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classyfoxdestiny · 3 years

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Shanthie Mariet D’Souza on how India was ‘ill-prepared’ for the dramatic Taliban takeover

The Taliban are in charge in Afghanistan. The rapid overthrow of the Afghan government that many expected would take another few months ended last week, as the Taliban entered Kabul, prompting President Ashraf Ghani to flee the country. This sudden development has major ramifications for every nation in the South Asian region, not least India – which benefited greatly from the US presence in Afghanistan and may now have to see Pakistan once again playing a dominant role in the country.

What can New Delhi do? How is it to deal with the fallout? Shanthi Mariet D’Souza is the founder of research outfit Mantraya, founding professor at the Kautilya School of Public Policy and an Afghanistan expert who has worked on the country for years, including as adviser, Independent Directorate of Local Governance to the Afghanistan government in 2015-16. She has also edited Afghanistan in Transition: Beyond 2014?

I spoke to D’Souza over e-mail about what the Taliban takeover means for New Delhi, whether the question of engaging with the Taliban is any different from the last time they were in power in the 1990s, and what this means for India’s relations with other major powers.

For some background to the conversation, read our interview with Avinash Paliwal, back in May, when India was still debating the question of whether to engage with the Taliban.

For the reader, could you tell us a little bit about how you got into studying Afghanistan and your background with the country? I am a scholar, researcher and founding professor with specialisation in International Relations with more than a decade-long experience of working in think tanks, universities, governmental and non-governmental sectors, as a consultant, adviser and board director for think tanks, governments and international organisations in Afghanistan and South Asia, as an associate editor and editorial board member for international peer reviewed journals, and as a subject matter expert and trainer designing modules on regional and international security, governance, economic development, gender and non-traditional security challenges in Asia for diplomats and security personnel. I have also conducted field studies in Pakistan, China, Africa, Canada, United States, Australia, Jammu and Kashmir and India’s North East.

My interest in Afghanistan sparked in the 1990s, when I embarked on my M Phil program at the American Studies division of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. At that time, I found that there was scant academic and policy attention on Afghanistan, which was in India’s neighbourhood. It was a glaring gap in academia and policy research.

As I started my M Phil in the summer of 1999, the IC-814 hijacking brought attention to Afghanistan and the Taliban regime when the plane with Indian citizens was hijacked from Kathmandu and taken to Kandahar and the then Bharatiya Janata Party government was brought to its knees and had to swap passengers for terrorists. This was an important lesson for India not only in hostage negotiations, but also in lack of policy attention on Afghanistan since withdrawal from that country in the wake of the capture of power by the Taliban in the mid-1990s.

As I commenced my doctoral programme at SIS, JNU on the topic “United States and emergence and decline of the Taliban”, in the summer of 2001, the 9/11 terror attacks took place in the American homeland. That once again brought back the US and world attention to a country, which was largely forgotten and considered distant. While most analysts concluded that the US military intervention of October 2001 would result in the decimation of the Taliban, my hypothesis was to the contrary and proved correct in the years that followed.

The central argument of my PhD thesis and critique of the nature of the international intervention in 2001 was that the international community did not pay adequate attention and resources in institution building, shoring up the capabilities of the Afghan government (host nation) or addressing the issue of sanctuaries and external support that the Taliban received from their sponsors in Pakistan from where they regrouped, rearmed and carried out attacks in Afghanistan.

The reemergence of the Taliban was evident in 2005-06, when US President George W Bush diverted the limited resources and troops from the “the limited and quick” war in Afghanistan to Iraq. The aversion to nation building did not help build institutions that Afghanistan required to rebuild its security, political and economic sectors. Most of the international aid created parallel structures of governance rather than strengthening the Afghan government’s institutions for governance and revenue.

President Barack Obama refocused attention on the “just war” in Afghanistan from Iraq through his Af-Pak strategy, but announced exit by 2014 along with the troop surge which strengthened the battlefield and negotiating potential of the Taliban. The repeated calls for exit were based on the American political calendar under President Donald Trump and now President Joe Biden’s administration, and not on the needs of the Afghans or conditions on the ground. The Taliban bided their time. In the villages of southern Afghanistan where I visited, the Taliban would in a jocular vein say, “the Americans have the watches, we have the time”.

The international community needed to focus attention and resources for the long term stabilisation of Afghanistan, building key institutions of service delivery and strengthening the security, political and economic sectors to build the credibility of the Afghan government. Most of the quick impact projects of the international community did little to build the credibility and/or extend the writ of the Afghan government. The security sector needed to be built, trained and equipped to fight insurgency and not a conventional army, as Afghanistan is fighting an asymmetrical war.

The western notions of democracy and state building had limited utility in the long term stabilisation of Afghanistan and preventing its slide into present levels of chaos and violence. Afghanistan needed assistance to build its own security, political and economic institutions based on its needs and specificities rather than replicating foreign models.

I have, since the completion of my doctoral studies and Fulbright Fellowship, studied Afghanistan through various prisms – the security sector, political and peace building, sub national governance, and regional cooperation, to understand the challenges and prospects of long term stabilisation of Afghanistan, which the rest of the international community has not paid much attention to.

