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mariacallous · 2 months ago

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Europe is under siege—not by armies but by supply chains and algorithms. Rare-earth minerals, advanced semiconductors, and critical artificial intelligence systems all increasingly lie in foreign hands. As the U.S.-China tech cold war escalates, U.S. President Donald Trump battles Europe’s attempt to regulate tech platforms, Russia manipulates energy flows, and the race for AI supremacy intensifies, Europe’s fragility is becoming painfully clear. For years, policymakers have warned about the continent’s reliance on foreign technology. Those alarms seemed abstract—until now.

Geopolitical flashpoints, from the Dutch lithography firm ASML’s entanglement in the U.S.-China chip war to Ukraine’s need for foreign satellite services, reveal just how precarious Europe’s digital dependence really is. If Europe doesn’t lock down its technological future, it risks becoming hostage to outside powers and compromising its core values.

Fragmented measures aren’t enough. A European Chips Act here, a half-implemented cloud or AI initiative there won’t fix a system where every layer—from raw materials to software—depends on someone else. Recent AI breakthroughs show that whoever controls the stack—digital infrastructure organized into a system of interconnected layers—controls the future.

The U.S. government ties AI research to proprietary chips and data centers through its Stargate program, while China’s DeepSeek masters the entire supply chain at lower costs. Europe can’t keep treating chips, supercomputing, and telecommunication as discrete domains; it needs a unifying vision inspired by digital autonomy and a grasp of the power dynamics shaping the global supply chain.

Without a coherent strategy, the continent will be a mere spectator in the biggest contest of the 21st century: Who controls the digital infrastructure that powers everything from missiles to hospitals?

The answer is the EuroStack—a bold plan to rebuild Europe’s tech backbone layer by layer, with the same urgency once devoted to steel, coal, and oil. That will require a decisive mobilization that treats chips, data, and AI as strategic resources. Europe still has time to act—but that window is closing. Our proposed EuroStack offers a holistic approach that tackles risks at every level of digital infrastructure and amplifies the continent’s strengths.

The EuroStack comprises seven interconnected layers: critical raw materials, chips, networks, the Internet of Things, cloud infrastructure, software platforms, and finally data and AI.

Every microchip, battery, and satellite begins with raw materials—lithium, cobalt, rare-earth metals—that Europe doesn’t control. China commands 60-80 percent of global rare-earth production, while Russia weaponizes gas pipelines. Europe’s green and digital transitions will collapse without secure access to these resources. Beijing’s recent export restrictions on gallium and germanium, both critical for semiconductors, served as a stark wake-up call.

To survive, Europe must forge strategic alliances with resource-rich nations such as Namibia and Chile, invest in recycling technologies, and build mineral stockpiles modeled on its strategic oil reserves. However, this strategy will need to steer clear of subsidizing conflict or profiting from war-driven minerals, as seen in the tensions between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the latter’s criminal complaints against Apple in Europe—demonstrating how resource struggles can intensify regional instability.

Above this resource base lies the silicon layer, where chips are designed, produced, and integrated. Semiconductors are today’s geopolitical currency, yet Europe’s share of global chip production has dwindled to just 9 percent. U.S. giants such as Intel and Nvidia dominate design, while Asia’s Samsung and TSMC handle most of the manufacturing. Even ASML, Europe’s crown jewel in lithography, finds itself caught in the crossfire of the U.S.-China chip war.

Although ASML dominates the global market for the machines that produce chips, Washington is using its control over critical components and China over raw materials to put pressure on the company. To regain control, Europe must double down on its strengths in automotive, industrial, and health care chipsets. Building pan-European foundries in hubs such as Dresden, Germany, and the Dutch city of Eindhoven—backed by a 100 billion euro sovereign tech fund—could challenge the U.S. CHIPS and Science Act and restore Europe’s foothold.

Next comes connectivity, the digital networks that underpin everything else. When Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine, Kyiv’s generals relied on Starlink—a U.S. satellite system—to coordinate defenses. And U.S. negotiators last month suggested cutting access if no deal were made on Ukrainian resources. Europe’s own Iris2 network remains behind schedule, leaving the European Union vulnerable if strategic interests clash.

Meanwhile, China’s Huawei still dominates 5G infrastructure, with Ericsson and Nokia operating at roughly half its size. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has even floated buying Starlink coverage, underscoring how urgent it is for Europe to accelerate Iris2, develop secure 6G, and mandate a “Buy European” policy for critical infrastructure.

A key but often overlooked battleground is the Internet of Things, or IoT. Chinese drones, U.S. sensors, and foreign-controlled industrial platforms threaten to seize control of ports, power grids, and factories. Yet Europe’s engineering prowess in robotics offers a lifeline—if it pivots from consumer gadgets to industrial applications. By harnessing this expertise, Europe can develop secure, homegrown IoT solutions for critical infrastructure, ensuring that smart cities and energy grids are built on robust European standards and safeguarded against cyberattacks.

Then there is the cloud, where data is stored, processed, and mined to train next-generation algorithms. Three U.S. giants—Amazon, Microsoft, and Google—dominate roughly 70 percent of the global market. The EU’s Gaia-X project attempted to forge a European alternative, but traction has been limited.

Still, the lesson from DeepSeek is clear: Controlling data centers and optimizing infrastructure can revolutionize AI innovation. Europe must push for its own sovereign cloud environment—perhaps through decentralized, interoperable clouds that undercut the scale advantage of Big Tech—optimized for privacy and sustainability. Otherwise, European hospitals, banks, and cities will be forced to rent server space in Virginia or Shanghai.

A sovereign cloud is more than a mere repository of data; it represents an ecosystem built on decentralization, interoperability, and stringent privacy and data protection standards, with client data processed and stored in Europe.

Gaia-X faltered due to a lack of unified vision, political commitment, and sufficient scale. To achieve true technological sovereignty, Europe must challenge the monopolistic dominance of global tech giants by ensuring that sensitive information remains within its borders and adheres to robust regulatory frameworks.

When it comes to software, Europe runs on U.S. code. Microsoft Windows powers its offices, Google’s Android runs its phones, and SAP—once a European champion—now relies heavily on U.S. cloud giants. Aside from pockets of strength at companies such as SAP and Dassault Systèmes, Europe’s software ecosystem remains marginal. Open-source software offers an escape hatch but only if Europe invests in it aggressively.

Over time, strategic procurement and robust investments could loosen U.S. Big Tech’s grip. A top priority should be a Europe-wide, privacy-preserving digital identity system—integrated with the digital euro—to protect monetary sovereignty and curb crypto-fueled volatility. Piece by piece, Europe can replace proprietary lock-in with democratic tools.

Finally, there is AI and data, the layer where new value is being generated at breakneck speed. While the United States and China have seized an early lead via OpenAI, Anthropic, and DeepSeek, the field remains open. Europe boasts world-class supercomputing centers and strong AI research, yet it struggles to translate these into scalable ventures. The solution? “AI factories”—public-private hubs that link Europe’s strengths in health care, climate science, and advanced manufacturing.

Europeans could train AI to predict wildfires, not chase ad clicks, and license algorithms under ethical frameworks, not exploitative corporate terms. Rather than only mimicking ChatGPT, Europe should fund AI for societal challenges through important projects of common European interest, double down on high-performance computing infrastructure, and build data commons that reflect core democratic values—privacy, transparency, and human dignity.

The EuroStack isn’t about isolationism; it’s a bold assertion of European sovereignty. A sovereign tech fund of at least 100 billion euros—modeled on Europe’s pandemic recovery drive—could spark cross-border innovation and empower EU industries to shape their own destiny. And a Buy European procurement act would turn public purchasing into a tool for strategic autonomy.

This act could go beyond traditional mandates, championing ethical, homegrown technology by setting forward-thinking criteria that strengthen every link in Europe’s digital ecosystem—from chips and cloud infrastructures to AI and IoT sensors. European chips would be engineered for sovereign cloud systems, AI would be trained on European data, and IoT devices would integrate seamlessly with European satellites. This integrated approach could break the cycle of dependency on foreign suppliers.

This isn’t about shutting out global players; it’s about creating a sophisticated, multidimensional policy tool that champions European priorities. In doing so, Europe can secure its technological future and assert its strategic autonomy in a rapidly evolving global order.

Critics argue that the difference in mindset between Silicon Valley and Brussels is an obstacle, especially the bureaucratic nature of the EU and its focus on regulation. But other countries known for bureaucracy—such as India, China, and South Korea—have achieved homegrown digital technology from a much lower technological base than the EU. Indeed, through targeted industrial policies and massive investments, South Korea has become a world leader in the layers of chips and IoT. The EU currently already has a strong technological base with companies such as ASML, Nokia, and Ericsson.

