queen [Turhan]”.

This tactic was also shown in the show – after pushing for Ibrahim’s death during the coup&making it bloody, she continued to incite riots to force the Şeyhülislam and others to demand Ibrahim’s execution, then made Mehmed sign his dad’s death order. For once, she seemed to acknowledge Kösem’s rank and didn’t do anything behind her back because she was well aware that Kösem, a seasoned politician, would realise that there was no way Ibrahim could survive this and decide to carry out the sentence herself being justifiably scared what might happen if he got into Turhan’s and her supporters’ hands or other angry people as she saw what had happened to Osman. Then Turhan could carefully remove herself from the scene and depict Kösem as Ibrahim’s murderer, while conveniently forgetting everything she had done from first episode she was in to have him dethroned and killed (when she told Haçı: “How any padisahs have you killed?” GIRL….) Plus, she knew the whole situation of Kösem carrying out the execution would fuck up Kösem mentally and make her an easier opponent for further fight...After all, following Ibrahim’s death she happily announced “Ibrahim is dead, now time for Kösem”.

Shortly before Kösem’s assassination there was still rebellion of sipahis incited by Turhan. Rycaut mentions she wrote to them about her husband’s death and how those who had caused it (implied Kösem and janissaries) disrespected her son’s authority and would soon bring similar end to sipahis and eradicate them forever. The rebels also mentioned Ibrahim’s name & demanded his killers punished during these riots in 1651 (!).

What happened next, we will never know for sure. Kösem was definitely a woman of action&it’s likely she had to take into account steps like dethroning Mehmed or getting rid of Turhan. Apparently, Turhan was afraid about Süleyman being put in Mehmed’s place for some time. What we know for sure she planned for eliminating four of Turhan’s allies.

Did she try to kill Mehmed? We will never know, but it spreading such rumours would definitely make it easier for Turhan to rally supporters.

Another example of Turhan’s strategic PR – she requested a fetva for Kösem’s execution, but after Kösem’s death dismissed the judge to cut off herself from his person and this decision&also to prevent punishment of people involved in the matter. Still, GV who carried out purges among Kösem’s allies was later dismissed for that and it’s hard to imagine Turhan had not been involved in the original decision for these purges. There is one account by Rycaut describing Turhan requesting fetva for Kösem’s execution in which the mufti was scared to make this sort of decision, while Turhan arranged a mob to come and demand justice “for their padisah”, and simultaneously Turhan hid behind a curtain to say to leave the woman (Kösem) in peace for the sake of the padişah her son and to stop slandering his grandmother’s name&involve the padisah in such matters The account goes to kinda sensationalised picture that there was a woman in crowd that Turhan pointed out as being Kösem and encouraged the mob to punish her, not the padisah’s mother, and then fell to her knees crying in front of her son, with Mehmed drying her tears with handkerchief, but this sounds definitely like sensationalised account to make the story more dramatic such as Rycaut’s mentions that Kösem was 80-year-old toothless old lady to stress her age (she was 60, chill)

Turhan was a very sly and PR-based sultana.

I’ve seen a theory (?) that Kösem was rude to Mehmed and Turhan because of her sassy speech to pashas (?). Firstly, one of the people to whom the speech was addressed earlier, Abdülaziz Efendi, had insulted MEHMED when during a Divan meeting Mehmed did attend (Kösem was there with him to instruct him, just as Turhan later) replied to Mehmed asking him about bribery among pashas: ’My dear, who taught you this?” Of course what they wanted was to express displeasure that in fact this woman was ruling them, not a padişah. And Kösem did mention the slight given to her grandson. After the “I’ve seen reigns” part the usually skipped later part is “Sometimes they attempt to kill me. When certain imperial commands have been issued, they have said [to the sultan], ‘my dear, who taught you to say these things?’ Such patronizing behavior towards sultans is impermissible! And what if the sultan is instructed?” [translation taken from Peirce].  Moreover, the same people were plotting against her and also tried to have her killed and she was very well aware of that, which is why she kept mentioning her death. The speech is not only sass, as Kumrular points out, Kösem also mentions that she is aware death might be near and is not scared of it and she’s also aware everything will go on following her death, no matter how important she was.