From my specialisation in American Studies, I have tried to make myself useful to academia, policy-makers, security and diplomatic personnel, media and international non governmental organisations, by focusing my attention and work on the internal and external dynamics of the Afghan conflict, India-Afghanistan relations, and prospects of regional cooperation in Afghanistan through various field studies, assignments and consultancy projects in various provinces of Afghanistan, rather than confining myself to Kabul, to provide a better understanding of the urban-rural divide and help bridge the disconnects.

As Team leader the for Local Planning and Budgeting–IDLG-UNDP-LOGO project, Kabul, Afghanistan (2020); Adviser, Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG), Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2015-16); International Election Observer for the audit and recount of Afghanistan’s Presidential Runoff elections,( 2014); Senior Transition Consultant, United Nations Mine Action Service (2013), Kabul and External Reviewer for the country programme of Action Aid International, Afghanistan (2011), I have worked with governmental and non-governmental sectors for more than a decade in various provinces of Afghanistan.

US soldiers stand guard behind barbed wire at the airport in Kabul. Photo: Wakil Kohsar/AFP

Would you say that you take any particular approach, or fall into a specific school of thinking, when it comes to your analysis? I do not consider myself to be belonging strictly to any particular school of thought. However, broadly, I do see myself as aligned to the school of Constructivism, seeing the world as socially constructed and exploring the role of identities and interests. Constructivists believe agency and structure are mutually constituted, which implies that structures influence agency and vice versa.

Agency can be understood as the ability of someone to act, whereas structure refers to the international system that consists of material and ideational elements. I have increasingly witnessed that while studying Afghanistan and policy-making either in India or outside, there has been little understanding and application of the structure-agency debate and role of identities and interests. More importantly, there is very little anthropological study of the tribal dynamic and social networks, culture and religion in Afghanistan. Thus, Afghanistan remains a puzzle that many have not taken the time and effort to understand.

I charted my own path to tread into unknown terrain, taking many risks and moving out of my comfort zone with multiple field visits to Afghanistan from Singapore and India to get first-hand, primary, qualitative and ethnographic data, rather than relying on secondary sources and not contributing anything new or useful to the academic and policy debate.

I have muddied my hands to work on issues of governance (which is the key to stabilisation) and election observation, to understand Afghans and Afghanistan, and debunk many myths about the people and the country. I have used different approaches and prisms to understand the challenges and prospects of long-term stabilisation of Afghanistan. These include the social network approach, participant observation, ethnographic data, and first hand information collected through interviews and discussions with Afghans across a wide spectrum. I have travelled to various provinces in Afghanistan for collection of primary resource material for more than a decade. I have carried out interviews, discussions and “person on the street” narratives to gather qualitative data.

My field visits to Afghanistan and interactions with key policy-makers, interlocutors, scholars, security and media personnel, members of international organisations, non-governmental organisations, civil society organisations, women’s groups, youth groups, farmers’ associations, dairy associations, business groups and “person on the street” narratives have helped deepen my knowledge of the country and the need to adopt alternative approaches to bring in long term peace and stability.

I have conducted field-based research and consultancies with the governmental and non-governmental sectors in Afghanistan. As an Adviser on downward accountability with the Independent Directorate of Local Governance (DFID funded project), Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2015-2016), I have worked on issues of sub-national governance and strengthening downward accountability; developed guidelines and data collection instruments to enable provincial councillors improve service delivery in eight crucial sectors – education, agriculture, health, roads, electricity, water and sanitation, security and legal services.

I have contributed to the development and finalisation of the Provincial Council (PC) internal procedure and oversight regulatory authority; developed formal internal procedures for the channelling of PC reports to relevant line ministries at the Centre (through the IDLG) and provinces (through the governor); and revised the reporting template for the PCs informing councillors of their mandates, legal and policy frameworks, minimum service delivery standards and constraints to effective service delivery. I also provided organisational assistance in restructuring, strategic and annual plans, training materials and manuals for the conduct of consultative workshops and capacity building programmes for provincial councillors and awareness workshops for women provincial councillors.

As a Senior Transition Consultant, United Nations Mine Action Service, Afghanistan (September 2013), I conducted extensive field analysis, interviews and focused group discussions with Afghan government officials, key policy-makers, donors, non-governmental organisations, UN Mine Action personnel, de-miners, community elders and other key stakeholders to review the mine action programme in Afghanistan. Case studies considered for the project included Cambodia, Laos, Liberia, South Sudan, Mozambique, Bosnia, Kosovo, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Colombia, Lebanon, Western Sahara, Mali, Ivory Coast, DRC, and Yemen, which helped in learning from the best practices in actualising transition in the Afghan context.

At the end of the field study, I presented the findings at a workshop in Kabul and submitted a report identifying options to locate responsibility for the mine action mandate within the Afghan government and key stakeholders with a list of “pros and cons” for each option and the steps required for implementation in the transformation decade.

As an international Election Observer, Afghanistan with The Asia Foundation, for the audit of Afghanistan’s Presidential Runoff elections held in June 2014, I was involved in report writing, data entry and short-medium term observation of the audit and recount process.