European overregulation is not the issue; the real problem is a lack of focus and investment. Until now, the EU has never fully committed to a common digital industrial policy that would allow it to innovate on its own terms. Former European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s recent report on EU competitiveness—which calls for halting further regulation in favor of massive investments—and incoming German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s bold debt reforms signal a much-needed shift in mindset within the EU.

In the same spirit, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has launched a defense package providing up to 800 billion euros to boost Europe’s industrial and technological sovereignty that could finally align ambition with strategic autonomy.

If digital autonomy isn’t at the forefront of these broader defense and infrastructure strategies, Europe risks missing its last best chance to chart an independent course on the global stage.

To secure its future, Europe must adopt a Buy European act for defense and critical digital infrastructures and implement a European Sovereign Tech Agency in the model of the U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency—one that drives strategic investments, spearheads AI development, and fosters disruptive innovation while shaping a forward-looking industrial policy across the EU.

The path forward requires ensuring that investments in semiconductors, networks, and AI reinforce one another, keeping critical technologies—chips, connectivity, and data processing—firmly under the EU’s control to prevent foreign interests from pulling the plug when geopolitics shift.

Europe’s relative decline once seemed tolerable when these risks felt hypothetical, but real-world events—from undersea cable sabotage to wartime reliance on foreign satellite constellations—have exposed the EU’s fragility.

If leaders fail to seize this moment, they will cede control to external techno-powers with little incentive to respect Europe’s needs or ideals. Once this window closes, catching up—or even keeping pace—will be nearly impossible.

The EuroStack represents Europe’s last best chance to shape its own destiny: Build it, or become a digital colony.

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dertaglichedan · 2 months ago

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Nvidia announced a significant investment of $500 billion to build AI chips and supercomputers in the United States over the next four years. The company plans to produce AI infrastructure worth up to $1 trillion through partnerships with TSMC and Foxconn. Nvidia's Blackwell AI chips have started production at TSMC's semiconductor plants in Phoenix, Arizona.

President Donald Trump praised Nvidia's investment, attributing it to his administration's tariffs and the upcoming election. The White House lauded the move as a resurgence of American manufacturing and a boost to national security. Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang highlighted the importance of strengthening the company's supply chain and meeting the growing demand for AI chips.

However, shortly after the announcement, the U.S. government imposed new export restrictions on Nvidia's H20 AI chips to China. The H20 chips, designed to comply with earlier export controls, now require special licenses to be exported to China, Hong Kong, or Macau. Nvidia expects to incur approximately $5.5 billion in expenses related to these restrictions in the first quarter of fiscal year 2026.

Following the news of the export restrictions, Nvidia's shares fell over 6% in after-hours trading, leading to a significant decline in NASDAQ futures. The broader technology sector experienced a downturn as investors reacted to the escalating trade tensions between the United States and China. Industry analysts expressed concerns about the impact of the export controls on Nvidia's revenue and the potential escalation of the U.S.-China trade war

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darkmaga-returns · 2 months ago

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China Halts Rare Earth Exports to US. Carney Sold Canada’s Gold to the UK. Russia, Ukraine to hold direct talks. Trump: decision on Iran to be made soon. Scotland is implementing a digital ID system

Lioness of Judah Ministry

Apr 14, 2025

China Halts Rare Earth Exports to U.S., Threatening Supply Chains for Cars, Semiconductors, and Aerospace Industries

China has halted exports of seven critical rare earth elements to the United States, a move that threatens to disrupt supply chains across key American industries, including automotive, semiconductor, and aerospace sectors.

China’s Ministry of Commerce recently added seven rare earth elements—including dysprosium, terbium, and lutetium—to its restricted export list. These elements are essential for manufacturing high-performance magnets used in electric vehicles, advanced weaponry, and consumer electronics.

Secret way China has been strangling Americans before Trump tariffs... and the crippling impact it has on you

China has been secretly halting exports of major U.S. commodities in a stealthy attempt to undermine Donald Trump's trade war and punish Americans.

While Beijing has matched Trump's 125 percent tariff with one of its own against US-imported goods, they have also been using nontariff barriers to hit the president's supporters the hardest, Politico reported. Over the past four months, China has halted or significantly curtailed direct key U.S. agriculture and energy exports. Many of these exports include U.S. farm goods, such beef, poultry and liquified natural gas.

Smartphones, Computers, Electronic Devices Exempt from Trump Admin’s Tariffs on China

The Trump administration announced that various electronic devices, such as smartphones and computers, will be exempt from the tariffs that have been imposed on China.

In a bulletin posted Friday night by the U.S. Customs and Border Protection agency, it was revealed that certain products would be exempted from tariffs. The tariff exemptions on certain products “apply retroactively to April 5,” according to Axios. The products would be exempt from recently applied tariffs, while other pre-April 2 tariffs would still apply. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt explained in a statement that President Donald Trump “has made it clear” that the United States “cannot rely on China to manufacture critical technologies such as semiconductors, chips, smartphones, and laptops.”

Not So Fast: Lutnick Says Semiconductor Tariffs Coming "In Month Or Two", Exemption Is Only "Temporary"

"We can't be beholden and rely upon foreign countries for fundamental things that we need."

Update (1059 ET): U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick told ABC's This Week host Jonathan Karl that smartphones, computers, chips, and other consumer electronics may soon be subject to separate tariffs in a month or so, suggesting that the exemptions announced Friday evening are only temporary. "All those products are going to come under semiconductors, and they're going to have a special focus type of tariff to make sure that those products get re-shored. We need to have semiconductors, we need to have chips, and we need to have flat panels -- we need to have these things made in America. We can't be reliant on Southeast Asia for all of the things that operate for us," Lutnick told Karl.

Trump says will announce semiconductor tariffs over next week

US President Donald Trump on Sunday said he would be announcing the tariff rate on imported semiconductors over the next week, adding that there would be flexibility on some companies in the sector.

Trump spoke with reporters aboard Air Force One as he traveled back to Washington from his estate in West Palm Beach.

Japanese PM, bank chief, warn of heightened uncertainty from US tariff policy

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba said on Monday that US tariffs have the potential to disrupt the global economic order.

Speaking in parliament, Ishiba said the government is not thinking of issuing a supplementary budget now, but stood ready to act in a timely fashion to cushion the economic blow from US tariffs. Bank of Japan Governor Kazuo Ueda said on Monday global and domestic economic uncertainty has increased sharply due to US tariff policy. "US tariffs will likely put downward pressure on global and Japanese economies through various channels," Ueda told parliament. "The BOJ will guide monetary policy appropriately from the standpoint of sustainably achieving its 2% inflation target, while scrutinizing economic, price and financial developments without any pre-conception," Ueda said.

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bostonwalks · 2 months ago

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Why Tariffs Are Good The claim that tariffs are inherently misguided and inevitably harmful does not stand up to scrutiny, especially when it comes to U.S. trade with China by Michael Lind https://www.tabletmag.com/sections/news/articles/tariffs-good-trump-china

Donald Trump is back—and so is the tariff. “It’s a beautiful word, isn’t it?” the president quipped before the joint session of Congress on Tuesday—so beautiful that he referenced tariffs 17 more times in his address. In the short time since his second inauguration on Jan. 20, Trump has imposed—and sometimes walked back or temporarily suspended—tariffs on China, Canada, and Mexico, and declared a policy of tit-for-tat “reciprocity” or retaliation for any foreign tariffs on American exports that are higher than U.S. tariffs on imports. And he has justified tariffs with multiple rationales, ranging from protecting or reshoring defense-critical American industries to pressuring America’s neighbors to take action to reduce the cross-border flow of illegal immigrants and drugs like fentanyl. In fact, he told members of Congress, tariffs were “about protecting the soul of our country.”

The chaotic and inconsistent nature of Trump’s second-term policy to date can be criticized. But when it comes to tariffs as a tool of economic statecraft in general, the gap between establishment rhetoric and actual government practice is big enough to drive a Chinese EV through.

The audiences of the dying legacy media are told that the tariff is a destructive policy revived by politicians like Trump who fail to understand elementary economics, which teaches that free trade benefits all sides all the time everywhere, with no exceptions. But from North America to Europe to Asia, developed countries are ignoring mainstream economists and their amen corner in the subsidized libertarian think tank world and slapping tariffs onto imports in favored industries like electric vehicles and renewable energy. Governments are resorting to tariffs and industrial policy, not because their prime ministers and presidents flunked Econ 101, but because they do not want their economies deindustrialized by a flood of low-priced, state-subsidized Chinese imports.

The Chinese import threat is why Canada has levied a 100% tariff on imported Chinese EVs, along with a 25% surtax on Chinese steel and Chinese aluminum. The European Union has slapped electric vehicles made in China with tariffs ranging from 7.8% to 35.3%, on top of the standard European tariff of 10% for imported automobiles. India imposes tariffs of 70%-100% on imported electric vehicles from China and other countries.

