#Tupamaros

[leftistfeminista]

Scenes of torture in Uruguay, secretly photographed by a guard and smuggled abroad. Above, two pregnant women are forced to lean against a wall for 24 hours. A third, on the right, has fainted.

In the photo below, a woman tied to a stretcher is being plunged into the “tacho”, a barrel seen in the background, as happened to Rosario.

(Stern Magazine, no. 52 - Hamburg, 20 December 1978)

The National Liberation Movement – Tupamaros (Spanish: Movimiento de Liberación Nacional – Tupamaros, MLN-T) was a Marxist-Leninist urban guerrilla group in Uruguay in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1989 it joined the Movement of Popular Participation (MPP), which was admitted to the Broad Front.

Women leaders played a crucial role in the Tupamaros urban underground. The capture and illegal disappearance of the three women members of the central committee of Tupamaros was a great blow to the organization. They were isolated from the other prisoners and there was no outside knowledge if they were alive or dead. Lucia was able to win the sympathy of one of the guards. He bravely photographed evidence of their condition, and it was smuggled abroad to be published in the German Stern magazine. All three had become pregnant from their abuse. While the photograph captures their humiliation being held in nothing but their underwear it also shows their courage under duress. Kept for long periods with hoods over their heads, in their bra and panties, in stress positions despite their pregnancies. Publicity for their condition helped inspire international pressure for their release. These smuggled photographs became a symbol to rally the Uruguayan people to fight for the return of democracy. Even at their most degraded and vulnerable, Marxist-Leninist women leaders remained the the vanguard of revolution.

[kathleenkern]

Two days in Uruguay

L. Sandra, M. Gabi, Sandra’s niece visiting from Spain, R. Michael Michael met Sandra at his kibbutz, Kerem Shalom, in the 1980s. A dedicated socialist and an exile from the Uruguayan dictatorship she wanted to experience the socialism as practiced by the kibbutz movement in Israel. She later returned to Uruguay for various reasons and abhors the current state of Israeli politics. Our first day…

[sudaca-swag]

not el frente amplio trying to beat the tupamaros allegations when all we (their voters) truly want is to ver a Mujica atrincherado en el parlamento mientras le hace cantar las cuarenta a sanguinetti

[garadinervi]

[the woman with clipped hair], in Chant For My Sisters. Poems for the New Year, Women Against Imperialism, San Francisco, CA, 1987 (pdf here) [The Freedom Archives, Berkeley, CA]

Yessie Macchi "Cecilia" (July 14, 1946 – February 3, 2009) ♥

[txttletale]

What are your criticisms of Chavismo and Maduro just out of curiosity?

now i'd like to preface this with a disclaimer that any opposition ghoul would do nothing but sell the country out to the USA and UK every which way in a heartbeat--maduro is better than any alternative, whether that's guaidó or whichever neoliberal puppet they prop up to replace him.

anyway, there were two key problems with chavismo. firstly, it's fundamentally a national-bourgeois led social democratic movement. obviously in an imperialized country like venezuela this made it profoundly progressive, and the achievments of the bolivarian revolution were incredible--chávez cut malnutrition in half, cut unemployment in half, sent millions of children to school and gave millions of elderly people pensions. however, this project of wealth distribution ultimately had to accomodate the national bourgeoisie. which of course on one hand you can argue was completely necessary, but on the other hand allowed the parasitic classes to entrench themselves firmly within elements of the state apparatus and made chavismo as a project entirely incapable of confronting the national bourgeoisie or corruption.

these of course are the realities of 'democratic socialism', of sweeping a socialist into office in a bourgeoise democracy. through some extremely clever political structures, such as the new constitution, communes, and bolicarian circles--he was able to move much more radically than most in his position. but ultimately, he could not escape the fundamental limits of the source and constraints of his power.