I have been a Consultant and Reviewer for the country programme of Action Aid International Afghanistan, May-June 2011. I conducted programmes and organisational reviews of AAA’s programmes, project and functioning in Kabul and other provinces of Afghanistan using a Rights based approach and a participatory approach, like Participatory Rural Appraisal, to analyse, plan and monitor the development activities. I submitted a detailed report titled “Country Programme Review” with key learning gaps to inform the management on the state of the country programme as well as provided recommendations on future directions to guide the formulation of the next country strategy paper on developmental strategy and policy planning.

The speed of the Taliban takeover has taken everyone by surprise. You wrote recently that “there is an overwhelming sense of helplessness” in New Delhi “as its contributions and gains made in the last two decades wither away.” Why is that so? Do you think it will be some time before that sense is shaken off or is it likely to remain as long as the Taliban are in charge? India has pursued its soft-power approach in Afghanistan under a security umbrella provided by the US since 2001. It is the largest regional donor, having pledged more than $3 billion in various capacity building and infrastructure development projects. Its development assistance policy accrued a tremendous amount of goodwill for India. The challenge was to convert soft power gains into long term tangible outcomes when the tide turned. Even though there was a sense in India that the US would withdraw its forces in 2014 – the date of withdrawal announced by President Obama – India did not prepare for such a scenario and hoped for an outcome that would not put the Taliban in a dominant position.

However, all those calculations have changed quickly. The sense of shock and dismay from the fall of Kabul and the total capture of power by the Taliban is not unique to India. In the coming days, the entire world will be forced to internalise the dramatic changes that have taken place in Afghanistan and how those changes have made past policies redundant. India too will have to go through that phase of self-assessment and revisit its policies in the face of new realities.

Indian citizens aboard a military aircraft at the airport in Kabul on Tuesday. Photo: AFP

What are the immediate implications for India – both in terms of interests and policies – with the new Afghanistan situation, once the question of evacuating citizens and others is taken care of? India’s challenges are multiple and at various levels. These include:

Evacuation/safety of all Indians, friends of India in Afghanistan (Afghans who worked for India), and the willing members of the Hindu and Sikh communities;

Preservation of the gains made by India in the last two decades, i.e, the infrastructure projects and, also, the leverage within the political elite;

Dealing with the resurgence of Pakistani and Chinese influence;

Staying engaged in Afghanistan’s development sector to prevent a humanitarian crisis and continuing the existing level of trade and commerce; and

Developing working relations with the new political dispensation as stipulated in the Agreement of Strategic Partnership ( October 2011).

India has been ill-prepared for this scenario. Even evacuating its personnel was difficult. The Taliban set up roadblocks, making it difficult to reach the airport. More importantly, India could not evacuate Afghans who worked for its embassy and consulates, leaving them in great danger and discontent.

For India, which had pledged more than $3 billion dollars in development assistance since 2001 and accrued a huge amount of goodwill, Afghanistan is now a dramatically transformed terrain. New Delhi faces disruption to its intense engagement in the country’s development sector. Its gains of the past two decades, achieved through high-value and small-scale projects, face dangers of reversal.

India, a regional stakeholder and an unwavering supporter of an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled” peace and reconciliation process, has struggled to find a place in the numerous groupings that seek to decide the fate of the country. Its last-ditch efforts at opening a channel of communication with the Taliban, as part of its bid to engage with all stakeholders in the Afghan conflict, too has not yielded much result.

Is India likely to play a role in offering a home to Afghans – either refugees or, as it has in the past, some of the political elite? Yes. It will probably do so on a limited scale, given the declared prioritisation only for the Hindus and Sikhs. Some members of the political elite are already in India. A few others will be in India in the coming weeks. Similarly, the government will have to clarify its policies on the thousands of Afghans who are either on study or medical visa in the country. For obvious reasons, India can’t send them back to Afghanistan, where their lives will be at risk. India needs a coordination cell dealing with repatriation, refugee and IDP settlement and humanitarian assistance.

Does India’s presence as chair of the USNC alter the potential path in any significant way? Internationally, India needs to take a leadership role as the current UNSC chair in framing resolutions, providing relief, setting up humanitarian response teams and conflict mediation mechanisms. India cannot afford to abandon the people of Afghanistan once again without implications for its image as a reliable friend and a major power in the region. This is a unique opportunity to demonstrate its leadership role at the UNSC.

Given India’s history with them, would you expect questions about recognition of the Taliban government by New Delhi to go differently from the 1990s? New Delhi faces a stark choice of engaging the Taliban and recognising them, or opting to totally disengage from that country. The latter would imply a return to the 1990s, where a contact-vacuum facilitated events like the IC-814 hijacking and anti-India groups like LeT, JeM finding bases to operate from that country.

A realist’s approach would be to reach out to the Taliban in order to continue aid and development assistance, and a constructivist approach seeking to link aid with conditionalities that will help in mainstreaming and blunting the extremist worldviews particularly in dealing with women, minorities and children.

While the Taliban’s ascendancy is clearly a disruptor of India’s presence in Afghanistan, some opportunities for its continued engagement could also be available in the near-medium term. The Taliban leadership has made favourable statements asking India to continue with its developmental activities. The Taliban search for legitimacy may help India retain its foothold in the country, although it may not be as intense as it used to be. However, engagement should not be tantamount to granting recognition or legitimacy.