Like the leaders of Canada, the EU, and India, former president Joe Biden is not generally thought of as a disciple of the Donald Trump school. But last May, the Biden administration imposed new duties not only on Chinese EVs but also on Chinese-made steel and aluminum, semiconductors, batteries, critical minerals, solar cells, ship-to-shore cranes, and medical products. According to the Biden White House press release in May:

China’s forced technology transfers and intellectual property theft have contributed to its control of 70, 80, and even 90 percent of global production for the critical inputs necessary for our technologies, infrastructure, energy, and health care—creating unacceptable risks to America’s supply chains and economic security.

In December, the Biden administration announced new restrictions on the export of chip manufacturing to China. The Biden White House even taunted the first Trump administration for not having gone far enough with its protectionist policies: “The previous administration’s trade deal with China failed to increase American exports or boost American manufacturing as it had promised.”

The verdict of history is clear: No country ever industrialized by pursuing free trade.Share

The rehabilitation of tariffs, then, is a belated course correction in response to the rise of China, which has been driven by U.S. companies that offshored manufacturing. The Middle Kingdom has lost its position as the world’s most populous nation to India, but it has surpassed the U.S. as the world’s largest national economy. China dominates global manufacturing, accounting for a market share of around 30% of manufacturing value added in 2023. In comparison, that same year American manufacturing accounted for only 16% of the global total.

In 2023 China produced roughly half of the world’s crude steel. China is the world’s largest automobile maker, accounting for a third of the global total. China’s state-backed aerospace company, COMAC, threatens to take global market share from America’s Boeing and Europe’s Airbus. China is also the world’s largest commercial shipbuilder, responsible for more than half of all shipbuilding. America’s share of the global shipbuilding market is 0.10%. Yes, zero-point-10 percent. Most of the goods shipped across the oceans to and from the U.S. are in ships built in China (51%), South Korea (28%), or Japan (15%). During the COVID pandemic, Americans were shocked to learn how dependent the U.S. is on medical supplies from China, which provides around 30% of active pharmaceutical ingredients used in drugs by value and 78% of the vitamins in the U.S. A single Chinese company, DJI, controls 90% of the American drone market, including 90% of the drones used by American police departments and first responders.

China’s trade with the U.S. resembles that of a dominant manufacturing nation with a resource colony. In 2023, China’s main exports to the U.S. were broadcast equipment, computers, and office machine parts. Apart from integrated circuits, one of the few industries in which the U.S. retains an advantage, America’s main exports to China in 2023 were soybeans and crude petroleum, with the value of soybeans ($15.2 billion) twice that of silicon chip exports ($7.01 billion).

#tariffs

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adiruma · 4 months ago

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DeepSeek’s Global Success: China’s AI Triumph Sparks Pride and Playful Banter

DeepSeek’s Global Success: China’s AI Triumph Sparks Pride and Playful BanterThe AI battlefield just got a new champion—DeepSeek. While OpenAI’s ChatGPT and Google’s Gemini have been flexing their muscles worldwide, this Chinese AI startup has swooped in, snagging the top spot on the App Store, leaving tech giants scratching their heads. The reaction? China is bursting with national pride, and the internet is having a field day.DeepSeek: The New AI Kid on the BlockDeepSeek, an emerging AI assistant from China, has rapidly climbed the charts, surpassing even ChatGPT in downloads. This unexpected victory is more than just an app store ranking—it’s a symbol of China’s ability to innovate and compete on the global AI stage, despite trade sanctions and geopolitical challenges.Tech enthusiasts and everyday users alike have taken to social media, celebrating DeepSeek’s win with a mix of pride and humor. "Who needs ChatGPT when DeepSeek speaks my language—literally and figuratively?" quipped one user. Another joked, “DeepSeek just deep-sixed the competition!”But behind the memes and playful jabs lies a serious achievement. China’s AI ambitions are no secret, and DeepSeek’s success signals a major step toward technological self-reliance.A Strategic Move in the AI Chess GameFrom a professional standpoint, DeepSeek’s rise is a calculated play in the ongoing AI arms race. With Western AI models dominating the landscape, China has been steadily investing in homegrown alternatives. The timing couldn’t be better—U.S. sanctions have limited China’s access to advanced semiconductor technology, making it crucial for the country to develop its own AI infrastructure.DeepSeek’s success showcases the power of China’s digital ecosystem. With a robust user base and extensive language models tailored for Chinese audiences, it provides a seamless experience that resonates with local users. While OpenAI and Google are still struggling with language nuances and regional restrictions, DeepSeek is delivering precisely what its audience needs.What’s Next for DeepSeek?While China celebrates, the global AI community is taking notes. DeepSeek’s rapid rise poses an important question: Can it sustain this momentum, or is this just a fleeting moment of glory? Competing with established AI giants requires continuous innovation, robust infrastructure, and a global outreach strategy.If DeepSeek wants to truly challenge the status quo, it may need to expand beyond China’s borders. But with growing AI regulations, international politics, and competition from other AI startups, the road ahead is anything but easy.Final Thoughts: A Win for AI DiversityWhether DeepSeek becomes a long-term rival to ChatGPT or simply enjoys its moment in the spotlight, its success is a win for AI diversity. The tech world thrives on competition, and having multiple strong players ensures better innovation, fewer monopolies, and—let’s be honest—more entertaining internet debates.For now, China is reveling in DeepSeek’s triumph, and the rest of the world is watching closely. As the AI wars heat up, one thing is clear: the game is far from over, and DeepSeek has just made a very loud opening move.

#intelligence artificielle #ai #deepseek

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whatstheusgovernmentdoing · 7 months ago

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11/15/24 - White House

President Biden will participate the APEC Leaders' Informal Dialogue with Guests; and meet with world leaders Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru of Japan, President Yoon Suk Yeol of the Republic of Korea, and President Dina Boluarte Zegarra of the Republic of Peru

Department of State: A new agreement will allow the U.S. and the United Kingdom to exchange equipment and classified information for defensive purposes - The DoS has imposed visa restrictions on the Nicaraguan National Police due to their violations of civil liberties

Department of Defense: The DoD will be working harder to make sure all congressionally authorized funding to Ukraine arrive before the end of the Biden-Harris Administration in January

Department of Justice: Christopher Carl Meier has been sentenced to 35 years in prison for CSAM - The DoJ has found that the Fulton County Jail in Georgia violates the 8th and 14th Amendments - Money Launderer Ilya Lichtenstein has been sentenced to 5 years in prison - George Semerene Quintero has been sentenced to 30 months in prison for violating the IEEPA

Department of Commerce: The DoC has given TSMC Arizona $6.6B to manufacture semiconductors

Department of Labor: The DoL has secured $14K in back pay for employee who was illegally fired

Department of Health and Human Services: Five states have been approved to grant continuous eligibility to healthcare

Department of Housing and Urban Development: The HUD has given $37M to the Reno Housing Authority to expand affordable housing options

#us politics #executive branch #potus #president biden #department of state #nicaragua #united kingdom #department of defense #ukraine #department of justice #department of commerce #semiconductor #department of labor #department of health and human services #department of housing and urban development

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xtruss · 10 months ago

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Foreign Policy Priorities: Kamala Devi Harris’s Positions

— By Council on Foreign Relations

AI and Technology

Harris has played a leading role in developing U.S. policy toward artificial intelligence (AI). The Biden-Harris administration has framed supporting the U.S. technology sector as a matter of national security, even as it has sought to confront large tech companies for alleged unfair market practices.

Harris led the formulation of an executive order requiring companies to share with the government risks they are facing and outlining a framework for the safe use of AI that federal agencies can follow.

She reportedly suggested that leading AI firms agree to voluntary safety commitments, including a pledge to submit their most powerful models for government review; fifteen of them did so in 2023. She also led efforts to develop rules surrounding military use of AI that have been agreed to by more than fifty countries.

The Biden-Harris administration passed the CHIPS and Science Act in August 2022, directing more than $280 billion in funding toward domestic production of advanced technologies and the hardware that underpins their development, such as semiconductors.

The same year, the administration published an “AI Bill of Rights” identifying five principles for the responsible deployment of the technology. Harris says U.S. policy toward AI should both stimulate innovation and protect against “profound harm.”

Harris represented the United States at the first international AI governance summit in London in 2023. The summit produced a joint declaration that seeks to ensure the technology is “human-centric, trustworthy, and responsible.” China has also signed the statement.

The Biden-Harris administration unveiled a new National Cybersecurity Strategy in 2023 that urges U.S. companies to take responsibility for ensuring that their systems cannot be hacked and suggests that they could be held legally liable for not protecting “digital infrastructure.” The strategy also called for expanding U.S. military authorization to preempt foreign cyberattacks.

