#Isaac Deutscher

[naipan]

Isaac Deutscher: "I have, of course, long since abandoned my anti-Zionism, which was based on a confidence in the European labour movement, or, more broadly, in European society and civilisation, which that society and civilisation have not justified. If, instead of arguing against Zionism in the 1920s and 1930s I had urged European Jews to go to Palestine, I might have helped to save some of the lives that were later extinguished in Hitler’s gas chambers. For the remnants of European Jewry – is it only for them? – the Jewish State has become an historic necessity."

Isaac Deutscher (1907-1967) was a Polish Marxist, journalist, historian, author of the three-volume biography of Leon Trotsky.

[cult-of-the-girl-offensive]

"This irrational emotionalism dominates the evolution of many an ex-communist. ‘The logic of opposition at all costs’ says Silone, ‘has carried many ex-communists far from their starting-points, in some cases as far as fascism.’ What were those starting-points? Nearly every ex-communist broke with his party in the name of communism. Nearly every one set out to defend the ideal of socialism from the abuses of a bureaucracy subservient to Moscow. Nearly every one began by throwing out the dirty water of the Russian revolution to protect the baby bathing in it.

Sooner or later these intentions are forgotten or abandoned. Having broken with a party bureaucracy in the name of communism, the heretic goes on to break with communism itself. He claims to have made the discovery that the root of the evil goes far deeper than he at first imagined, even though his digging for that ‘root’ may have been very lazy and very shallow. He no longer defends socialism from unscrupulous abuse; he now defends man-kind from the fallacy of socialism. He no longer throws out the dirty water of the Russian revolution to protect the baby; he discovers that the baby is a monster which must be strangled. The heretic becomes a renegade."

Isaac Deutscher "The Ex-Communist’s Conscience" (1950)

[ronnydeschepper]

De peperbus van nonkel Miele (59): anti-zionistische joden

Joden en zionisten, één zelfde strijd? Dat is wat de leiders van de (uiterst) rechtse regering van premier Benjamin Netanhayu willen doen geloven. Het dient om hun misdaden en genocide tegen de Palestijnen te rechtvaardigen en elke criticus te criminaliseren als antisemiet. Prof. José Antonio Egido beschrijft dat veel Joden zich keren tegen het agressieve zionisme.  Hij neemt ons mee in een korte…

[familyabolisher]

my two cents here is that it's wild how determined people in this discussion are to wrestle judaism into a discursive position exempt from any and all criticism & able to behave as an effective moral directive (and to say otherwise would be antisemitism + xtian myopia) considering how often the writings of jewish communists in the 20th century will discuss atheism or at least a distance from organised religious communities as a necessary tenet of their communism lol

[howieabel]

“In Athens the first police force was recruited from among the slaves because it was considered beneath the dignity of the free man to deprive another free man of freedom. What a sound instinct! Here you have the almost naively striking expression of the dependence of the bureaucrat on the property owner: it is the slave who is the bureaucrat because bureaucracy is the slave of the possessing class.” ― Isaac Deutscher, Marxism in Our Time

[fluorescentbrains]

If one wishes to indict Israel by comparison, rather than simply opposing its oppression of the Palestinians on its own terms, there are, sadly, plenty of readily available contemporary comparators: Russia’s occupation of Chechnya and its attempted occupation of Ukraine; the oppression of West Papua by Indonesia; the colonisation of the Kurds by Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran; the Sri Lankan state’s oppression of the Tamils; China’s colonial projects in Xinjiang/East Turkestan and Tibet; Morocco’s occupation of Western Sahara. But for those for whom “anti-Zionism” represents an entire, politically-determining worldview, invoking these comparisons might risk “normalising” Israel by locating it within trends of which it is only one example, rather than the ultimate, quintessential expression.

If one really wished to, one could argue that any situation in which a state suppresses the rights of a minority population, buttressing that suppression with ideological claims about their cultural inferiority, is latently Nazi or a potential Holocaust-in-waiting. But that would be an emotional spasm far more than a serious analysis shining any light on either the contemporary situation in question, or on the history of Nazism itself. In the case of Israel, the Holocaust comparison is invoked not because it has any real explanatory value, but to needle and provoke (other) Jews.