India needs to continue its aid policy for Afghanistan to prevent a humanitarian disaster and refugee crisis. It must establish some communication links in that country to moderate the extremist movements ideology and protect the rights of women and minorities.

Taliban fighters sit over a vehicle on a street in the Laghman province on Sunday. Photo: AFP

The Northern Alliance is nothing like what it was in the 1990s. Do you believe there is space for India to continue to court players in Afghanistan to counter the Taliban? Yes. The erstwhile Northern Alliance is a redundant force as most of the leaders have reached out to the Taliban, surrendered or fled the country. The call by the Vice President, Amrullah Saleh, to be a caretaker President to counter the Taliban and defend the territory could lead to a new resistance. To gather India’s support, Mr Saleh will have to establish his reach and unifying effort within the NA as a potent adversary to the Taliban.

You’ve written that India “missed the bus” on Afghanistan, and that “in strategic terms, India’s loss would be Pakistan and China’s gain”. Could you explain to the reader why you believe that is the case?The withdrawal of the US and resultant political change has created a huge strategic vacuum in Afghanistan. Pakistan, due to its locational and strategic advantages and links with the Taliban, and China, due to its proactive policy and links with Pakistan can hope to occupy much of this vacuum. India had twenty years to make up for its strategic and locational disadvantages.

However, it chose to rely on a policy, which looked impressive while at work, but had no long-term strategic thinking and planning built into it. One can understand the strategic competition with Pakistan which had nurtured the Taliban to regain strategic depth. But at one point of time, India was thinking of joint projects with China in Afghanistan as declared at the Wuhan informal summit. Did that fail because of China’s attitude or New Delhi’s own lackadaisical approach? This needs to be answered by policy-makers.

Do you think the current Indian administration has sufficient capacity and will to engage with all dimensions of the Afghanistan question? The MEA is understaffed and doesn’t have enough capability and skills to get feelers from the ground. As the situation was rapidly deteriorating, New Delhi continued with its “wait and watch” policy. This has led to systemic inertia, risk aversion, lack of long-term planning, and policy fuzziness. The MEA needs trained specialists who know the language, culture, ethnography and have contacts in the field for real time information flow and action.

Some fear that the Taliban’s return to Kabul will empower terrorists and militants, and that India may see fresh surges on the LoC. Others have said that the security implications for India may not be so direct or immediate. What do you make of these fears? The security threat is real if not immediate. Pakistan-based terror groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad have a presence in Afghanistan and are known to have built checkpoints in certain areas with the help of the Taliban. While the US-Taliban peace agreement obligates the Taliban to stop using Afghan territory for terror attacks by the al Qaeda and the Islamic State against the US and its allies, no such guarantee insulates countries like India from the activities of Kashmir-specific groups such as the LeT and JeM, and even the AQ and Islamic State’s Khorasan Province.

Its assurance to not operate in Kashmir notwithstanding, the Taliban’s capacity to prevent self-activation of these groups against India is questionable. It will boost terrorist morale and ability. However, whether it will actually result in a dramatic rise in terror attacks in J&K remains to be seen. India has pursued militancy with a multi-dimensional approach, which includes neutralisation of hundreds of cadres, targeting their over-ground networks and their financial resources. Yet, the infrastructure and the factors that breed terrorism and militancy remain.

Just a month ago you wrote a number of policy prescriptions for India in Afghanistan over the next decade, but most of them were predicated on at least a prolonged period of civil war, and not such a quick Taliban takeover. What would your list look like today? My list had also included suggestions in the wake of a rapid take over by Taliban. My writings and suggestions were based on scenario-building, which included the rapid takeover of power by the Taliban as the worst-case scenario which the policy makers in New Delhi needed to pay heed to.

A pragmatic and astute policy would explore ways and means of engaging the Taliban to ensure continuation of its present development assistance for the Afghans to prevent a humanitarian crisis and preservation of the gains of the last two decades. The Taliban have sent such feelers for engagement for some time now that need to be carefully explored for the near and medium-term.

Such engagement could work in moderating their extremist ideology. Aid can be provided with conditionalities of preserving women, minorities and human rights. The engagement with the Taliban could be based on the Agreement on Strategic Partnership which India had signed with Afghanistan in 2011. India, having a seat at the UNSC, can take a leadership role in building international consensus of preventing the subversion of the democratic experiment in Afghanistan, ensuring that the linkages between Taliban and global terror groups are severed through monitoring by counter-terrorism committees, linking any international aid to the Taliban to protecting women and human rights and reaching out to the Afghan by the deployment of quick response teams to avoid a catastrophic humanitarian disaster and refugee crisis.

Finally, the last three questions we like to put to everyone: Are there misconceptions about Afghanistan or the India-Afghanistan relationship that you find yourself having to correct all the time, whether coming from scholars, journalists or lay people? Yes. There are a lot of preconceived notions and stereotypes about Afghans and Afghanistan that get fed into policy and public information through the media. Most academics and journalists write on Afghanistan without even going to the country. Others write and report from Kabul, which does not depict the reality or diversity evident in the provinces. No one has made a serious effort to understand urban-rural differences or to use ethnographic data to understand the tribal and local dynamics of that country.