The administration has asked Congress to create legislation strengthening antitrust enforcement that can be used against large technology firms. The Department of Justice has pursued antitrust cases against Apple, Amazon, Google, and other big tech firms.

The administration has cracked down on cryptocurrencies due to concerns over their utility in evading sanctions, laundering money, and financing terrorism. It has directed the Federal Reserve to explore developing a central bank digital currency (CBDC). Harris is reportedly seeking a “reset” with the crypto sector.

China

Harris says China is responsible for stealing intellectual property and distorting the global economy with unfairly subsidized exports. The Biden-Harris administration has argued that China’s growing influence and aggression in some areas are the leading national security threat to the United States.

Harris says she will ensure that “America, not China, wins the competition for the twenty-first century.” The Biden-Harris administration has placed stringent restrictions on exports of high-tech products to China that it deems critical to national security. It has pressed U.S. partners in the European Union and elsewhere to impose similar measures on Chinese tech.

She argues that the United States should “de-risk,” not decouple, from China, arguing that Washington lost the trade war that began under Trump. The administration has retained $360 billion worth of tariffs on China imposed by Trump and introduced a raft of its own.

These restrictions followed major legislation that subsidized domestic manufacturing of computer chips, electric vehicle parts, and other new technologies. Firms that produce such goods in China are not eligible for U.S. subsidies.

Harris says the Chinese-owned social media app TikTok poses national security concerns. In April 2024, Biden signed a bill that will ban TikTok from the United States if it is not sold by 2025; Harris has said a ban is not the administration’s intention.

In 2022, she said the United States would “continue to support Taiwan’s self-defense” in line with long-standing U.S. policy of “strategic ambiguity” toward the island that China claims as its own.

Her campaign says she helped lead administration efforts to ensure freedom of navigation through the South China Sea and sought closer ties with American allies in the Indo-Pacific, including Australia, Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea. In April 2024, Harris hosted the first-ever trilateral summit between the United States, Japan, and the Philippines.

Harris met with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in 2022, urging him to “maintain open lines of communication to responsibly manage the competition between our countries.” Under the Biden-Harris administration, the United States and China agreed to pursue policies aimed at tripling global renewable energy capacity.

The Biden-Harris administration unveiled two programs aimed at building infrastructure in lower-income countries to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

As a senator, Harris cosponsored legislation calling on several U.S. agencies to investigate China’s crackdown on the Uyghur ethnic group and the autonomy of Hong Kong.

Climate Change

Harris describes the climate crisis as an “existential threat.” She has supported many of Biden’s climate policies, including his decision to rejoin the Paris Agreement, and cast the tiebreaking vote in the Senate to pass the largest clean energy and climate investment bill in U.S. history.

Harris backed Biden’s decision to return the United States to the 2015 Paris Agreement, under which nearly two hundred countries agreed to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions to limit global temperature rise.

She cast the tiebreaking vote on the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), the largest investment in climate-related policies in U.S. history. The bill budgets roughly $370 billion for emissions-reduction efforts, including tax credits and subsidies for clean energy projects. The IRA builds on the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), a $1.2 trillion law to upgrade U.S. infrastructure and spur the adoption of electric vehicles, among other measures.

As part of the IIJA, the Biden-Harris administration created the Civil Nuclear Credit Program to invest $6 billion in existing nuclear energy facilities. In March 2024, the administration announced it will lend $1.5 billion to Michigan to restart a shuttered nuclear plant, the nation’s first such recommissioning.

Harris launched a new partnership between the United States and Caribbean countries that seeks to strengthen energy security, critical infrastructure, and local economies in the region.

At the 2023 UN climate conference in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, Harris announced a $3 billion pledge from the United States to the UN Green Climate Fund, the world’s largest fund dedicated to helping developing countries address climate change.

The Biden-Harris administration created the American Climate Corps, a jobs program that aims to train tens of thousands of young people in high-demand skills for careers in climate action and clean energy. The program is modeled after President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Civilian Conservation Corps.

The Biden-Harris administration has approved a range of new fossil fuel projects, including an $8 billion oil drilling project in northern Alaska. However, it also announced restrictions on new oil and gas leasing on 13 million acres (5.3 million hectares) of an Alaskan federal petroleum reserve. Under the administration, oil and gas production has continued to grow to historic highs, with the United States becoming the world’s largest crude oil producer.

As a 2020 presidential candidate, Harris put forth a $10 trillion plan that called for net-zero emissions by 2045 and a carbon-neutral electricity sector by 2030. She also pledged to end federal support for the fossil fuel industry and called for a carbon tax and a ban on fracking. Her 2024 campaign said she will not ban fracking.

As a senator in 2019, Harris was an early co-sponsor of the Green New Deal, a nonbinding congressional resolution that aimed to help the United States transition to 100 percent clean energy within a decade, and said she would eliminate the Senate filibuster to pass the deal if needed.

Defense and North Atlantic Terrorist Organization (NATO)

Harris has positioned herself as a strong supporter of multilateral cooperation and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). She has emphasized the U.S. commitment to Ukraine and furthered U.S. space policy as chair of the White House National Space Council.

The Biden-Harris administration’s 2022 National Security Strategy [PDF] broadly maintained the Trump administration’s focus on great-power competition with China and Russia. Harris has pledged to ensure the United States “always has the strongest, most lethal fighting force in the world.”

At the Munich Security Conference in 2024, Harris reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to NATO, calling it the “greatest military alliance the world has ever known.” Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Biden-Harris administration supported NATO enlargement by pushing for approval of Finland’s and Sweden’s accession bids. (The countries joined NATO in 2023 and 2024, respectively.)

The Biden-Harris administration also formulated an updated Indo-Pacific Strategy [PDF], which pledges to support “a free and open Indo-Pacific.” To that end, the United States has inked a new defense pact with Papua New Guinea and advanced an existing defense agreement with the Philippines. The Biden-Harris administration has also deepened security cooperation with Japan and South Korea, and it held the inaugural in-person summit of the so-called Quad—an alliance comprising the United States, Australia, India, and Japan—which aims to counter China in the Indo-Pacific.

The administration announced a new trilateral pact with Australia and the United Kingdom, known as AUKUS, that seeks to bolster the countries’ allied deterrence and defense capabilities against China, including by supplying Australia with nuclear-powered submarines.

Harris has called for greater involvement with Africa, and in 2023, led a weeklong trip to the continent. In 2022, the Biden-Harris administration published a new Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa [PDF] that emphasizes democracy protection, economic development, and the clean energy transition; that same year, a U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit produced commitments to increase U.S. military aid and training for African governments.

Harris chairs the White House’s National Space Council, which advises the president on space policy and strategy. In 2022, she announced the U.S. commitment to halt anti-satellite weapons tests, which create dangerous atmospheric debris. She has also overseen a large increase in the number of signatories to the Artemis Accords, a global agreement governing space-related activity.

In 2019, she told CFR that the war in Afghanistan “must come to an end.” The Biden-Harris administration withdrew all remaining U.S. troops from the country in August 2021 as part of an earlier deal struck by Trump.

She also told CFR that she would consider some sanctions relief to improve life for North Koreans in exchange for Pyongyang taking “serious, verifiable steps” to denuclearize.

As a senator, Harris voted against reauthorizing parts of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act because it did not require warrants for the government to access U.S. citizens’ information.

Fiscal Policy and Debt

The Biden-Harris administration has focused on making public investments in infrastructure and green energy, expanding the middle class, and challenging monopolistic consolidation. To pay for a surge in spending, it has sought to raise taxes on corporations and the wealthiest Americans.

Harris supported legislation signed by Biden that authorized trillions of dollars in new public spending. In 2021, the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the largest infrastructure spending bill in decades, authorized $1.2 trillion in spending toward U.S. roads, railways, airports, and other infrastructure. Additional subsidies for semiconductor and climate investments have surpassed $800 billion.

Nonpartisan watchdogs expect that the administration’s spending programs will increase the growing federal deficit by more than $1 trillion over the next decade. The deficit is now $1.7 trillion, and the national debt has climbed past $30 trillion, or more than 100 percent of U.S. economic output.

She has backed Biden’s proposals to institute $5 trillion worth of tax increases. She supports raising the top income tax rate, taxing capital gains like income for Americans making more than $1 million, and implementing a wealth tax that would impose a 25 percent levy on individuals with more than $100 million worth of total assets, including unrealized gains. She also favors raising the corporate tax rate from 21 to 28 percent.

Harris says that building the middle class will be a “defining goal” of her presidency. Her proposed policies include raising the minimum wage, eliminating taxes on tips, and creating a newborn child tax credit of up to $6,000 per year. The economic proposals in a fact sheet released by the Harris campaign would add $1.7 trillion to the federal deficit over the next decade, according to some estimates.

In 2018, she proposed legislation that called for reversing the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. Many of these cuts are set to expire in 2025; Biden has proposed maintaining cuts for Americans making less than $400,000, a plan Harris now supports.