the second is that--and this is a very tawdry and obvious piece of analysis--while it is of course admirable and correct that he seized the nation's oil wealth and enriched the country with it--the way he did it was obviously shortsighted. without a sovereign wealth fund, worker's democratic control of the oil industry, or a solid and far-ranging investment plan, he laid the groundwork for some of the current crisis on the assumption that oil prices would stay high forever.

maduro inherited these faults and added far more of his own. during the crisis that began in earnest in 2016, the other shoe dropped wrt oil prices at the same time as the US tightened their murderous sanctions regime. faced with economic crisis, maduro has broadly chosen to move from chávez' strategy of accomodation with the national bourgeoisie to a full on alliance. social programs have been slashed, pensions cut, wages have plummeted, and worst of all, maduro has sold off countless state enterprises in the hope that oft-prayed to benevolent deity, "foreign capital" would miraculously heal the economy. in the course of this he made an enemy of many early chavistas, as well as the leftmost wing of chávez' coalition -- he has mobilized the full force of the bourgeois state against the country's communist party and other genuinely revolutionary movements, most gallingly the marxist-leninist movimiento tupamaro.

so, tldr: chavismo was genuinely radical compared to even your average third-world social democracy--however it remained fundamentally constrained in what it could accomplish by the lack of an actual proletarian state, was unable to rid itself of reliance on the national bourgeoisie for that same reason, and made some very avoidable mistakes in the handling of the nation's oil wealth--maduro inherited those flaws but has been much more accomodating to both national and international capitalists to the detriment of the people of venezuela.

[workingclasshistory]

On this day, 17 July 1971, 38 women members of the left-wing Tupamaros guerrilla group escaped from the Cabildo women's prison in Uruguay using a tunnel which had been dug into the prison from the sewers. To prepare for the escape, dubbed Operation Star, the women used items they had like thread to measure precise dimensions of prison rooms. They exchanged information and plans written on cigarette paper. Then, comrades on the outside spent five months digging two tunnels 18 m long, 1.2 m high and 80 cm wide. The first went from a rented house to the sewer; the second from the sewer to the prison. The final breakthrough into the prison took place using a hydraulic jack at 8:30 PM on July 17, while the women held a birthday party to cover the noise. They waited until lights out at 10 PM, then made their escape. Only four of the 42 prisoners decided to stay, because they were either pregnant or about to reach the end of their sentences. More information, sources and map: https://stories.workingclasshistory.com/article/8893/cabildo-prison-break https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=663487032491182&set=a.602588028581083&type=3

[radiofreederry]

Happy birthday, Jose Mujica! (May 20, 1935)

President of Uruguay from 2010 to 2015, Jose "Pepe" Mujica was born in the capital city of Montevideo, and became active in radical politics in the 1960s when, inspired by the Cuban Revolution, he joined the Tupamaros – National Liberation Movement, a left-wing guerilla group. Engaging in protracted insurgency against the government, Mujica was captured and escaped prison multiple times throughout the 1970s and 1980s, before being released on amnesty in 1985. Soon after, Mujica entered the electoral arena under the banner of the Broad Front coalition, and the charismatic Mujica quickly became a leader of the left in Uruguay. Mujica's election in 2010 was part of a "pink tide" of left-wing electoral success in Latin America, and as President he pursued progressive policies such as the legalization of marijuana and raising the minimum wage. He also became known for his thrifty and simple lifestyle while in office, declining to live in the presidential palace and using a 1987 Volkswagen Beetle as his transportation.

"It is a mistake to think that power comes from above, when it comes from within the hearts of the masses."

[radicalgraff]

Stencil in Vienna of Georg von Rauch an anarchist militant who was active in the urban guerilla groups Tupamaros West-Berlin & the 2nd of June Movement 2.

He was shot dead by police during a shootout on 4 December 1971.