Are there areas of research on Afghanistan that you wish the Indian government or those in the policy space put more resources into?

India’s aid and development assistance policy review & impact studies

India’s security and strategic planning including hostage negotiation, evacuation and crisis management

Anthropological, ethnographic and linguistic studies

Institution building in fragile states

A special cell on Afghanistan with external experts

What three books (or podcasts/papers/videos) would you recommend to those interested in the subject?

There are several. However, a few that stand out are:

Louis Dupree, Afghanistan

Ali A Jalali, A Military History of Afghanistan: From the Great Game to the Global War on Terror

Thomas J Barfield’s Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History

Steve Coll’s Ghost Wars

Olivier Roy, Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan

Ahmed Rashid’s Descent into Chaos

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ramshariraut · 3 years

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yash-tiknayat · 3 years

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Linear Slides Market Research Report - Global Forecast till 2025

Market Summary

Market Research Future (MRFR), in its research report, emphasizes that the global linear slides market 2020 is slated to grow exponentially over the review period, ensuring substantial market valuation and a healthy 4.3% CAGR over the review period.

Drivers and Restraints

Growing infrastructure in the automotive and electronics industries and rising demand for automated material handling in the manufacturing sector are key factors driving global market development. The increasing availability of linear slide substitutes is hampering global market growth. Linear slides have different industrial applications and thus increase their demand in the industrial sectors, particularly in the automotive, electronics and electrical industries. The availability on linear slides of two types of rolling elements, namely the roller slides and the ball bearing slides, extends the buying options for end users. Market demand is positively influenced by features of linear slides such as better movement control and heavier load capability However, growing disposable per capita income in countries such as China and India, growing investment in robotic automation and high-tech applications such as optical alignment systems, dental drilling, and the mars rover, and emerging-country rapidly developing economies such as India, Brazil , and Argentina, are providing market growth opportunities. Technology advances and rapid industrialisation are a few factors that also contribute to the growth of this market. However, the substitutes available on the market may hinder the growth of the linear slides market around the globe.

Segmental Analysis

The global linear slides market is analyzed based on range type, application, slide types, usages, industry verticals, and region. On the basis of range type, the global market has been segmented into simple, un-driven, multi-axis, and turnkey linear. On the basis of slide types, the global market has been bifurcated into ball bearing and roller slides. On the basis of application, the global market has been segmented into packaging tools, factory automation, machine tool, medical tools, automotive assembly, and others. On the basis of usage, the global market has been segmented into industrial and commercial. On the basis of industry verticals, the global market has been segmented into food, beverage, pharmaceutical, packaging, electrical and electronics industry, automotive, and others.

Regional Assessment

The global market geographic overview was conducted in four major regions including Asia Pacific , North America, Europe and the rest of the world. One of the factors driving the growth of the linear slides market during the forecast period is the growth of the industrial sector in Asia-Pacific and South America. Owing to the increasing automotive, electrical and electronics industries and construction activities in India, Australia and China, Asia-Pacific is projected to hold the largest market share during the forecast period. Moreover, the rapidly Increasing population in countries like China and India, improving economic conditions in Thailand, Vietnam and India and increasing investment in the food & beverage industry are expected to further boost market growth. Additionally, the technical advancements and the low maintenance costs of linear slides also drive the region's growth in this market. Due to the increasing adoption of linear slides in the US, Mexico , and Canada, North America is expected to witness significant growth during the forecast time period. In addition , South America and Africa's emerging economies are projected to accelerate business growth in the RoW over the forecast period.

Competitive Analysis

The key market players operating in the global linear slides market size as identified by MRFR are Bishop-Wisecarver (US), SKF (Sweden), Intralox (US), Del-Tron Precision, Inc. (US), THK Co., Ltd (Japan), Parker Hannifin Corporation (US), Ball Slides, Inc. (US), PHD Inc. (US), igus (Germany), Holmarc Opto-Mechatronics (P) Ltd. (India), IKO International, Inc., Nippon Thompson Co., Ltd. (US), PIC Design, Inc. (US), and Thomson Industries (US).

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Market Research Future (MRFR) is an esteemed company with a reputation of serving clients across domains of information technology (IT), healthcare, and chemicals. Our analysts undertake painstaking primary and secondary research to provide a seamless report with a 360 degree perspective. Data is compared against reputed organizations, trustworthy databases, and international surveys for producing impeccable reports backed with graphical and statistical information.

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techvidyaedu · 26 days

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phdresearchconsulting · 26 days

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jordanianroyals · 7 years

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8/11/2017: Queen Noor and Princess Sumaya attended at the World Science Forum 2017 for a discussion panel on "Women as Leaders for Diversity and Development", which consisted of a diverse group of female leaders in the fields of science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM).

During Her Majesty’s welcoming speech, she pointed to the men attending the session and said: “Seeing that this is not a room of only men, is indicative of what Jordan is; what is little understood about Jordan and our part of our world,” emphasising that “men and women have been working together in the fields of science for very long time”.