In 2021, the Biden-Harris administration brokered a global agreement to tax corporations at a minimum of 15 percent, though it is yet to be implemented. A year later, the administration introduced a 15 percent corporate minimum tax on U.S. companies with annual income over $1 billion. Harris supports raising that rate to 21 percent.

The administration has made antitrust policy a priority, challenging alleged monopolies in the aviation, energy, and technology sectors. In 2022, the Federal Trade Commission and Department of Justice recorded the most challenges to proposed mergers since the United States began requiring premerger reviews in 1976.

Global Health and Pandemic Prevention

Harris has prioritized national and international health-care issues. She has long been an outspoken supporter of reproductive rights, advocating for new legislation to restore abortion rights overturned by the Supreme Court. She has also played a role in the administration’s efforts to address the opioid epidemic.

The Biden-Harris administration pursued an aggressive COVID-19 vaccination policy that included free vaccine access and a nationwide vaccine mandate that would have affected most large employers. (The Supreme Court later struck down the mandate.) In 2021, the administration released a national pandemic strategy [PDF] that focused on quickly ramping up vaccine production, protecting essential workers, and expanding access to testing and treatment.

The administration issued an executive order retracting Trump’s decision to withdraw from the World Health Organization, to which the United States is one of the largest donors.

In 2023, Harris convened state attorneys general from across the country to discuss state and federal efforts to address the U.S. opioid epidemic. The Biden-Harris administration has declared synthetic opioid trafficking a national emergency; sanctioned firms and individuals in China, a critical node in the drug’s supply chain; and pushed China and Mexico to do more to stem the flow of fentanyl into the United States.

In 2022, the Biden-Harris administration unveiled a new national biodefense strategy [PDF] that aims to help the United States better prepare for large-scale biological or viral threats that could emerge in the future. The strategy led to the creation of the White House’s Office of Pandemic Preparedness and Response Policy, tasked with coordinating, leading, and implementing pandemic preparedness efforts.

Harris has been a leading voice on reproductive rights. She criticized the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, a 1973 decision which recognized a constitutional right to abortion, and supports new legislation to enshrine Roe into federal law. In 2021, the Biden-Harris administration rescinded the so-called Mexico City policy blocking abortion-related programs from receiving U.S. foreign aid, saying that it undermined U.S. efforts to support women’s health.

As a senator, Harris cosponsored legislation that sought to ban states from imposing restrictions on abortion rights, and she voted against a bill that aimed to ban abortions after twenty weeks.

Immigration

Harris advocates for comprehensive immigration reform. She was tasked with leading the federal effort to address the root causes of migration from Central America, though her comments dissuading would-be migrants from traveling to the United States have created controversy.

Harris has promised to reform the “broken” immigration system, including by bringing back and signing into law the bipartisan border security bill that failed twice in Congress.

Biden tapped Harris to lead the administration’s diplomatic efforts to address the root causes of migration from Central America’s so-called Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Since 2021, Harris has helped secure some $5 billion in private sector investment to promote economic opportunities and curb violence in Central America.

During her first international trip to Guatemala and Mexico in 2021, she told would-be migrants thinking about making the dangerous trek to the southern U.S. border “do not come” given the likelihood they would be turned away by border authorities.

The Biden-Harris administration reinstated the Central American Minors program, which has allowed thousands of children from the Northern Triangle to gain refugee status or temporary legal residence before traveling to the southern U.S. border.

The Biden-Harris administration has sought to rebuild the U.S. refugee resettlement program after Trump made large cuts. In fiscal year 2023, the United States welcomed more than sixty thousand refugees, over double the previous year. The administration also created new parole programs that have welcomed tens of thousands of Afghan and Ukrainian refugees to the United States.

The administration has sought to restore asylum access, including by ending daily limits on asylum applications and restoring protections to victims of domestic and gang violence. However, it unveiled a new policy in 2023 that allows the government to deny asylum to migrants who did not previously apply for it in a third country and to those who cross the border illegally. This approach includes new screening centers in several Latin American countries.

In 2024, the administration also issued an order temporarily blocking people who illegally cross the border from seeking asylum once the number of daily crossings exceeds a certain threshold—which it has for much of Biden’s presidency. A separate order also expanded green card access for certain undocumented immigrants who are married to U.S. citizens.

The administration has expanded and renewed temporary protected status (TPS) for hundreds of thousands of eligible nationals of several countries, including Afghanistan, Cameroon, and Ukraine.

The Biden-Harris team has expanded the capacity of some guest worker visa programs in response to the increasing demand for temporary workers.

As a presidential candidate in 2019, she put forth an immigration plan that called for the creation of a path to citizenship for recipients of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy, a program launched by former President Barack Obama that provides deportation relief and work permits to undocumented migrants brought to the United States illegally as children.

In 2020, she reintroduced the Access to Counsel Act, which would ensure that people held or detained while entering the United States have access to legal counsel. She originally introduced the bill—her first as a senator—in 2017. She also supported legislation that would have expedited the reunification of immigrant families.

Middle East

Harris backs Israel’s right to self-defense but has also been outspoken about the toll on Palestinian civilians amid the war between Israel and Hamas. She supports an immediate cease-fire and hostage release as well as a two-state solution to the long-running Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Harris reiterated her support for Israel in a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in July 2024. She has welcomed U.S. military aid to Israel, which has topped $12 billion since Hamas attacked Israel in October 2023, and her campaign says she does not support an arms embargo on the country.

Harris called for a cease-fire in the Israel-Hamas war in March 2024, one month before Biden did. She said she supports “Israel’s legitimate military objectives to eliminate the threat of Hamas” but decried the “humanitarian catastrophe” in the Gaza Strip. She has pressed Israeli leaders to do more to protect civilians and has pushed the Israeli government to allow more aid into Gaza.

She says a two-state solution is the best way to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. She has called for a “revitalized” Palestinian Authority to govern a unified Gaza and West Bank. She also says Israel needs to hold “extremist settlers” in the West Bank accountable for violence against Palestinians. In February 2024, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned four Israeli settlers accused of violence in the West Bank.

In 2021, she affirmed U.S. support for the Abraham Accords, a series of normalization deals between Israel and Arab countries negotiated by the Trump administration.

Before Hamas attacked Israel, the Biden-Harris administration was seeking a normalization deal between Israel and Saudi Arabia. In exchange, Riyadh had asked for formalized U.S. security guarantees, cooperation on a civilian nuclear program, and Israeli concessions toward Palestinians.

As a senator, she supported a 2018 resolution calling on the president to end all military actions in Yemen and voted to block weapons sales to Saudi Arabia. The Biden-Harris administration froze certain offensive arms sales to Saudi Arabia in 2021 before resuming them in August 2024 with a $750 million weapons sale.

She says she will take “whatever action is necessary” to defend U.S. troops against Iran and its proxies. After Iran-aligned forces killed three U.S. service members in Jordan in January 2024, U.S. military forces struck more than eighty-five Iran-linked targets in Iraq and Syria.

In 2019, she told CFR that she would rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal if Iran returned to compliance. The Biden-Harris administration’s efforts to rejoin the deal were hindered by Iran’s support of Hamas, the Houthis, and other groups antagonistic to the United States. After Iran-aligned forces killed three U.S. service members in Jordan in January 2024, U.S. military forces struck more than eighty-five Iran-linked targets in Iraq and Syria.

Russia–Ukraine

Harris says the United States will back Ukraine’s defensive efforts against Russia for “as long as it takes” to counter the threat that a Russian victory would pose to the rest of Europe. She has represented the United States at peace talks on Ukraine and encouraged Congress to give Kyiv tens of billions of dollars in financial assistance.

Harris has condemned Russia’s invasion, saying the United States is “committed to helping Ukraine rebuild” and achieve “a just and lasting peace.” Since 2022, the United States has provided Ukraine with some $175 billion in assistance, including financial, humanitarian, and military support.

In June 2024, Harris represented the United States at a peace summit organized by Ukraine in Switzerland, where she sought to rally global support to pressure Russia to end its war. At the summit, she pledged close to $2 billion in additional aid for Ukraine.

Harris argues that a failure to respond to Russian aggression in Ukraine would embolden other countries considering invasions. She has helped coordinate with Western allies to impose sweeping sanctions, export controls, and other penalties on Russian entities and individuals, including the Russian private military company Wagner Group. The measures have focused on isolating Russia from the global financial system, limiting its energy exports, and hampering its military capabilities.

She says Russia has committed crimes against humanity in Ukraine. In 2019, she told CFR that Russia’s occupation of Crimea is a “severe violation of international norms.”

In 2018, Harris was among more than two dozen Democratic lawmakers who objected to Trump’s decision to withdraw from a 1987 treaty that required the United States and Russia to eliminate their stockpiles of midrange, ground-launched nuclear missiles.