[waltfrasescazadordepalabras]

En Argentina hubo un presidente que tuvo que vender su auto y terminó trabajando en una panadería. Le dieron un golpe de Estado. Casi nadie lo recuerda. Se ha dicho, con infinita inocencia, que la modestia del presidente José Mujica tal vez sea un ejemplo que marcará huella en las futuras generaciones de uruguayos. Sin embargo, hay malas noticias que llegan del pasado y de acá nomás. En Argentina –en donde los últimos presidentes han sido y son dueños de un millonario patrimonio- hubo un mandatario bastante más pobre que Mujica, cuya gestión fue más removedora que la del ex guerrillero tupamaro y el cual, pese a eso o tal vez precisamente por eso mismo, fue derrocado por un golpe de Estado del que no quedó afuera casi nadie. Y, lo peor, a treinta años de su muerte, su nombre ha ido a dar al panteón del casi olvido sin que su herencia de honestidad haya hecho demasiada huella en los estamentos políticos y sociales de su país. Se llamó Arturo Illia y fue elegido en su cargo como candidato de la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) en las elecciones de 1963 luego de ejercer durante años como médico rural en el humilde pueblo cordobés de Cruz del Eje. La única propiedad que tuvo Illia en su vida fue una pequeña casa que, precisamente, gestionaron y ayudaron a pagar sus vecinos en agradecimiento a los servicios prestados. Fue el único presidente argentino que se negó a recibir una jubilación del Estado y sobrevivió hasta su muerte en 1983 trabajando en la panadería de un amigo. Durante su breve gestión, Argentina creció económicamente como nunca había crecido antes y el desempleo bajó del 8% al 4%. Illia creó el denominado “salario, mínimo, vital y móvil”, subió los sueldos sin provocar inflación y le dedico a la educación un porcentaje sin precedentes. Se enfrentó a las empresas petroleras, a las que impidió seguir llevándose la mayor parte de la explotación del crudo, y se tiró encima a los grandes laboratorios al ponerle tope al precio de los medicamentos. Además, la libertad de prensa era absoluta. Entonces, no solo los militares empezaron a conspirar contra su gobierno. También buena parte de los empresarios, de la Iglesia, de la prensa, de las asociaciones rurales y de los sindicatos dirigidos por el peronista Augusto Vandor. Decían que tenía un carácter débil; lo retrataban en los periódicos como si fuera una tortuga; golpeaban la puerta de la embajada de Estados Unidos; armaban aquelarres en los cuarteles. El semanario Primera Plana de Jacobo Timerman le hizo una entrevista a la esposa de Illia solo para mostrarla como una señora sin lustre y sin título, educada en un hogar humilde, sin ningún tipo de complejidad en sus razonamientos. Illia, mientras tanto, tuvo que vender su auto porque no quería usar los fondos del Estado para solventar los gastos que le imponía su cargo. El 28 de junio de 1966, el general Juan Carlos Onganía resolvió dar el golpe contra este veterano con fama bien ganada de incorruptible y de demócrata hasta las últimas consecuencias. Los militares se le vinieron encima en la Casa Rosada y un grupo de allegados tuvo que escoltarlo hasta la casa de su hermano en donde se quedó un tiempo hasta que volvió a Cruz del Eje. Poco y nada quedó del ejemplo de este médico rural tras su paso por la presidencia. La Argentina siguió penando mayormente entre dictaduras militares y gobiernos dudosamente peronistas. Por supuesto, los que luego entraron en la Casa Rosada no tenían problemas económicos y, si tenían alguno, lo resolvieron echando mano a la caja pública. Por eso, hoy que el mundo se asombra ante la modestia de un presidente uruguayo, no viene mal acordarse de este señor nacido en Pergamino que durante toda su vida –en el llano y en el poder- tuvo que trabajar para poder comer decentemente. En el video que se puede ver aquí arriba, Jairo –un cantautor argentino exquisito y también medio olvidado - lo recuerda de la mejor forma: brevemente y con alegría, fundiéndolo en medio de la gélida noche cordobesa, vestido de pijama y montado en una bicicleta luego de salvarle la vida a la hija de un obrero ferroviario.