However, she also raised some of the challenges the country still faces, such as retaining talented women in the workforce right after graduation, which they are tackling by implementing various women-empowering initiatives and creating opportunities for dialogue. (x)

The event’s speakers were strategically curated to represent the voices of female leaders from different regions such as Asia, Africa, Europe, North America and the Middle East.

“The community of science leaders must be diverse. Diversity among innovators increases the likelihood that the products and services created will contribute to sustainable peace and prosperity,” said panel moderator Katalin Bogyay, the permanent representative of Hungary to the UN.

Each speaker spoke about the particular challenges of women in STEM in their own region, provided socio-cultural context to those topics and recommended solutions.

“We should stop assuming that women are a minority, they are part of humanity, and ask why we aren’t using 50 per cent of our talent,” said Grace Naledi Pandor, South African minister of science and technology.

Pandor stressed to gather data on the number of women in STEM fields since “decisions rely on data”, highlighting how statistics can help shape policies. She also encouraged more women to stay in research, advance into PhDs and take part in fields where they are “scarce” such as those in nuclear science, statistical analysis.

The second speaker, Julia MacKenzie from the American Association for the Advancement of Science, built on Pandor’s argument but insisted that simply gathering the data to create change was not enough.

“We must scrutinise the data and ask more questions,” said MacKenzie, and asked: “Which of the women still don’t have access to these fields? Which fields of STEM are they more saturated in? Do they excel and hold leadership positions, if not, what’s holding them back?”

Kuwaiti Scientist Layla Al Musawi provided some answers to MacKenzie’s questions during her presentation, and gave a culture-specific insight into the lack of women in leadership roles.

“In the Middle East, we’ve been brought up to be shy and to have boundaries — at least in my generation— we were taught not to speak about our abilities,” said Musawi.

However, the Vice President of the European Research Council (ERC) Éva Kondorosi brought forward research that suggested the reason behind the lack of women in leadership roles to be less cultural and more gender specific.

She said that the ERC has found that more men apply for research grants, believed they could be “excellent leaders” and used “superlatives when they talked about themselves” in their applications, whilst women were more modest about their achievements and had a hard time to talk “enthusiastically about themselves”.

Kondorosi also shed light on a very common, yet often not spoken of issue that targets women in the workplace: she spoke about the problem of “unconscious bias” that inadvertently questions or discredits the hard work and merit of working women.

“For example, if a woman comes out with numerous and excellent publications, they will say that she’s collaborating with the head of department,” said Kondorosi.

The ERC vice president said that the elimination of such biases, more soft-skills training, more funding and the access to work-extensions during pregnancies can help pave the way for more women in leadership.

Ultimately, all six women on the stage reiterated that “hard work and extreme dedication” were the keys for achieving success, “regardless of gender”.

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kdmarketresearch · 5 years

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Global Modular Grippers Market Impact Higher Due to Increasing Contribution by Major Players 2015-2025

As per the research conducted by KD Market research, the report titled “ Global Modular Grippers Market” provides current as well as future analysis of the market by evaluating the major applications, advantages, trends, and challenges. The report dives deeper to produce useful insights into Global Modular Grippers Market such as major global regions and key competitors and strategies that can be used for the entry-level player too.

In terms of value, market is going to register a XX% CAGR during the forecast years. The provided research provides the market trends and dynamics across seven regions: North America, Latin America, Europe, APAC and Middle East & Africa. These regions influence both current and future status for Global Modular Grippers Market over the forecast period.

Request for sample@ https://www.kdmarketresearch.com/sample/1657

Global Modular Grippers Market research provides a detailed analysis of its global market and insights that is sole reason behind the popularity of Modular Grippers technology and its advantages. The report covers detailed analysis of key industry drivers, challenges, market trends as well as market structure. The report has been segregated on the basis of Product Type, By Demand and Competitive Landscape. This research also provides an assessment of key stakeholders and their strategies that helps them to succeed in business .

Snapshot

Electric gripper and pneumatic gripper are two different types of gripper both widely used in various automation applications. Compared with pneumatic gripper, electric gripper are more cleaner grippers, need no air lines and save on power and maintenance, and electric gripper is more suitable to be used for detect grip.

The global Modular Grippers market will reach xxx Million USD in 2018 and with a CAGR if xx% between 2019-2025.

Product Type Coverage (Market Size & Forecast, Major Company of Product Type etc.):

- Electric Grippers - Pneumatic Grippers - Others (Magnetic Grippers, etc.)