The experience of the Holocaust transformed Zionism from a widely contested political current within Jewish life, jostling for hegemony with many other currents, into the majority political identity it is today. As Isaac Deutscher put it, in his 1954 article “Israel’s Spiritual Climate”: “The anti-Zionist urged the Jews to trust their gentile environment, to help the ‘progressive forces’ in that environment to come to the top, and to hope that those forces would effectively defend the Jews against antisemitism. ‘Social revolution will give the Jews equality and freedom; they have therefore no need for a Zionist Messiah’ – this was the stock argument of generations of Jewish left-wingers. The Zionists, on the other hand, dwelt on ‘the deep-seated hatred of non-Jews towards Jews’ and urged the Jews to trust their future to nobody except their own state. In this controversy, Zionism scored a dreadful victory, one which it could neither wish nor expect.”

real shit (emphasis mine)

[twin-peaks-der-film-deutsch]

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[psychedelisches-mindset]

Der prometheische Impuls: Höhere Kreativität

Hatten außergewöhnliche Bewusstseinszustände Einfluss auf die Entdeckung der größten wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse?  

Diese Theorie beschreibt Dr. Stanislav Grof in seinem Buch  "Der Weg des Psychonauten - Band 2". Laut seiner Meinung haben die Historiker nicht ausreichend anerkannt, dass die größten wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse und Entdeckungen ihren Schöpfern in Form von Visionen, Träumen, Phantasien, Trancezuständen, blitzartigen Offenbarungen und anderen Arten holotroper Bewusstseinszustände erschienen.  

So soll Friedrich August Kekule von Strandonitz, ein deutscher Biochemiker, durch eine Vision die Struktur eines Benzolrings entdeckt haben. Dmitri Iwanowitsch Mendelejw, ein russischer Chemiker, der für die Entwicklung des Periodensystems der chemischen Elemente für den Nobelpreis nominiert wurde, soll in einem Traum die Reihenfolge der Elemente erschienen sein. Weltberühmte Namen wie Friedrich Nietzsche, Niels Bohr, Isaac Newton, Rene Descartes und Albert Einstein wurden durch holotrope Bewusstseinszustände inspiriert und channelten kosmische Schöpfungsenergie. 

Diese Theorie kann sicherlich nicht zu 100 % verifiziert werden, aber aufgrund der Häufigkeit und den historischen Belegen auch nicht komplett vernachlässigt werden. Hattest Du schon einmal einen Traum  oder eine Vision, die Dich inspiriert hat?  

Quelle: https://amzn.to/44KaXdR

(Das ist ein Affiliate-Link, damit kannst du diesen Kanal, falls du möchtest, unterstützen.)

[rifondazione]

Isaac Deutscher: L’ebreo non ebreo. Spinoza, Heine, Marx, Rosa Luxemburg, Trotsky e Freud (1958)

http://dlvr.it/Sjn1xg

[jewlwpet]

I found a picture of Trotsky in this 1961 issue of the 1961 literary magazine The Shinchō (The New Tide). The name Deutscher is here too, so I think (without making any other effot to read the text) that the magazine must have published a translated excerpt of Isaac Deutscher's biography of Trotsky, or else it's running an advertisement for a translation of the whole thing.

[weil-weil-lautre]

In 1984 man's mastery over the machine has reached so high a level that society is in a position to produce plenty for everybody and to put an end to inequality. But poverty and inequality are maintained only to satisfy the sadistic urges of Big Brother. Yet we do not even know whether Big Brother really exists - he may be only a myth. It is the collective cruelty o the party (not necessarily of its individual members, woh may be intelligent and well-meaning people) that torments Oceania. Totalitarian society is ruled by a disembodied sadism. Orwell imagined that he had 'transcended ' the familiar and, as he though, increasingly irrelevant concepts of social class and class interest. But in these Marxist generalizations, the interest of a social class bears at least some specific relation to the individual interests and the social position of its members, even if the class interest does not represent a simple sum of the individual interests. In Orwell's party the whole bears no relation to the parts. The party is not a social body actuated by any interest or purpose. It is a phantom-like emanation of all that is foul in human nature. It is the metaphysical, mad and triumphant, Ghost of Evil.

Isaac Deutscher, ‘1984′--The Mysticism of Cruelty, in Marxism, Wars, and Revolutions, 70

[dr-treyf]

Those young nation-states that have come into being as the result of a necessary and progressive struggle waged by colonial and semi-colonial peoples for emancipation—India, Burma, Ghana, and others—cannot, in my view, preserve their progressive character for long. They form a necessary stage in the history of some peoples; but it is a stage that those peoples too will have to overcome in order to find wider frameworks for their existence. In our epoch any new nation-state, soon after its constitution begins to be affected by the general decline of this form of political organization; and this is already showing itself in the short experience of India, Ghana, and Israel. The world has compelled the Jew to embrace the nation-state and to make of it his pride and hope just at a time when there is little or no hope left in it. You cannot blame the Jews for this; you must blame the world. But Jews should at least be aware of the paradox and realize that their intense enthusiasm for “national sovereignty” is historically belated. They did not benefit from the advantages of the nation-state in those centuries when it was a medium of mankind’s advance and a great revolutionary and unifying factor in history. They have taken possession of it only after it had become a factor of disunity and social disintegration. 