El Observador - 25.02.13

[ot3]

for the ask game, 20 and 25!

20. What’s something you learned this year?

this year i learned about the existence of the tupamaros, a leftist guerilla group in uruguay that former president jose mujica used to be a part of. i havent dug into it yet but i nabbed a pdf of 'becoming the tupamaros - solidarity and transnational revolutionaries in uruguay and the united states' by lindsey churchill because it sounded super interesting.

25. Did you create any characters (in games, art, or writing) this year? Describe one

not really... i'm not an oc person for the most part. i enjoy character analysis but i often feel like im fundamentally incapable of Making Up A Guy that's anything more than just a cardboard cutout. maybe someday.

[beautiful-basque-country]

The CIA did not help Carrero Blanco go to space, that is completely false lol. They did want Carrero out and have him replaced with some other facho more friendly to them, that is true, but they were not involved in the operation (other antifascist groups in Europe and Latin America were the ones who helped, with fake documents and dynamite and such). On the other hand, the CIA had full knowledge of what GAL was doing against Basque civilians and actually supported the Spanish government :)

Anónimo ha preguntado: Remember: most of South America at the time was under dictatorships that were implemented and maintained by the USA. Many resistance groups (like the Tupamaros from Uruguay for example) were in contact with eachother not just in America but also in Europe and Africa, and would aid eachother with safe houses, fake documents, weapons, etc. It was a Portuguese group (LUAR) who provided fake documents for the Basques to travel to Czechoslovakia and aquire dynamite to send the admiral to space.

There you go a great and complete history lesson! Eskerrik asko for sharing this info, anon(s)!!!

[leftistfeminista]

Uruguayan political prisoners (Serpaj – Uruguay Never Again - 1989) During the government of Jorge Pacheco Areco (1968 -1971), torture was frequent and habitual, as established by a parliamentary commission that publicly exposed and condemned it. As of April 15, 1972, within the framework and protection of the Declaration of the Internal State of War promoted by Juan María Bordaberry, a fierce repressive campaign was unleashed throughout the country, with the three branches of the armed forces as the main protagonists. Armed Forces, although it obviously included the National Directorate of Intelligence and Information (DNII) led by Inspector Víctor Castiglioni. Sexual abuse associated with torture Without ruling out any repressive variant, there were almost 200 disappeared detainees, 200 murdered, including alleged confrontations, escape attempts, extrajudicial executions, "suicides", deaths during interrogations or in prison conditions, the mass detention of citizens, systematically associated with the torture and prolonged imprisonment in concentration camps, was the methodology deliberately selected by State terrorism to subjugate the population and carry out its project of restructuring society. In the case of women, although not only with them, torture included sexual abuse of all kinds and rape. The massive existence of torture of prisoners was widely known internationally due to the work carried out at the time by Zelmar Michelini and Wilson Ferreira Aldunate from the very beginning of the dictatorship and continued. Upon returning to democracy, the victims of the abuses began to file complaints in court. It was in 2011, after the Inter-American Court ruled in the Gelman vs. Uruguay case, that these twenty-eight former political prisoners, with institutional support, filed the complaint collectively at the judicial level to highlight the specific condition of outrage and violence. suffered by those who were considered "spoils of war" by the repressors.

More information can be found here 

https://autores.uy/obra/15867

Keeping Marxist revolutionary women in their underwear was a way to degrade and humiliate politically dangerous women who had once been a threat. It was a way to strip them of their dignity and reduce them to sexual objects to be mocked and abused. 

Revolutionary Tupamaros women were unable to focus on politics when they constantly had to worry about their own personal safety. Being in their bra and panties gave the comrades the illusion of being clothed, while still being very exposed to Junta abuse and groping. The victim reports that a vicious Junta guard grabbed her black bra strap from behind and pulled it so far back she could feel the snap coming. When she pleaded for him to stop, he simply taunted her beliefs. “I thought you Marxist witches were all bra burners” he laughed. 

