#Upper Tribunal Appeal

[lexlawuk]

Judicial Review: Pre-Action Protocol

Embarking on the journey of challenging a decision made by the Home Office can be a complex and daunting endeavour. Whether it’s about obtaining entry clearance, leave to remain, or settlement rights, individuals often find themselves entangled in legal intricacies. Understanding the Pre-Action Protocol is crucial in navigating this process smoothly. This protocol, enshrined within the Civil…

[saintmeghanmarkle]

Thank you Sir Peter Richard Lane. Not all heroes wear capes [Prince Harry vs RAVEC} by u/Negative_Difference4

Thank you Sir Peter Richard Lane. Not all heroes wear capes [Prince Harry vs RAVEC} ​https://ift.tt/os5RSGk Justice Lane was educated at state schools in Worcester, before studying law at Oxford and Berkeley, California. After 5 years in the Office of the Parliamentary Counsel, he became a solicitor and parliamentary agent in Westminster, drafting and promoting legislation on a wide range of subjects; in particular, infrastructure projects. His clients included public transport operators, local authorities and universities. In 2001, he was appointed as a salaried immigration adjudicator, in time becoming a judge of the Upper Tribunal. In 2014, he became President of the General Regulatory Chamber of the First-tier Tribunal, which decides appeals from a wide range of statutory regulators. He was appointed a deputy High Court judge in 2016 and, in 2017, a High Court judge in the Queen’s Bench Division. Since October 2017, he has also been President of the Upper Tribunal Immigration and Asylum Chamber. He was appointed as Deputy Chair of the BCE initially for a three year term from 23 June 2020, subsequently extended to 22 December 2023.He has now retired as a Judge of the High Court (King’s Bench) with effect from 1 February 2024. This was his last case post link: https://ift.tt/HtKALRV author: Negative_Difference4 submitted: February 29, 2024 at 12:27PM via SaintMeghanMarkle on Reddit

[aurianneor]

Illegitimate authorities

The European Commission, religious leaders, consultancy firms (Accentur, Mac Kinsey, Ernst and Young, PWC), crowds, senates and social networks are all examples of illegitimate authorities in countries where the people are self-determining as a democracy. Big business like Coca-Cola or Total is powerful; what is illegitimate is the representative of the people who puts the interests of big business before those of the people. Scientists with the title of doctor of science, who are therefore authorities who sell their souls to the multinationals, these sellers of doubt are illegitimate, as the documentary The World According to Monsanto shows.

For example, the European Commission is made up of people appointed by the member countries; they are not elected. The European Parliament, which is elected and therefore legitimate, has no authority because it is only consultative.

The crowd is illegitimate. The angry people in the street are not the ones who have to decide. Citizens are legitimate. They have to decide by referendum to become a legitimate authority.

Religious people have power, but they are not legitimate authorities. Politicians have no business consulting them.

Consultancy firms, including the Fab Four, have no business advising our elected representatives and public authorities. The administration is the arm that implements what has been voted. If the people have decided on such and such a programme for such and such an elected official, that’s what they want. The abuse of these consultancy firms is causing the population of experts in the administration to decline because these posts are being abolished. These consultancy firms serve their most powerful clients, not the people. Civil servants are servants of the people. For example, the entire COVID reaction was steered by Mac Kinsey, even though we have a Ministry of Health.

Senates or upper houses are assemblies of unelected people, often appointed for life, who have the power to block any political change in a country even if the people want it. They can nullify the work of the people’s representatives. They are major obstacles to the will of the people.

Social networks, unlike journalists, have not been to school and do not have a journalist’s card; the protection of their sources is not governed by law. They have no authority to guarantee their information. Social networks are replacing journalism. There is no transparency or ethics. They are commercial companies that sell their influence to private companies, political parties or governments. 73% of 16-30 year-olds get their information solely from social networks, according to the newspaper L’Etudiant.

The police and the army are illegitimate when they serve power rather than the people. They are legitimate when they defend the people. For example, General de Gaulle was legitimate in his appeal of 18 June. General Lafayette sided with the French revolutionaries against the nobility. Napoleon was legitimate when he overthrew parliament.

Courts of exception are illegitimate. Justice is accountable to the people, so why are our elected representatives judged by parliamentary commissions of enquiry, high courts of justice or military tribunals? Industrial tribunals are an aberration. The administrative courts are a form of justice where people judge each other and are not accountable to the people. The arbitration tribunal set up by the European Union judges economic disputes by economic players, not by judges.

The European Central Bank is independent, not subject to the power of elected representatives.

To find out more, read Illegitimate Authority: Facing the Challenges of Our Timeby Noam Chomsky.