Trade

Harris says trade is important for economic growth but argues that trade deals should shield American workers from unfair practices abroad. The Biden-Harris administration has applied new guardrails on trade aimed at promoting U.S. manufacturing, countering China’s economic rise, and addressing worsening climate change.

Before becoming vice president, Harris said she is “not a protectionist Democrat” and opposed widespread tariffs, which she has argued contribute to inflation. However, the Biden-Harris administration has maintained some $360 billion in tariffs on China that were implemented by Trump and introduced tens of billions of dollars in additional duties.

The Biden-Harris administration has argued that previous trade deals focused too much on boosting corporate profits while exposing U.S. workers to unfair competition. It has sought to strengthen investment in U.S. manufacturing and infrastructure to increase the country’s economic competitiveness.

As a senator, Harris opposed the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a free trade agreement negotiated by President Barack Obama and from which Trump withdrew, arguing the deal would harm American workers and the climate. The Biden-Harris administration has instead sought to negotiate a successor deal that includes cooperation on supply chains but does not eliminate tariffs or increase access to the U.S. market.

She was one of ten senators to oppose the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, an updated version of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) that was negotiated by Trump and supported by Biden. In 2019, she said that she would not sign a trade deal “unless it protected American workers and it protected our environment.”

The Biden-Harris Administration has mobilized the federal government to support strategic domestic industries, an effort known as industrial policy. Harris cast the tiebreaking vote in favor of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which contained roughly $370 billion in federal grants, loans, and tax incentives for clean energy. To obtain access to IRA funding, companies must agree to limit operations in China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia.

In 2022, the administration passed the CHIPS and Science Act directing hundreds of billions of dollars toward U.S. semiconductor manufacturing. It has also imposed a slew of new restrictions aimed at curtailing Beijing’s access to advanced technologies and pushed U.S. allies, including major semiconductor suppliers Japan and the Netherlands, to implement similar restrictions.

Harris has said that she wants to reform the World Trade Organization (WTO). The Biden-Harris administration has pushed for changes to the WTO’s dispute-settlement mechanism even as it has continued Trump’s and Obama’s practice of blocking nominees to its appeals court, saying that China is gaming the system.

#Council on Foreign Relations #CFR Education #Newsletter #Kama Devi Harris #Tim Walz #AI and Technology #China #Climate Change #Defense | North Atlantic Terrorist Organization (NATO)#Fiscal Policy | Debt #Global Health | Pandemic Prevention #Immigration #Middle East #Russia 🇷🇺 | Thug Ukraine 🇺🇦#Trade

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tradeimex453 · 5 days ago

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USA Import Data with Buyers Details: How Trade Flows and Business Intelligence Shape the Market

In the vast ocean of international trade, the United States stands as one of the biggest hubs of imports in the world. As the total value of U.S. imports reached $3.35 trillion in 2024, the scale, complexity, and transparency of U.S. trade flows make it a goldmine for businesses, analysts, and policymakers, as per the US import data.

But import values are just the surface. Beneath lies a deep, structured database of importer details, product-level shipments, and supply chain intelligence. If used strategically, this data can offer a competitive edge to anyone from freight forwarders to global brands and startup manufacturers. Let’s break down the 2024 import landscape—and why the US import data with importer details is more powerful than ever.

US Import Data Overview: The Big Picture (2024)

Total U.S. Imports (2024): $3.36 trillion

Top import categories:

Capital goods (e.g., machinery, semiconductors, telecommunications equipment)

Consumer goods (e.g., phones, apparel, toys, furniture)

Industrial supplies (e.g., crude oil, chemicals, metals)

Top 5 Import Partner Countries:

Mexico

Canada

China

Germany

Japan

Key US Import Trends in 2024

A significant shift toward nearshoring and friend-shoring, particularly with Mexico and Canada, is replacing some reliance on China.

Strong growth in electric vehicle (EV) and battery imports aligns with energy transition goals.

Heightened demand for pharmaceuticals, medical supplies, and AI-related semiconductors.

What Is U.S. Importer Data?

The import data, which provides the import trade information about the US importers & buyers, is called the US importers data. U.S. law mandates that maritime import shipment data be made publicly available. This means each shipment arriving in U.S. ports by ocean freight is logged and recorded, with details including:

Name and address of the importing company

Name and country of the exporting company

Description of goods

Quantity and container details

Port of entry and date

Country of origin

HS code (product classification)

Bill of lading number

Note: Air, rail, and truck imports do not fall under this public disclosure, making ocean freight the key source of visible import activity.

Why Importer Data Matters

This isn’t just data for customs brokers. It’s a strategic tool used by:

Competitor intelligence teams

B2B sales teams targeting importers

Supply chain professionals seeking new sourcing partners

Market researchers identify trends by product or region

Governments and NGOs are monitoring trade flows and compliance

Example Use Cases:

A textile manufacturer in India identifies 50 U.S.-based apparel importers and pitches better prices.

An exporter in Miami gets data on high-volume electronics importers to offer warehousing solutions.

A compliance officer reviews shipments of restricted materials for proper labeling.

Example: What a Real US Shipment Record Shows

Let’s say a U.S.-based company imports wooden furniture from Vietnam. A typical record might show:

Importer Name: Urban Spaces LLC, New Jersey

Exporter: Minh An Wood Co., Ltd., Vietnam

Product: “Assembled wood dining tables and chairs”

HS Code: 940360

Quantity: 500 sets

Port of Entry: Los Angeles

Arrival Date: June 12, 2024

Bill of Lading #: ABCD123456

This level of transparency gives precise, actionable insight into sourcing behavior and trade routes.

US Import Volume by Sector (2024 Highlights)

Electronics: U.S. imports of semiconductors and smart devices rose by 18% in 2024, as per the USA electronics import data.

Automotive: Imports of EV components grew by 26%, driven by the EV transition.

Furniture & Home Goods: Vietnam and Mexico dominated this space with rising U.S. home renovation demand.

Pharmaceuticals: India remained the leading exporter of generic medicines to the U.S., as per the data on US pharmaceutical imports from India.

How Businesses Leverage Importer Data

✅ Lead Generation

Sales teams build prospect lists based on real shipment volume, ensuring leads have real trade activity.

✅ Trend Forecasting

Consultants and analysts monitor real-time import shifts, e.g., decline in China reliance or rise in Southeast Asian imports.

✅ Supplier Verification

Retailers and private-label brands use importer data to vet partners or discover shared suppliers with competitors.

✅ Risk Management

Insurers search for US trade data by product category, geography, or volume concentration.

How to Get Started

Search Live Data by product, HS code, or country of origin to find target importers.

Export data to Excel and filter by port, shipment size, or consistency.

Cross-reference with LinkedIn or company websites for context.

Build outreach or partnership strategies around verified data.

Conclusion and Final Thoughts

In conclusion, US import data with importer details is a valuable resource for businesses looking to unlock market insights and drive success. The US importer data isn’t just a customs form—it’s a window into the global economy. For businesses of all sizes, it offers competitive intelligence, partner discovery, trend forecasting, and operational clarity. In 2024, as trade flows reshape in real time, those who tap into this data will not just follow markets—they’ll lead them.

Need help using import data for your business strategy, trade goals, or market entry plan? Contact [email protected] for a detailed and customized database report on US export-import data and get a list of top US importers.

#us import data #us buyers data #us importers data

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anand-londhe · 5 days ago

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Chemical Mechanical Polishing Fluid Market Trends 2025: What You Need to Know

Global Chemical Mechanical Polishing Fluid Market is experiencing significant growth, with a valuation of USD 2,600 million in 2024. According to the latest industry analysis, the market is projected to grow at a CAGR of 9.5%, reaching approximately USD 4,100 million by 2032. This growth is primarily driven by increasing demand in semiconductor manufacturing, particularly in the production of silicon wafers and optical substrates, where precision polishing is essential for high-performance electronic devices.

Chemical Mechanical Polishing (CMP) fluids are critical in semiconductor fabrication, enabling ultra-smooth surfaces for integrated circuits and microelectronics. The increasing complexity of semiconductor devices and the shift toward smaller, more efficient chips are driving demand for advanced CMP fluids. As the semiconductor industry continues to expand, manufacturers are investing in innovative formulations to enhance polishing efficiency and reduce defects.

Download FREE Sample Report: https://www.24chemicalresearch.com/download-sample/293728/global-chemical-mechanical-polishing-fluid-forecast-market-2025-2035-519

Market Overview & Regional Analysis

Asia-Pacific dominates the global CMP fluid market, accounting for over 60% of production, driven by strong semiconductor manufacturing in China, South Korea, and Taiwan. The region benefits from robust investments in semiconductor fabrication plants (fabs) and government support for advanced manufacturing technologies. North America follows closely, with the U.S. leading in semiconductor innovation and R&D, while Europe remains a key player in specialty CMP fluid formulations.