Kösem following Ibrahim’s death was shaken and just as shown in the show in fragile mental state that she did not resemble her old self in certain aspects – she was definitely more reliant on her trusted group of people mostly consisting of janissaries instead of co-operating closely with everyone unlike during her first regency (which was pointed out as serious mistake by Naima) and was more quarrelsome than ealier, but damn those people truly used her weaker mental condition for their purpose – like when she was crying in her room following Ibrahim’s execution, Abdülaziz Efendi (yes this bitch again) came to her and told her it was what she had been praying for in response to her “Whose curses and bad wishes reached him [Ibrahim]?”, which shook her mentally very much (Abdülaziz Efendi himself described this incident, so it’s hard to doubt its occurrence).

And in the end, while assessing the Kösem/Turhan conflict we must also take into account that this elderly woman who had been through a lot was automatically at disadvantage against young, seemingly innocent rising star, who in the end emerged as victor. And as Derviş Abdullah put it when talking about the matter “it’s easy to put all sort of blame on the deceased” (he used it when discussing all sorts of rumours & blame being assigned to Kösem following her death).

- Joanna

[ottomanladies]

KÖSEM SULTAN WEEK | day 4: the first regency of Kösem Sultan 

On 10 September 1623, Mustafa I was deposed for the second time, and Prince Murad - only 11 years old - was proclaimed Sultan. Immediately, foreign ambassadors realised that the true power would have been in Kösem's hands: "he wilbee gouerned by his mother, who gouerned his father, a man of spirit and witt", reported Thomas Roe, the English ambassador. A Venetian dispatch dated 10 September, said about Kösem: "[A[ll power and authority [is with] the mother, a woman completely different from that of Sultan Mustafa, in the prime of life and of lofty mind and spirit, [who] often took part in the government during the reign of her husband."

A letter sent to Venice on this occasion clearly states that Kösem would rule in her son's name: "We have great hope and faith in the Valide Sultan, who - among all women enjoying the position - is distinguished by maturity and virtue of character."

The Valide Sultan and regent maintained an ongoing correspondence with government officials, in which she spoke for Murad IV. The Grand Vizier used to address her as my sovereign lady, an indication that her status was recognised by everyone at any level of the hierarchy.

During her first regency, Kösem had to weather through turbolent times: the Imperial treasury was suffering, units of the army rebelled, and even the plague striked. In 1625 Murad IV - maybe for the first time - vocally objected his mother's truce with Spain; the treaty was called back on the sultan's orders. In 1628, it was clear that the young sultan was tired of leaving power to his mother: he annulled the marriage of his sister Fatma to the admiral Çatalcalı Haşan Paşa (on whom Kösem had relied a lot) and neglected his mother-- sometimes not seeing her for days.

Kösem was worried sick: "My son leaves in the morning and comes back at night, I never see him. He won't stay out of the cold, he's going to get sick again. I tell you, this grieving over the child is destroying me. Talk to him, when you get a chance. He must take care of himself. What can I do-he won't listen." and "Caution him about it, but not right away. What can I do? My words are bitter to him now. Just let him stay alive, he is vital to all of us. I have so many troubles I can't begin to write them all. You must give him as much advice as you can-if he doesn't listen to one thing, he'll listen to another."

The disorders provoked by the dismissal of Grand Vizier Boşnak Husrev Paşa at the beginning of 1632 marked the end of Kösem's regency. The rebels murdered the sultan's favourite Musa Çelebi, the heads of the Regent's faction, and even demanded custody of the princes-- Murad's brothers. Deprived of her allies, Kösem finally relinquished power to her son.

Sources: Halil İnalcık - Devleti Aliyye Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Üzerine Araştırmalar II, Özlem Kumrular - Kösem Sultan: İktidar Hırs ve Entrika, Leslie P. Peirce - The Imperial Harem, Thomas Roe - The Negotiations of Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Empire from the year 1621 to the year 1628

[nimhad]

Ya Hezarfen Uçmadıysa?

Başka bir ihtimal yok değil mi? Gerçi bu ihtimalin bile mümkün olduğuna Halil İnancık, İlber Ortaylı gibi profesörlerimiz inanmıyor Hezarfen'in uçtuğun"a efsane/uydurma diyorken bir ihtimal daha yok mu dersiniz? Masal bu ya uydurmak serbest maksat, dimağlarımız açılsın. İçi dökülsün ne varmış görelim. Hazır Korona sebebiyle her yeri temizlemişken bir de sahibinden az kullanılmış zihinlerimizi temizleyelim derim, a canım efendim. Fena mı ederim?