-- Isaac Deutscher, Message of the Non-Jewish Jew

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

“Again, interpretations of 1917 and its aftermath have changed almost out of recognition. Most contemporary readers of history probably agree that the ‘real’ revolution was that of February 1917, and that the October power seizure by the Bolsheviks was little more than an opportunistic coup d’état. History has also taken an increasingly nasty view of Lenin. For so many decades, oppositional Communists and post-Stalinist leaders of the Soviet Union would condemn abuses of power by describing them as ‘departures from Leninist norms’. Now, however, the fashion is to dismiss this approach as intellectual comfort-fodder. Lenin, it’s said, in no way offered an alternative to Stalinism. In fact, it was Lenin who created the machinery of inhuman oppression which Stalin merely continued – admittedly, on a vaster scale – to operate in the way that it was designed to operate. It was Lenin who established the Bolshevik monopoly of political power, who set the precedent for denouncing all critics of that monopoly as ‘counter-revolutionaries’, who locked the Bolsheviks into the fatal claim of ‘substituting’ for a working class which by 1921 had almost ceased to exist. It was Lenin during the Civil War who licensed the Red Terror – executions, family hostage-taking – against the class enemy.

My own feeling is that this approach is too crude to last. The Bolshevik Revolution was more ‘authentic’ and popular than we currently admit; to see Soviet history merely as inherited homicide is an excuse for not thinking about it. But while these versions last, their sting affects Trotsky too. And there’s worse: the suggestion that Trotsky has become irrelevant. If Lenin had set up a political tradition which could only achieve its ends by force, would it have made any significant difference whether Trotsky or Stalin succeeded him? Given Trotsky’s impetuous nature and his practice of Red Terror during the Civil War, might he not have been even more ruthless? In terms of public attention, Trotsky’s stock has fallen even faster than Lenin’s. After all, if the three giants of the Revolution were, in the current view, ‘as bad as each other’, why should Trotsky – the one who never held the leadership – be of special interest?

‘As bad as each other’. The real abyss separating Deutscher from modern historiography is a moral one. An average British history graduate today will have been taught to evaluate revolutions on a simple humanitarian scale. Did they kill a lot of people? Then they were bad. Showing that some of those killed were even more bloodthirsty than their killers is no extenuation. Neither is the plea that violence and privation, the sacrifice of the present, may be the price of breaking through to a better future. George Kline dismissed this in The Trotsky Reappraisal (1992) as ‘the fallacy of historically deferred value ... a moral monstrosity’. Monstrous or not, it’s a bargain with the future which, as anyone over 60 will remember, Europeans of all political outlooks were once accustomed to strike. But today ‘presentism’ rules, and the young read the ‘short 20th century’ as the final demonstration that evil means are never justified by high ends.

Isaac Deutscher saw history differently. His standards are not those of Amnesty International. Instead, he measures everything against the cause of the Revolution. The Trotsky trilogy has a spinal column of moral argument running through it which can be reduced to this question: did this or that course or idea help to fulfil the Revolution, or divert it from its true purpose? In the value of that ultimate purpose, Deutscher has solid faith. Trotsky expressed it on many occasions. In Siberian exile at the age of 22, he wrote: ‘As long as I breathe, I shall fight for the future, that radiant future in which man, strong and beautiful, will become master of the drifting stream of his history and will direct it towards the boundless horizon of beauty, joy and happiness!’ ” - Neal Ascherson, "Victory in Defeat.” The London Review of Books. Vol. 26 No. 23 · 2 December 2004.