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Les autorités illégitimes: https://www.aurianneor.org/les-autorites-illegitimes/

The Senate, the power to piss people off: https://www.aurianneor.org/the-senate-the-power-to-piss-people-off/

Ecoterrorism: https://www.aurianneor.org/ecoterrorism/

Fed up with strikes? Ask for referendums!: https://www.aurianneor.org/fed-up-with-strikes-ask-for-referendums/

Le référendum est une arme qui tue la violence: https://www.aurianneor.org/le-referendum-est-une-arme-qui-tue-la-violence-oui/

Oui au Référendum d’initiative populaire: https://www.aurianneor.org/oui-au-referendum-dinitiative-populaire-petition/

Police and justice for the people: https://www.aurianneor.org/police-and-justice-for-the-people/

Police, Armée: https://www.aurianneor.org/police-armee-manif-des-policiers-je-suis-gilet/

Banca: https://www.aurianneor.org/banca-the-merchant-of-venice-william/

[tiptapismellbullcrap]

Ok, my PIP appeal got to tribunal and was rejected bc my life wasn’t impacted enough (I can’t stand or walk unsupported for <5 but ok)

I just really need some advice bc I don’t know whether I should try to get it to upper tribunal, restart the whole process or just give up all together. I really need the money I would have gotten from the backpayment (it’s been about a year and a half since I first applied) to get a wheelchair, but with how it’s been going, I doubt it will go through. I just really need some help, I can’t keep living like this, but I need the money to make my life easier

[1900scartoons]

Some Suggestions For John A, Whereby He May Be Able To Cut Down 'Jakes' Pie-Knife Lead

August 30, 1908

In several panels, Democratic Minnesota Governor John Johnson is depicted using bad manners to appeal to the people. In the upper left, he blows out a gas lantern; the caption reads "Let Gov. Johnson blow out the gas." In the lower left, he slurps from a bowl of soup; the caption reads "Or drink out of the finger bowl". In the upper right, he wears his napkin like a bib; the caption reads "Or wear his napkin like this." In the lower right, he blows on a saucer full of tea; the caption reads "Drinking his tea from the saucer might help some." In the center, Jacob Jacobson, the Republican candidate for Minnesota Governor, eats a slice of pie directly from a knife; the caption reads "The Republican Nominee for Governor Has Gained a National Reputation."

On August 20, the Minneapolis Tribune referred to comments by Chairmen Farrington regarding Jacobson's claim that he was the people's candidate. Farrington suggested this was based on Jacobson's blaming the Democratic governor for the Republican extravagance and eating pie with his knife.

See Also: John Johnson

From Hennepin County Library

Original available at: https://digitalcollections.hclib.org/digital/collection/Bart/id/6479/rec/2060

[sa7abnews]

Tim Walz is dressing the part &ampmdash; and it's exactly what Harris needs

New Post has been published on https://sa7ab.info/2024/08/11/tim-walz-is-dressing-the-part-ampmdash-and-its-exactly-what-harris-needs-2/