Efendim bu masal Kaf Dağı'nın ardında az gitmemiş uz gitmemiş, dere tepe düz gitmemişken şuracıkta İstanbul da Galata kulesi ve Üsküdar arasında geçmiştir. Ta develer teller, pireler berber iken benim anamın beşiğini salladığım rivayet edilen fi tarihinde değil de 17. yy da yaşanmıştır.

Ahmet Çelebi okumayı çok seven fakir bir insandır. Kimi kimsesi de yoktur. Eline geçen her parayla kitap alırmış. Bulduğu her kitabı da okuyup hıfz edermiş. Ahmet Çelebiye bu yüzden "bin fenli" (bilimli) yani "çok şey bilen" anlamına gelen Hezarfen adını takmışlar.

Hezarfen göğü çok severmiş, kuşlara takılıp gidermiş aklı. Aç ya da tokken hep göğü seyredermiş. Ya kitap okurmuş Hezarfen ya göğü seyredermiş.

Kitabı okuduktan sonra satıyormuş Hezarfen. Zaten ezberlediği için ona gerek duymuyormuş. Onun yerine eline geçen yeni parasıyla bir kitap daha ya da ekmek alıyormuş. Günlerden bir gün Hezarfen'in hiç parası kalmamış ne okuyacak bir kitabı varmış ne yiyecek ekmeği. Yürümüş yürümüş Galata çıkmış önüne. Tam öğle vaktiymiş, kaldırmış başını seyre dalmış uzun uzun, gülümsemiş. Ağır ağır çıkmış merdivenlerinden. Galatadan bakmış bir de İstanbul'a. Göz kırpmış Kız Kulesi'ne. Aşağı kaymış gözü birden başı dönmüş açlıktan belki kendi bırakmıştır boşluğa bedenini. Düşmüş Hezarfen.

Tok! sesiyle koşmuş ahali. Hastaneye getirmişler el çabukluğuyla. Hezarfen'in durumu padişaha kadar gitmiş. "Niye attın kendini?" diye sormuş, IV. Murat. Hezarfen, "atmadım, düştüm." demiş el pençe divan hasta yatağında anlatmış padişaha. IV. Murat giyimi dilenciden farksız Hezarfen'i hayretle dinlemiş. Konuşmasına iyi bilen bu gencin bilgisini tartıp memnun kalmış. . Derhal, bir kese altın verilmesini ve daha rahat bir yaşam sürmesi için iyileştikten sora Cezayir'e gönderilmesini emretmiştir. Sürmüştür kısacası.

IV. Murat, kendi padişahlık döneminde Osmanlı da bir insanın açlıktan kendini atmasını yakıştıramamıştır kendine. Dağdaki hayvanlar aç kalmamaları için uğraşırken kendi halkını nasıl unutabilmiş? Kendisine, dedelerine yakıştıramamış bunun yayılmasını önlemeliydi. Hem sonra ya bu adet haline gelseydi? İnsanlar Galata'ya çıkıp intihar etseydi. Buna bir çare bulunmalıydı. Ama nasıl? Dünyaca ünlü gezgin Evliya Çelebi sarayda misafiriydi. Konuyu açıp bir hal çare bulup bunu yayılmasını önlemesini istedi. Evliya Çelebi çok çalışmıştır. Önce Hezarfen'i sonra halkı inandırmalıydı onun uçtuğuna. Nitekim başarmıştır da ve sonra seyahatnamesine şunları yazmıştır.

« İptida, Okmeydan'ın minberi üzere, rüzgâr şiddetinden kartal kanatları ile sekiz, dokuz kere havada pervaz ederek talim etmiştir. Badehu Sultan Murad Han Sarayburnu'nda Sinan Paşa Köşkü'nden temaşa ederken, Galata Kulesi'nin taa zirve-i belâsından lodos rüzgârı ile uçarak, Üsküdar'da Doğancılar meydanına inmiştir. Bu olay 'nde ve 'da büyük yankı buldu ve dönemin padişahı tarafından da beğenildi. Sonra Murad Han, kendisine bir kese altın ihsan ederek: "Bu adam pek havf edilecek (korkulacak) bir ademdir. Her ne murad ederse, elinden geliyor. Böyle kimselerin bekası caiz değil, " diye Gâzir'e (Cezayir) nefyeylemiştir (sürmüştür). Orada merhum oldu. »

[haber71net]

MD MEDYA - Kırıkkale Valiliği himayelerinde Gençlik ve Spor İl Müdürlüğü koordinesinde gerçekleştirilen 15. Geleneksel Cumhuriyet Bayramı Dinek Dağı Yürüyüşü’ne, Mühimmat ve Garnizon Komutanı Tuğgener... ---------------------------- Haberin devamı haber71.net'te.