[howieabel]

“In other words, the party was in danger of losing its proletarian-socialist outlook, in danger of 'degeneration', no matter whether it entrusted its future to the mass of members or to the Old Guard. The predicament arose from the fact that the majority of the nation did not share the socialist outlook, that the working class was still disintegrated, and that, the revolution having failed to spread to the West, Russia had to fall back, materially and spiritually, on her own resources. The possibility of 'degeneration' was inherent in this situation; and what remained to be determined was whether its chief source lay in the heterogeneous mass of members or in the Old Guard. It was only natural that the Old Guard, or rather its majority, should trust its own socialist tradition and character infinitely more than it trusted the judgement and the political instincts of the 400,000 nominal party members. True, Trotsky did not ask the Old Guard to efface itself-he urged it to maintain its authority by democratic methods. But the Old Guard did not feel-and it was probably right in this-that it could do this. It was afraid of taking the risk; and it had a vested interest in preserving its acquired political privileges... In effect, however, he [Trotsky] claimed for the Bolsheviks a twofold privilege: the monopoly of freedom as well as the monopoly of power. These two privileges were incompatible. If the Bolsheviks wished to preserve their power they had to sacrifice their freedom.” ― Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky, 1921-1929

[brotheralyosha]

DK: We should discuss the pivotal scene with Kevin Garnett that sets off the climactic sequence. The most memed scene in the movie: “This is how I win.” It’s this neat little examination of race and capitalism, in which Garnett catches on to the fact that Howard is massively profiting off of this deal they cut. And ultimately that they’re both profiting off of the Ethiopian mining operation that we see at the beginning of the movie. And he seems to convince Garnett that his talent for petty bourgeois exploitation is basically the same thing as being good at basketball.

AA: It may not have worked with any other basketball player besides Garnett. When Ratner is saying to him in that room, “This is how I win,” he’s saying that because he knows that Garnett is one of the most ruthlessly competitive players in the NBA. He’s notorious for saying and doing really fucked-up things to players on the paint—saying he fucked their wives, or like barking or blowing in their faces. Waging psychological warfare in order to win. You couldn’t make this movie with LeBron James or Dwyane Wade. Those are beloved, morally upright characters.

AMB: It has to be someone whose performance you can bet on, but also who sucks as a person.

NG: It seems important that the people who mined the opal are Ethiopian Jews. Aren’t the black opals decorating the yad or something, when the Ethiopian Jews are reading Torah, in the scene where Ratner’s showing Garnett the video where he discovered it? Ratner is compelled by that in an almost religious sense. There’s a spiritual dimension that he’s interested in, and some kind of feeling of community—Am Yisrael. But then, of course, it’s the inspiration for him to buy this opal from them to sell at a huge profit. So it turns out that the founding violence of the film is a white Ashkenazi Jew exploiting black Jews.

AA: Well, isn’t that also so Jewish? Historically, weren’t Jews merchants in part because they had access to Jews in other places? I don’t know. I’m changing my whole thing. I came in thinking, he’s American, but actually now, no, he’s a fucking Jew.

AMB: After America, there will still be the Jew.

JP: I’m not sold. It depends on what you mean by “the Jew.” Really, he’s just a normal, scummy guy dressed up as a Jew, dressed up in these mannerisms, but really his main connection to Jewishness is this material connection to this diamond mine many thousands of miles away.

There’s the intimation of world politics at the beginning when it’s Chinese guys who own the mine. There’s a whole world out there happening, and then it’s happening inside of this gem and Ratner cannot see it. The movie is about a man who comes into possession of a piece of the universe and doesn’t know what it’s worth.

AMB: Or only knows what it’s worth.

JP: And then he’s wrong. At the auction it’s worth way less than he thought!

NG: Are you sure he can’t see it? Ratner literally says, “You can see the whole universe in these things.”

JP: I think Ratner is a man without metaphysics. He’s incapable of metaphysics, or meaning, or any of these things. The question to me isn’t so much, does he have to be Jewish? Rather, it’s this: what does the fact that he’s Jewish mean? In this case, nothing. He’s festooned with Jewish symbols—the sign on his shop that’s a blessing for the store, the book Great Jewish Men—but when you ask what’s really Jewish about it, Jewish on a level deeper than a pastiche of symbols, it’s hard to answer the question.

There’s that Leonard Cohen quote where he says Judaism is “a secretion with which an eastern tribe surrounded a divine irritation—a direct confrontation with the Absolute. Today we covet the pearl, but we are unwilling to support the irritation.” Ratner doesn’t even come away with the pearl. He’s got nothing. He’s the non-Jewish Jew, in the opposite sense of Isaac Deutscher’s non-Jewish Jew. That to me was the central uncomfortable reality where this best reflects our lives—more than, say, the spiritually fraught main character of A Serious Man.

AA: In that sense, he’s American.

JP: Exactly. He has to be American.

“An Unserious Man,” Jewish Currents, by Arielle Angel, Jacob Plitman, David Klion, Nathan Goldman, and Ari M. Brostoff