Tim Walz is dressing the part &ampmdash; and it's exactly what Harris needs

Tim Walz speaking at a campaign event in Detroit on Wednesday with Kamala Harris. Andrew Harnik/Getty ImagesIn work boots or a rumpled suit, Tim Walz has won some fans with his folksy fashion sense.Experts told BI his authenticity targets the very voters Harris needs.The Trump-Vance ticket is telegraphing more traditional power aesthetics, they said.In his video introduction to the world as Kamala Harris' running mate, Tim Walz wore white sneakers, khaki pants, a black T-shirt, and, of course, a signature camo cap.The now-viral video cuts between Walz, holding his phone on a chair, and Harris, sitting in an office. Immediately, their sartorial differences were stark, with a polished Harris wearing in a muted blouse and navy blazer.In the days since, Walz's style has graced headlines for achieving what is so often elusive in politics: a real sense of authenticity. Moreover, it's an aesthetic that could squarely appeal to the very voters Harris needs, experts told Business Insider.The Minnesota governor's closet consists of Carhartt jackets, LL Bean barn coats, well-worn Red Wing boots, and hunting camo — all clothing that connotes his blue-collar, rural background, says Derek Guy, a menswear writer known for his popular X account.Walz in a Minnesota high school auditorium ahead of his State of the State address in March.Star Tribune via Getty ImagesBut the VP candidate has a rare ability, Guy said."Tim Walz is one of the few politicians who looks good in casual wear and also looks natural in it," Guy told Business Insider.When other politicians try to craft a working-class image — like when Donald Trump Jr. wore un-creased hiking boots — they can risk looking phony, but Walz doesn't face the same dilemma given his background.And even when he's dressed up in a suit, Walz is dressed down, said Anne Higonnet, an art history professor at Barnard College who teaches a class on clothing and political power. She called Walz "more rumply" than the average politician.Walz prepared to board a bus for a House Democrats retreat in 2015.Tom Williams"When he does the folksy thing, he's actually at the upper bound of folksy, and when he's in a suit he's in the lower bound of suit," Higonnet said. "So he's got two registers that are very close together. Being so close to each other, they legitimate each other, because they're not so divergent."The Harris-Walz campaign did not immediately respond to Business Insider's request for comment.A perfect foil to Harris' polishThe Harris campaign is counting on Walz to court voters associated with the clothing he wears, particularly those hailing from the Blue Wall states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania.In a wrinkled suit or T-shirt, Higonnet said Walz appears to straddle class boundaries and could appeal to the blue-collar voters that Harris, with her San Francisco upbringing, risks alienating."Clothing-wise, what they're doing is a perfect expression of the tactical thinking behind the choice of Walz," she said.That said, Guy noted Harris likely wouldn't be universally applauded for the same casual aesthetic, given a "gender imbalance" that necessitates female politicians dress more formally in order to command respect.Walz attended The Multicultural Fiesta in Minnesota in 2018 while running for governor.Tom WilliamsIn addition to potentially resonating with swing state constituents who wore Carhartt before it became trendy, Walz's clothing has also proven popular with the Gen Z crowd that Harris' campaign is targeting, Guy said."It's not that he wears it in the way the guy in New York or San Francisco wears it, but he wears it in a more authentic way," Guy said. "He is the reference point for the looks that those guys in San Francisco and New York are copying."Case in point: Campaign merch fashioned after a campaign camo cap sold out in 24 hours, Time reported.Two distinct tickets, two distinct stylesWhile the Harris-Walz ticket is challenging traditional images of power in terms of both gender and class, Donald Trump and JD Vance are doing "the absolute traditional version," Higonnet said — in the MAGA vein of a 1980s power silhouette and red tie."The first two people who are in [the presidential race] are dressing in a more conservative image of authority and then the people who have suddenly come into the race are actually dressing 'change,' 'the possibility of change,'" she added.Walz and his wife, Gwen, walked a signed budget law to the office of the Secretary of State in 2021.Star Tribune via Getty ImagesWhile both Walz and Vance hail from rural middle America, Vance has also relied on a beard and careful tailoring to make himself look more authoritative, Guy said.Accordingly, Walz has already started knocking his opponent for his perceived elitism, including jabs at Vance for attending Yale Law School and working as a venture capitalist.Walz's class messages are as straightforward as his clothing — and now, that folksy appeal has been stitched into the presidential race.

[partisan-by-default]

Refugee charities are poised to support individual asylum seekers chosen to take part in the first flight and to challenge their deportation in the courts.

The bill restricts asylum seekers’ abilities to challenge the policy as a whole, or to challenge the notion that Rwanda is safe, but there may be room for a legal challenge based on their own personal circumstances - such as a history of trafficking, or being LGBTQ+.

After being notified of their removal to Rwanda, an asylum seeker would have seven days to seek to appeal their deportation. A proportion of these appeals will go to the upper immigration tribunal, which then must determine each case within 22 days.

The government has recruited a pool of judges to deal with these appeals so that flights can get off the ground in the summer.

These individual challenges could in theory be taken all the way to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), where judges could then issue a ruling that the deportation of that person would be unlawful.

[ericvanderburg]

Upper Tribunal dismisses ICO's appeal in Experian case

http://securitytc.com/T60rcn

[judgementstoday]

What is the Supreme Court, and why is it important?

The Indian Supreme Court is the highest in India. It was established in 1950 and has had several important rulings.

Some of the most notable rulings include the decriminalization of homosexual relations in 2018, the banning of triple talaq in 2019, and the upholding of Section 377 in 2018.

The Indian Supreme Court is an important institution, and its rulings significantly impact Indian society.

The Indian Constitution and the Supreme Court

The Indian Constitution created a bicameral Parliament, with the Lok Sabha as the lower house and the Rajya Sabha as the upper house. The Constitution also provided for a judiciary headed by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court is the highest in India, and it can interpret the Constitution to decide on the legality of any Latest Supreme Court judgments.

Role of the Supreme Court in India

The Indian Supreme Court is the highest in the country, and it plays a very important role in Indian society.

The Supreme Court is responsible for interpreting India's Constitution and recent judgement of Supreme Court on matters of law and justice. It also oversees the functioning of all lower courts in India and has the power to review their decisions.