Demand Coverage (Market Size & Forecast, Consumer Distribution):

- Automotive Manufacturing - Electonics/Electrical - Metal Products - Food/Beverage/Personal Care - Rubber/Plastics - Others

Company Coverage (Sales data, Main Products & Services etc.):

- SCHUNK - SMC - IAI - Parker Hannifin - Festo - Yamaha Motor - Zimmer - Destaco - SMAC - Gimatic - PHD - HIWIN - Camozzi - Afag - Schmalz - IBG Automation - Sichuan Dongju

Major Region Market

- North America - Europe - Asia-Pacific - South America - Middle East & Africa

Browse Full Report with TOC @ https://www.kdmarketresearch.com/report/1657/global-modular-grippers-market

Table of content

1 Industry Overview 1.1 Modular Grippers Industry 1.1.1 Overview 1.1.2 Products of Major Companies 1.2 Market Segment 1.2.1 Industry Chain 1.2.2 Consumer Distribution 1.3 Price & Cost Overview

2 Modular Grippers Market by Type 2.1 By Type 2.1.1 Electric Grippers 2.1.2 Pneumatic Grippers 2.1.3 Others (Magnetic Grippers, etc.) 2.2 Market Size by Type 2.3 Market Forecast by Type

3 Global Market Demand 3.1 Segment Overview 3.1.1 Automotive Manufacturing 3.1.2 Electonics/Electrical 3.1.3 Metal Products 3.1.4 Food/Beverage/Personal Care 3.1.5 Rubber/Plastics 3.1.6 Others 3.2 Market Size by Demand 3.3 Market Forecast by Demand

4 Major Region Market 4.1 Global Market Overview 4.1.1 Market Size & Growth 4.1.2 Market Forecast 4.2 Major Region 4.2.1 Market Size & Growth 4.2.2 Market Forecast

5 Major Companies List 5.1 SCHUNK (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.2 SMC (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.3 IAI (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.4 Parker Hannifin (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.5 Festo (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.6 Yamaha Motor (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.7 Zimmer (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.8 Destaco (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.9 SMAC (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.10 Gimatic (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.11 PHD (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.12 HIWIN (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.13 Camozzi (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.14 Afag (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.15 Schmalz (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.16 IBG Automation (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 5.17 Sichuan Dongju (Company Profile, Sales Data etc.) 6 Conclusion

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KD Market Research is one of the best market research organization that provides B2B research on the growth opportunities of the industry which is the prime factor of the overall revenue of the organization. We identify the pain points which our client is facing around revenue methods and provide them with a comprehensive database which helps them to make intelligent decisions that could ensure growth to the organization.

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theshadowytastemakerstuden-blog1 · 5 years

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Global Gluten Free Protein Bar Market 2019 An Insight On the Important Factors and Trends Influencing the Market

Protein bars have emerged as a convenient go-to food option for protein intake. Protein is an essential building block of the body, mainly for muscle strength and to keep fat off. Protein is required for individuals of all ages as an essential nutrient.

Protein bars find wide demand due to convenience of use. Protein bar are easy to carry, especially for athletes and sportsperson after practice sessions.

Protein bars have evolved too. Rising incidence of gluten allergy, mostly associated with wheat products have led to the surface of gluten free protein bars. This serves dual purpose to be free of gluten, while at the same time, provide necessary protein.

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Availability of range of products such as with dates, nuts, and oats further boosts consumer interest for these products. Collectively, gluten free protein bar market is at gains.

This report studies the global market size of Gluten Free Protein Bar in key regions like North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, Central & South America and Middle East & Africa, focuses on the consumption of Gluten Free Protein Bar in these regions. This research report categorizes the global Gluten Free Protein Bar market by players/brands, region, type and application. This report also studies the global market status, competition landscape, market share, growth rate, future trends, market drivers, opportunities and challenges, sales channels, distributors and Porter’s Five Forces Analysis.

In 2017, the global Gluten Free Protein Bar market size was million US$ and is forecast to million US in 2025, growing at a CAGR of from 2018. The objectives of this study are to define, segment, and project the size of the Gluten Free Protein Bar market based on company, product type, application and key regions.

The various contributors involved in the value chain of Gluten Free Protein Bar include manufacturers, suppliers, distributors, intermediaries, and customers. The key manufacturers in the Gluten Free Protein Bar include Exante(UK) ThinkThin, LLC(US) General Mills(US) Simply Protein(CA) Zoneperfect(US) Slimfast(US) PowerBar(US) Optimum Nutrition(US) GoMacro(US) Rise Bar(US) Labrada(US) Health Warrior(US) Idealshape(US) Phd women(UK)

Market Size Split by Type Vegetable Nuts Fruit Chocolate Others Market Size Split by Application Adult Male Adult Female Youth Others

Market size split by Region North America United States Canada Mexico Asia-Pacific China India Japan South Korea Australia Indonesia Singapore Malaysia Philippines Thailand Vietnam Europe Germany France UK Italy Spain Russia Central & South America Brazil Rest of Central & South America Middle East & Africa GCC Countries Turkey Egypt South Africa

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The study objectives of this report are: To study and analyze the global Gluten Free Protein Bar market size (value & volume) by company, key regions/countries, products and application, history data from 2013 to 2017, and forecast to 2025. To understand the structure of Gluten Free Protein Bar market by identifying its various subsegments. To share detailed information about the key factors influencing the growth of the market (growth potential, opportunities, drivers, industry-specific challenges and risks). Focuses on the key global Gluten Free Protein Bar manufacturers, to define, describe and analyze the sales volume, value, market share, market competition landscape, SWOT analysis and development plans in next few years. To analyze the Gluten Free Protein Bar with respect to individual growth trends, future prospects, and their contribution to the total market. To project the value and volume of Gluten Free Protein Bar submarkets, with respect to key regions (along with their respective key countries). To analyze competitive developments such as expansions, agreements, new product launches, and acquisitions in the market. To strategically profile the key players and comprehensively analyze their growth strategies.