Emerging markets in Southeast Asia and India are witnessing rapid growth due to increasing semiconductor investments and expanding electronics manufacturing. Latin America and Africa, though smaller markets, are gradually adopting CMP technologies as semiconductor production expands globally.

Key Market Drivers and Opportunities

The market is driven by the rapid expansion of the semiconductor industry, increasing demand for high-performance electronic devices, and advancements in CMP fluid formulations. The shift toward 5G, AI, and IoT technologies is accelerating demand for advanced semiconductor components, further boosting CMP fluid consumption. Additionally, the rise of electric vehicles (EVs) and renewable energy technologies is creating new opportunities for CMP fluid applications in power electronics.

Opportunities also exist in the development of eco-friendly CMP fluids with reduced environmental impact. The integration of AI-driven polishing optimization and smart manufacturing techniques is expected to enhance efficiency and reduce waste in semiconductor production.

Challenges & Restraints

The CMP fluid market faces challenges such as high production costs, stringent environmental regulations, and the complexity of polishing advanced semiconductor materials. The dependence on rare earth materials for CMP slurry formulations also poses supply chain risks. Additionally, the semiconductor industry's cyclical nature can lead to demand fluctuations, impacting CMP fluid manufacturers.

Trade restrictions and geopolitical tensions in key semiconductor-producing regions may also affect market stability. However, ongoing R&D in alternative materials and sustainable CMP solutions is expected to mitigate some of these challenges.

Market Segmentation

The CMP fluid market is segmented by type and application:

By Type: Alumina Slurry, Colloidal Silica Slurry, Ceria Slurry

By Application: Silicon Wafers, Optical Substrates, Disk Drive Components, Others

Silicon wafers remain the largest application segment, driven by semiconductor demand, while optical substrates are growing rapidly due to the expansion of photonics and optoelectronics.

Competitive Landscape

Key players in the CMP fluid market include:

CMC Materials

DuPont

Fujimi Corporation

Merck KGaA (Versum Materials)

Fujifilm

Showa Denko Materials

Saint-Gobain

AGC

Ace Nanochem

Ferro (UWiZ Technology)

These companies are focusing on R&D, strategic partnerships, and sustainability initiatives to strengthen their market position.

Report Scope

This report provides a comprehensive analysis of the global CMP fluid market, including:

Market size and forecast (2024-2032)

Segmentation by type and application

Regional market analysis

Competitive landscape and key players

Market trends and growth opportunities

For detailed insights, download the full report.

Download FREE Sample Report: https://www.24chemicalresearch.com/download-sample/293728/global-chemical-mechanical-polishing-fluid-forecast-market-2025-2035-519

About 24chemicalresearch

Founded in 2015, 24chemicalresearch is a leading provider of market intelligence in the chemical industry, offering data-driven insights to global clients. Our reports are designed to support strategic decision-making with accurate and actionable data.

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#industryinsights #markettrends #chemistry #chemicalmarket #chemicals

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dineshblogsimr · 5 days ago

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Global Forecast and Analysis of the Fullerene Nanotubes Market (2025–2032)

Global Fullerene Nanotubes Market continues to expand significantly, with its valuation reaching USD 420 million in 2023. According to market research projections, the market is expected to grow at a CAGR of 7%, reaching approximately USD 772.15 million by 2032. This trajectory is primarily driven by their unparalleled mechanical strength and conductivity, particularly in high-tech industries embracing advanced materials. While North America accounted for USD 122.97 million in 2023, the Asia-Pacific region shows the highest growth potential due to massive industrial expansion.

Fullerene nanotubes, also called carbon nanotubes (CNTs), have become foundational materials in aerospace, electronics and biomedical applications. Their atomic-level precision allows exceptional strength-to-weight ratios – 100 times stronger than steel at one-sixth the weight. This explains their rapid adoption in sectors prioritizing material efficiency without sacrificing performance.

Download FREE Sample Report: https://www.24chemicalresearch.com/download-sample/289348/global-fullerene-nanotubes-forecast-market-2025-2032-578

Market Overview & Regional Dynamics

Asia-Pacific leads global consumption, accounting for over 45% of demand, with China spearheading both production and application development. The country's focus on semiconductor manufacturing and EV battery technologies has made CNTs indispensable. Japan follows closely, leveraging nanotubes in precision electronics and robotics.

North America's market thrives on aerospace and defense applications, where material performance is non-negotiable. Boeing and Lockheed Martin increasingly incorporate CNT composites in aircraft components. Meanwhile, Europe shows strong growth in renewable energy storage, with Germany allocating €2 billion for nanomaterial research in fuel cells by 2026.

Key Market Drivers and Emerging Applications

The market gains momentum from three primary factors: 1) Aerospace manufacturers replacing aluminum with CNT composites (30% weight reduction in aircraft structures) 2) Semiconductor firms adopting nanotubes for next-gen chip interconnects 3) Biomedical breakthroughs in targeted drug delivery systems

Emerging applications show particular promise: • Quantum computing components (37% annual growth in R&D investment) • Smart textiles with embedded sensors • Space elevator cable prototypes (Japan's Obayashi Corporation initiative) • 3D-printed nanocomposites for automotive

Technical and Commercial Challenges

Despite impressive growth, the industry faces constraints. Production consistency remains problematic – only 60% of manufactured CNTs meet aerospace-grade specifications. Large-scale purification processes add 40-45% to production costs. Regulatory uncertainty also persists, with the EU currently debating stricter nanoparticle safety protocols that could impact manufacturing processes.

Trade tensions further complicate supply chains. The U.S. Commerce Department's 2023 restrictions on advanced material exports to China altered market dynamics, prompting Chinese manufacturers to accelerate domestic CNT production capabilities by 80% year-over-year.

Market Segmentation by Type

Single-Wall Nanotubes (SWNT)

Double-Wall Nanotubes (DWNT)

Multi-Wall Nanotubes (MWNT)

Market Segmentation by Application

Consumer Electronics

Aerospace & Defense

Energy Storage

Healthcare

Automotive

Industrial Composites

Competitive Landscape

The market features both established chemical giants and specialized nanomaterials firms:

Arkema (France) - Leading in MWNT production

CNano Technology (USA) - Pioneer in conductive pastes

Nanocyl (Belgium) - Aerospace-grade nanotube specialist

Showa Denko (Japan) - Dominates the Asian semiconductor supply

Hyperion Catalysis - Holds key patents for CNT composites

Recent developments include NanoIntegris' 2024 acquisition by Merck KGaA (undisclosed sum) and Arry International's expansion of its Shenzhen production facility (20,000 sq. ft capacity addition).

Comprehensive Report Coverage

This report delivers actionable insights on the Fullerene Nanotubes market landscape through 2032, including:

Production capacity analysis by region and manufacturer

Application-specific demand forecasting

Technological roadmaps for CNT purification and functionalization

Regulatory impact assessments across major markets

Patent landscape and intellectual property trends

The analysis incorporates primary research with 18 leading manufacturers and 32 end-user companies across aerospace, electronics and medical sectors. This provides grounded perspectives on adoption barriers, pricing expectations and material performance requirements.

Get Full Access: https://www.24chemicalresearch.com/reports/289348/global-fullerene-nanotubes-forecast-market-2025-2032-578

About 24chemicalresearch

Founded in 2015, 24chemicalresearch has rapidly established itself as a leader in chemical market intelligence, serving clients including over 30 Fortune 500 companies. We provide data-driven insights through rigorous research methodologies, addressing key industry factors such as government policy, emerging technologies, and competitive landscapes.

Plant-level capacity tracking

Real-time price monitoring

Techno-economic feasibility studies

With a dedicated team of researchers possessing over a decade of experience, we focus on delivering actionable, timely, and high-quality reports to help clients achieve their strategic goals. Our mission is to be the most trusted resource for market insights in the chemical and materials industries.

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#globalfullerenenanotubesmarketgrowth #globalfullerenenanotubesmarketforecast #globalfullerenemarkettrends

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mariacallous · 1 year ago

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If you want to understand how China abuses its power on the world stage, consider the lobsters. After the Australian prime minister called in April 2020 for an international investigation into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Chinese ambassador to Australia, Chen Jingye, ominously hinted at the economic backlash. “Maybe the ordinary [Chinese] people will say, ‘Why should we drink Australian wine? Eat Australian beef?’” he told the Australian Financial Review. It and other outraged statements from the Chinese government had all the subtlety of a mafia capo wandering into the neighborhood deli and saying, “Nice little business you got here—shame if anything happened to it.”

In the weeks and months that followed, China instituted onerous import inspections on Australian rock lobsters and instituted new bans on timber and barley shipments from Australia. Given that in 2018 and 2019, China had accounted for about 94 percent of the Australian rock lobster market, the new trade restrictions were clearly meant to devastate the country’s lobster industry.