In addition, the Supreme Court is responsible for protecting the rights of Indian citizens. It can hear petitions from citizens who feel their rights have been violated and issue orders to protect citizens from illegal or unconstitutional actions by the government.

Powers & Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court

The Indian Supreme Court is the highest in the country, and it has a wide range of powers and jurisdiction. It can hear appeals from lower courts, review constitutional matters, and settle disputes between the central government and the states, and much more.

This makes the Supreme Court a powerful institution that is often called upon to settle some of the most important legal matters in India. It's also why it's so important to have a strong and independent Supreme Court that is free from political interference.

Types of Cases Handled by the Supreme Court

The Supreme Court also hears Latest Supreme Court rulings from other levels of the court system, such as disputes between two states or cases that involve an interpretation of the Constitution.

The Supreme Court also has original jurisdiction over certain cases, including a dispute between two or more states and claims by foreign governments against state governments.

The Supreme Court is India's highest court, and its decisions in these cases are binding throughout India.

The Supreme Court handles criminal appeals, petitions for writs of habeas corpus, petitions for special leave to appeal from high courts, appeals from union government tribunals, and civil matters. In addition to hearing Latest Supreme Court case from other courts, it has the power to issue writs and advise on issues involving the constitutionality of legislation passed by state legislatures and Parliament.

The Supreme Court is also authorized to hear matters relating to taxation, banking regulation, electoral, and criminal law.

The Indian Supreme Court is important because it is the highest court in the country, and it is responsible for interpreting and applying the law. It is also responsible for resolving disputes between individuals and the government and between individuals.

[lexlawuk]

A Guide to the Upper Tribunal: Immigration Appeals

Where your appeal is denied at the First-tier Tribunal, you may have the opportunity to appeal again at the Upper Tribunal, which is the court one level above the First-tier Tribunal. Also known as the Upper Tribunal of the Immigration and Asylum Chamber. Before you appeal at the UT, you must first apply for permission. Your application must provide reasons for why you believe the First-tier…

[johnbrace]

Merseyside Fire and Rescue Authority (MFRA) withdrew their costs application made in September 2016 for £1,261.50 against Mr John Brace​ in First-tier Tribunal (General Regulatory Chamber) case EA/2016/0054 (Brace v Information Commissioner and Merseyside Fire and Rescue Authority) and MFRA pay £500 already paid back to Mr John Brace

[leomonae]

oh my GOD I think we just got the fucking unicorn of PIP assessments

they did it over the phone. competently, with what seemed like a halfway decent understanding of how autism works and how physical ability is not sufficient without motivation alongside. even more amazingly, they did it with me, the carer, rather than the very socially anxious dude I care for who absolutely does not do phones. I mean sure, I put on the form under the in person assessment accommodations question that they could best accommodate him by not making him come in person and get massively stressed out, when they already have multiple past in person assessments and the situation hasn't changed, but I wasn't expecting them to actually listen

what the fuck

(I mean I'm pretty sure it's just that they have a massive backlog from covid, and with an explicit request on file the people contracted for assessments are taking the opportunity to speed things up a little without being yelled at by the dwp for insufficient obstruction of disabled people being given money for necessary care, but still)

(I'm sure the dwp will still fuck things up but it sounds like we might actually be starting with a reasonably accurate assessment report for fucking once)

(they're totally still gonna fuck up the mobility portion though. that is one messy bit of definitions and case law, and nobody ever gets it right when it's on these grounds. but that's ok, they already conceded that one in writing to the upper tribunal a few years back! which means it's perhaps the only circumstances ever under which mandatory reconsideration actually accomplishes anything!)

(oh man we might actually make it out of this round of PIP reassessment with zero appeals necessary)

[ritchiepage2001newaccount]

Born on this day in 1928: Ernesto "Che" Guevara, an Argentine communist revolutionary, physician, military leader, and author who fought in the guerilla campaign to depose Fulgencio Batista and helped lead the new government its success.

Ernesto was born to an upper-class Argentine family of pre-independence Spanish (i.e. Basque and Cantabrian) and Irish ancestry. Referring to Che's restless nature, his father noted "the first thing to note is that in my son's veins flowed the blood of the Irish rebels".

In 1950 and 1951, he embarked on two continent-wide motorcycle journeys throughout South and Central America, observing poverty and poor working conditions that left a deep impression on his worldview. He later published a memoir of these experiences called "The Motorcycle Diaries", dubbed by Verso Books as "Das Kapital meets Easy Rider".

In 1956, Che Guevara sailed to Cuba to aid in the struggle against Batista, narrowly surviving an attack by Batista's forces after they landed on the island. He became a major figure of the Cuban Revolution, promoted by Fidel Castro to Comandante of a second army column.