As can be seen on the bottom left of the photo when the Tupamaros revolutionary woman in white panties collapsed onto the floor from the abuse, the Junta guards continued to sexually mock her. Keeping once dangerous  Tupamaros women in their underwear, was a way to constantly sexualize and eroticize them against their will. So under the ideology of Junta machismo, Junta guards wouldn’t feel any empathy or sympathy for their victims, but continue to eroticize their bodies despite their suffering. The terrified  Tupamaros women had black bags over their heads, and so couldn’t even see where their next abuse would come from. 

[batebelit]

El Cuarteto de Nos - Barranca abajo

Fecha de lanzamiento: 1995.

Lista de temas:

Barranca abajo (Instrumental)

Almejas.

Guacha vamo' al cine.

Historietas.

Amnesia.

Si se chupa la canaria.

Disculpe.

El diablo en mi corazón.

Palomontio Ñu.

Tupamaro.

Cuando ya no importe.

Apocalipsis Now.

Barranca abajo.

Vino en mi jeringa.

No me puedo mover.

El empleado y la muerte.

Escuchar

Link de descarga en FLAC

[txttletale]

ultimately my perspective on venezuelan politics can be summarized with two tenets:

#1: unlimited solidarity with the maduro government, against western imperialism and the murderous sanctions regime and all their wannabe-comprador puppets in the mainstream opposition

#2: unlimited solidarity with the indigenous peoples of venezuela, with striking workers who have seen paycuts, with the PCV and the movimiento tupamaro, and all other genuinely progressive forces that have been betrayed and suppressed, against the maduro government

[archivomusicalrumberos1]

Todo el Mundo Necesita un Beso - Los Tupamaros / Discos Fuentes - Video ...

[lucianarodriguezdiaz]

2 únicas funciones: Viernes 2 y Sábado 3 de Agosto 20:30hs en la sala Principal del Teatro Solís Dramaturgia: Leonardo Martínez Russo Dirección: André Hübener Ismael es una novela de Eduardo Acevedo Díaz que relata las peripecias de un gaucho-tupamaro en los tiempos del alzamiento de la Banda Oriental durante 1811.  En esta versión teatral, una senadora de la oposición visita, en su casa de veraneo, a un senador del oficialismo con la finalidad de debatir para convencerlo sobre la aprobación de una ley determinante para el futuro de la ciudadanía. Ella apela a las raíces libertarias y civilistas de su facción política. Él está leyendo a Ismael… La obra teatral ISMAEL es una propuesta escénica teatral que reúne banda sonora en vivo con música compuesta especialmente para la obra, y una puesta en escena donde confluye lo actoral, lo físico, la danza y el coro como lenguajes escénicos. Este dispositivo trabaja en concordancia con un equipo técnico de vestuario, luces y escenografía que despliegan su visión de la obra junto con el director para crear el mundo del diseño material de la misma. FICHA TÉCNICA: Dramaturgia: Leonardo Martínez Russo Dirección: André Hübener Elenco: Soledad Gilmet, Sofía Espinosa, Luis Pazos, Bruno Travieso, Carmen Laguzzi, Luche Bolten, Lucía Bonnefon, Camila Vives, Constanza Orellana, Javier Chávez, Leonardo Martínez Russo, Leonardo Martínez, Alfonso Balbis, Ana Fernández, Martín García, Marcelo Mattos y Patricia Fry. Composición Musical: Juan Frache y Martín Sorriba Músicos en escena: Juan Frache, Sebastián Torres, Martín Sorriba, Mariana Escobar, Fabricio Bonilla, Ignacio Mendiverry e Inés Curri Asistencia de Dirección: Florencia Colucci y Nelson Núñez Diseño: Ivana Domínguez y Mariana Pereira Producción: Lucía Etcheverry Gestión de prensa: Lic. Beatriz Benech Entradas en venta en Tickantel y Boletería del teatro Solís. Costo de $ 300 a $ 600