[pazaryerigundem]

HDI Sigorta Kadınlar Türkiye Kupası'nda Yalıkavak ile Konyaaltı Belediyesi eşleşti

https://pazaryerigundem.com/haber/169101/hdi-sigorta-kadinlar-turkiye-kupasinda-yalikavak-ile-konyaalti-belediyesi-eslesti/

HDI Sigorta Kadınlar Türkiye Kupası'nda Yalıkavak ile Konyaaltı Belediyesi eşleşti

HDI Sigorta Kadınlar Türkiye Kupası Dörtlü Final’de rakiplerini eleyen Armada Praxis Yalıkavak ile Konyaaltı Belediyesi finalde eşleşti.

İSTANBUL (İGFA) – HDI Sigorta Kadınlar Türkiye Kupası’nın sahibini bulacağı final maçı ise 5 Mayıs Pazar günü saat 18.30’da başlayacak ve TRT Spor Yıldız kanalından canlı olarak yayınlanacak.

Dörtlü Final’i bugün oynanan ilk yarı final maçında İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’ni 35-24 yenen Armada Praxis Yalıkavak, finale yükselen ilk takım oldu. Ankara THF Prof. Dr. Yaşar Sevim Hentbol Salonu’nda oynanan maçın ilk yarısını da 15-14’lük skorla Armada Praxis Yalıkavak, önde kapattı. Karşılaşmanın en skorer ismi İzmir BBSK’dan 10 golle Elif Sıla Aydın oldu.

Hakemler: Halil Kılıç – Hamza Sükan

Armada Praxis Yalıkavakspor: Anca Mihela Rombescu, Buket Seven, Yasemin Özgür, Perihan Topaloğlu Acar, Yeliz Özel, Zehra Oğuz, Sude Karademir, Elaine Gomes Barbosa, Fatma Akgün, Tuana Akman, Ece Sözmen, Mouna Chebbah, Kübra Sarıkaya, Ümmügülsüm Bedel, İlke Yıldız, Edanur Burhan

İzmir BBSK: Leopoldina Guerra Da Costa Cristovao, Sena Şentürk, Sude Naz Dağ, Berfin Havinsu Zengin, Juleidy Da Conceıçao Baptista Lourenco, Nehirnaz Poyraz, Esin Sağdıç, Sude Güngör, İrem Çelebi, Özge Yakar, Tuğba Diker, Zeynep Onur, Halime İslamoğlu, Elif Sıla Aydın

Konyaaltı Belediyesi 33-30 Kastamonu Belediyesi

HDI Sigorta Kadınlar Türkiye Kupası’nda oynanan diğer yarı final maçında Konyaaltı Belediyesi, Kastamonu Belediyesi’ni 33-30’luk skorla mağlup ederek finale yükseldi.

Karşılaşmanın ilk yarısını da 14-13 Konyaaltı Belediyesi önde kapatırken, maçın en skorer ismi Konyaaltı Belediyesi’nden Diğdem Hoşgör oldu.

Hakemler: Gökhan Adıgüzel – İldeniz Kaygusuz

Konyaaltı Belediyesi: Isabella Noelle Mben Bediang, Samara Da Silva Vieira, Ivana Gakidova, Ceylan Aydemir, Diğdem Hoşgör, Valeriia Baranık, Alena Ikhneva, Sevilay İmamoğlu Öcal, Edanur Çetin, Oleksandra Furmanets, Elena Gjorgjievska

Kastamonu Belediyesi: Beyzanur Türkyılmaz, Cansu Akalın, Sinem Vatan Güney, Burcu Dindar, Nurceren Akgün Göktepe, Betül Yılmaz, Yaren Berfe Göker, Yasemin Şahin, Kevser Bektaş, Büşra Işıkhan, Merve Erbektaş, Emine Gökdemir

BU Haber İGF HABER AJANSI tarafından servis edilmiştir.

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