About ResearchMoz ResearchMoz is the one stop online destination to find and buy market research reports & Industry Analysis. We fulfill all your research needs spanning across industry verticals with our huge collection of market research reports. We provide our services to all sizes of organizations and across all industry verticals and markets. Our Research Coordinators have in-depth knowledge of reports as well as publishers and will assist you in making an informed decision by giving you unbiased and deep insights on which reports will satisfy your needs at the best price.

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kathleenseiber · 5 years

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Captive breeding makes monarchs that don’t fly south

Monarch butterflies bred in captivity don’t fly in a southward direction, and neither do their offspring, a new study shows.

Wild-caught monarchs bred indoors under simulated outdoor conditions also don’t orient south, researchers say, suggesting that captive breeding disrupts the monarch’s famous annual migratory behavior.

The North American monarch population has declined 90 percent over the last two decades, according to National Wildlife Federation estimates. As the number of butterflies that reaches their winter habitats in California and Mexico dwindles, monarch enthusiasts have turned to a variety of conservation efforts, including captive breeding and release of the butterflies throughout the summer and autumn.

However, the new study in PNAS shows that these well-intentioned practices may not have the desired effect.

“We hope this will be an avenue into understanding how monarchs are losing migration,” says senior author Marcus Kronforst, associate professor of ecology and evolution at the University of Chicago.

“These monarchs have been brought into captivity and prevented from migrating for many generations, and they have genetically lost migration. It’s a microcosm for what’s happening naturally.”

Monarch flight simulator

Lead author Ayse Tenger-Trolander, a PhD student in Kronforst’s lab, ordered several adult monarch butterflies from a commercial supplier and placed them in an outdoor garden on the rooftop of a building. Researchers enclosed the butterflies in mesh cages but they were otherwise exposed to natural light, temperature, and moisture.

Monarchs breed during the summer and autumn; and it’s the autumn generation that migrates. Tenger-Trolander collected eggs from the commercially purchased adults after they mated and raised them to adult butterflies. That summer generation then became the parents of the autumn generation.

Tenger-Trolander then tested this autumn generation in a “flight simulator,” an open-ended, metal cylinder, like a pipe standing on one end, to see the predominant direction they fly.

Researchers connected the butterflies to a rod near the top opening of the cylinder using a metal pin, or tether, attached to its abdomen. This makes the butterflies fly in place inside the cylinder, but stay free to rotate 360 degrees. A rotating dial records the direction of the butterfly every two milliseconds and saves the data to a computer.

Butterflies that exhibit migratory behavior should fly predominantly toward the south inside the flight simulator. The locally captured monarchs raised in the same gardens did just that. However, the generation of butterflies bred from the commercial monarchs didn’t fly in a dominant direction.

Tenger-Trolander also performed a second set of experiments starting with only wild-caught monarchs and rearing the offspring completely inside. She tried to mimic outdoor conditions by adjusting temperature and the hours of daylight, but as a group, these butterflies did not show signs of migratory flight either.

Some individuals did fly pointing south, but as a group they didn’t collectively fly predominantly in a southward direction. In fact, taking a chrysalis that had been developing outdoors and bringing it inside just as it was about to emerge also “broke” the migratory behavior in the group as a whole.

“I thought there was no way that would matter, but it did,” says Tenger-Trolander. “We know there are many hobbyists and enthusiast breeders who are trying to do their best husbandry and avoid buying from commercial breeders. But there could be an issue with the way they’re raising them indoors too.”

Several populations of monarchs have dispersed throughout the world to Central and South America, the Caribbean, southern Europe, northern Africa, and across the Pacific Ocean to Australia, but none of these new populations migrate like those in North America.

Genetic differences, too

Kronforst and Tenger-Trolander also studied the genetic makeup of the commercially bred butterflies to see how they differ from typical North American monarchs. Is the reason the commercial monarchs don’t migrate because they originated from a newer, non-migrating population?

The genetic analysis showed that the commercially bred butterflies did originate from North America, but they are genetically different enough to count as distinct population, separate from North American or any of the other groups that made it to another continent. Kronforst says he believes the loss of migration lies in these genetic discrepancies.

“We can’t point to a single genetic change that did it because there are lots of them,” he says. “But we think somewhere buried in the genome are changes that have broken it.”

Good intentions gone awry

The US Fish and Wildlife Service is considering whether to list the North American monarch as a threatened species under the US Endangered Species Act.

Any conservation efforts are welcome, the researchers say, and hobbyists raising caterpillars in their gardens or elementary school science classes releasing butterflies into the wild are great ways to engage the public.

But the new study shows that however well-intentioned, monarch enthusiasts should remember that the migratory behavior of these beloved butterflies is incredibly fragile.

“It looks like buying monarchs to raise and release doesn’t contribute to the migratory population, and raising them indoors probably isn’t helpful either,” Kronforst says. “If you want to grow milkweed in your garden and raise monarchs you find around your house, just don’t take them inside. If you keep them outdoors, they should be totally fine.”

Source: University of Chicago

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