China also invoked punishing tariffs on Australian wine—tariffs that in some cases reached 212 percent—and exports stopped almost overnight. One winemaker, Jaressa Estates in the South Australian wine growing region of McLaren Vale, had been selling about 7 million bottles a year to China, some 96 percent of its total business, and saw that number drop to zero. “The country’s biggest overseas market vanished almost immediately. Sales to China plummeted 97 percent that first year. Storage tanks overflowed with unsold vintages of shiraz and cabernet sauvignon, pressuring red grape prices,” the New York Times reported. “Now that its economy is entrenched as the world’s second largest, the threat of losing access to China’s 1.4 billion consumers is a stick that few countries or industries can afford to provoke.”

It was a brutal lesson for Australia. As one winemaker told CNN, perhaps Australia shouldn’t be so quick to cross China in the future—and it should have approached questions about COVID-19’s origins with more delicacy. “Australia’s only a little nation. We should have absolutely supported it, but we didn’t need to lead the charge,” the vintner said. All told, Australia saw some $13 billion worth of exports targeted.

Outside the egregious Australian case, China has begun to wield the economic stick more regularly. For example, it halted salmon imports from Norway after the Nobel Peace Prize went to Chinese dissident Lio Xiaobo, punished Taiwan in 2022 with new restrictions on exporting pineapples, apples, and fish, and went after Lithuania when the Baltic country tried to strengthen ties with Taiwan. The wide-ranging Chinese move against Lithuania was unprecedented—extending not to just to obvious products like milk or peat but also against products manufactured with semiconductor chips made in Lithuania. As the New York Times wrote at the time, “China’s drive to punish Lithuania is a new level of vindictiveness.” The consequences for Lithuania were so dire that the German-Baltic Chamber of Commerce reported that the country’s high-tech industry faced an “existential” threat.

The most powerful voices in the global trade discussion largely stayed silent during these attacks. The European Union filed a perfunctory World Trade Organization complaint on Lithuania’s behalf but, as the New York Times reported, “otherwise largely left one of its smallest and weakest members to fend for itself,” and behind the scenes its officials urged Vilnius officials to appease China. “To use a Chinese phrase, they are killing the chicken to scare the monkey, particularly the big German monkey,” one European think tank leader said publicly. “Many European leaders look at Lithuania and say, ‘My God, we are not going to do anything to upset China.’”

And while some U.S. officials held performative tastings of Australian wine, the United States failed to step in to stabilize or support Australia, Norway, Taiwan, or Lithuania. There were no high-profile “Berlin Airlifts” of pineapples to U.S. grocery stores, tanker convoys of Australian Shiraz rolling up the Capital Beltway, or “Buy Baltic” public service announcements to encourage consumers and corporate leaders to look to Lithuanian suppliers. There was no coordinated effort to build a coalition to implement an emergency adjustment of tariffs on Australian wine or lobster, let alone to help the affected industries find new commercial buyers.

Perhaps it’s easy to write off such American reluctance as our own strain of protectionism—maybe the government didn’t want to be accused of undercutting Hawaiian pineapples or promoting foreign competitors to California Zinfadels—but the truth is that even at home the United States has failed to stand up for our industries when China targeted them. We didn’t support American airlines and hospitality companies when China pressured them to remove Taiwan’s name from their maps; nor did the United States government stand up meaningfully for the free speech of NBA players who criticized China.

China is learning, again and again, that bullying works, mastering the 21st-century toolkit of economic statecraft and warfare. As Bethany Allen, a journalist who has covered China for a decade, writes in her book, Beijing Rules: How China Weaponized Its Economy to Confront the World, “If we speak the language of markets … then China hasn’t just learned that language. It has learned to speak it louder than anyone else.” The Chinese Communist Party’s “authoritarian style of state capitalism,” Allen argues, means it “is willing to draw on its full arsenal of leverage, influence, charm, deception, and coercion.” And China has begun to deploy those tools all too frequently—leading to very real questions about whether anyone, companies or nation-states, can afford to be economically reliant on China.

The United States needs to do better—for ourselves and our allies. Strong allies are not going to help only out of self-interest, they’re going to do it because they want to follow their values and principles—and we have to make it easier for countries who want to help us counter China. We need to create an umbrella that shields countries, companies, and individuals when they take on China’s attempts at hegemonic thought and action.

Critical to any global strategy to counter China is building and securing the series of bilateral relationships and multilateral institutions and alliances that helped the West win Cold War I. We have to make it easy for our allies—and desired potential allies—to say yes to such alliances. China is surrounded by many relatively small and weak countries that need real reassurances, both security and economic, that if they side with the United States in a regional coalition they won’t be out in the cold.

Even countries like South Korea, Japan, and Australia that are G-20 countries with advanced economies and trillion-dollar-plus GDPs are small compared to the behemoths like China and the United States, especially if they’re left geopolitically isolated.

Beyond ad hoc responses to pressure on our friends when they stand up to China—especially but not only when they’re acting at our request—the United States needs to figure out a new alliance framework to deter such actions from China in the future. China needs to know that bullying won’t work.

On the security front, there’s little value in the Indo-Pacific in a replacement for SEATO, the 20-year attempt to build a Southeast Asia alliance like NATO that ended in 1977 after never achieving a working military structure. (One British diplomat called the alliance a “zoo of paper tigers.”) Today, too many of the countries across the Indo-Pacific are already protected by bilateral security pacts with the United States to bother joining a larger formal security alliance. For example, given that both Japan and the Philippines have their own security pacts with the United States, it’s not entirely clear what domestic political appetite there would be for, say, the Philippines to be treaty-bound to defend Japan if it’s attacked.

Instead of a military security alliance in the Indo-Pacific, we should be looking to build a new—and global—economic security alliance. America should lead the way in creating a new organization—call it something like the Treaty of Allied Market Economies (TAME), an “economic NATO” alliance of European and Indo-Pacific nations with open-market economies. Together, the partners in this alliance would respond as a unified block to political and economic pressure from China—or any other economic aggressor, for that matter—through a combination of trade barriers, sanctions, and export controls.

In some ways, this alliance would look similar to the coordinated but independent action that the West took in levying unprecedented sanctions against Russia after its Ukraine invasion. As an additional carrot to joining such an alliance, like-minded members could all share increased trade benefits in the form of tariff cuts, regulatory cooperation, and enhanced investment terms.

Beyond formal joint economic punishment of an aggressor, such an alliance could also plan for and commit to repairing and replacing real economic harms that member countries face when hit with retaliatory tariffs or trade wars. Such “trade diversion” often occurs in the market anyway. As one market closes, another opens—and we know that, in part, because of China’s actions against Australia. Markets are adaptable and most goods can flow elsewhere, especially if protectionist tariffs don’t stand in the way. It’s why Australia, for instance, weathered some of China’s aggressive moves better than anticipated. In particular, the Australian coal industry—which was also hit with punishing bans—turned out just fine because coal is such a fungible and high-demand product. “Once China banned imports of Australian coal in mid-2020, Chinese utilities had to turn to Russian and Indonesian suppliers instead. This, in turn, took Russian and Indonesian coal off the market, creating demand gaps in India, Japan, and South Korea—which Australia’s stranded coal was able to fill,” Foreign Policy noted. “The result of decoupling for one of Australia’s core industries was therefore just a game of musical chairs—a rearrangement of who traded with whom, not a material injury.”

One of the reasons that NATO has never had to invoke Article 5 against another nation-state attack—the only time it’s ever been used was after Sept. 11 against al Qaeda—is precisely because of how strong all other countries know the response from the combined NATO force would be.

The same should be true on the economic front. As Daleep Singh, a National Security Council official who helped coordinate the U.S. response to Ukraine, said, “The best sanctions are the ones that never have to get used.” China might very well think twice before weaponizing its trading strength if it understood the combined—and severe—penalties it might face in taking such action and that even if it did launch a trade war, it wouldn’t necessarily inflict much economic harm to begin with.

There’s enough evidence of China’s willingness to inflict economic pain for political gain across Asia and Europe that a well-crafted TAME organization would likely attract a long line of participants—many countries across the globe are becoming increasingly concerned about Chinese belligerent behavior, and there is safety in numbers. While it is unlikely that some large countries with significant economic dependence on China, such as France and Germany, would rush to join this new alliance, states that have already found themselves on the receiving end of Chinese coercion in the past—such as Australia, Norway, Sweden, Japan, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, the Philippines, and Taiwan itself, among others—are prime candidates for initial membership. Over time, as TAME membership grows in numbers, combined economic power, and market size, it will become a magnet too attractive for other market economies to avoid, especially if China continues to engage in brutish bullying tactics around the world.

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