Following the Cuban Revolution's success, Guevara performed a number of key roles in the new government. These included reviewing the appeals and firing squads for those convicted as war criminals during the revolutionary tribunals, instituting agrarian land reform, helping spearhead a successful nationwide literacy campaign, serving as both national bank president and instructional director for Cuba's armed forces, and traversing the globe as a diplomat on behalf of Cuban socialism.

Guevara left Cuba in 1965 to foment revolution abroad, first unsuccessfully in Congo-Kinshasa and later in Bolivia, where he was captured by CIA-assisted Bolivian forces and summarily executed.

"At the risk of seeming ridiculous, let me say that the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love. It is impossible to think of a genuine revolutionary lacking this quality." - Che Guevara

[identybeautynet]

Black In Fashion 2021

Black In Fashion Only black is the new black: a cultural history of fashion’s favorite shade When the group Time’s Up encouraged all actresses and actors who would walk the Golden Globes red carpet to dress in a show of solidarity against sexual harassment of women in Hollywood and other workplaces, the color it asked them to wear was black. On Jan. 30, a group of women in the US congress followed their lead, donning black for the first state of the union address by president Trump, who has himself been accused by numerous women of sexual misconduct. There is nothing about black that inherently signifies protest, but really no other shade would have sent so clear a message. There’s a reason country legend Johnny Cash also chose to wear black as a reminder to Americans of the everyday injustices in their midst. Black clothing has an undeniable power. Unlike red or green, which represent specific wavelengths of light, black isn’t exactly a color; it’s what we see when an object absorbs all visible wavelengths, putting it in a category by itself. Its singular darkness has a unique visual potency, and its adaptability has long made it open to interpretation by the numerous groups that have adopted it. Black connotes seriousness and diligence, as in the black worn by religious orders. It can be sinister or rebellious, like the black cloaks of witches or the black leather jackets worn by biker gangs. In many cultures, it’s the color of mourning. But it can simultaneously be the epitome of chic and sophistication, yet charged with eroticism. All these qualities have given black a distinctive position in fashion enjoyed by no other color. The Little Purple Dress is not famous. “Yellow tie” is not a recognized dress code. Only black will ever be the new black. Black is in Among the endless variety of colors and combinations that fashion retailers stock, black is a perennially popular choice. In a recent analysis of more than 183,000 dresses retailing online in the US, retail technology firm Edited found that about 38.5% were some shade of black, making it by far the most common color available. Only about 10.7% of dresses came in the second-most popular shade, white. EDITED Edited’s representation of the dress colors currently retailing online in the US. At the moment, black’s popularity also appears to be surging. According to Edited’s data, black dresses sold out in far greater numbers in the first few weeks of January 2018 than during the same period last year. Edited did point to Time’s Up having an effect, though it’s difficult to pinpoint exactly what’s fueling the trend, since an increase in the availability of black clothing online predates the movement. From the third quarter of 2014 to the same time in 2017, Edited found that black clothing for women grew substantially at a number of fast-fashion brands—by 269% at Boohoo, 145% at Zara, 114% at H&M, and 89% at Forever 21. Katie Smith, the firm’s retail analysis & insights director, attributed it to the brands “using black to try and establish longevity of their ranges, and appeal to a wider customer base.” The numbers speak to the breadth and endurance of black’s appeal. It works with every skin tone, every body type, and is generally a safe choice for a purchase—because even if demand for it ebbs, it never goes out of style. AP PHOTO/FRANCOIS MORI Naomi Campbell in classic black on the Louis Vuitton fall-winter 2018 runway. A cultural history There’s no official start to the modern popularity of black in European and American women’s fashion. Historically it’s been a signifier of grief, dating back to at least the ancient Greeks. But it has also been widely coveted for its appearance. In his book The Story of Black, critic John Harvey notes that, though the Romans principally dyed clothing black for mourning, there are indications they prized it for its stylishness. In the 16th century, there was a vogue for black clothing—then notoriously expensive (pdf)—among Europe’s wealthy, from Spanish nobility in the south to Dutch merchants in the north. But a convenient turning point in black’s more recent reign arrived around the early 20th century. That, Harvey writes, is when black “came to centre stage.” The spotlight fell squarely on it in 1926, with the introduction of Chanel’s famed little black dress. THE MUSEUM OF MODERN ART/MARTIN SECK An array of Little Black Dresses from the Museum of Modern Art’s “Items: Is Fashion Modern?” exhibit. Just prior to that period, black was the standard uniform color for domestic servants and the “shopgirls” who staffed retail shop floors. Social norms, however, were losing their trappings of formality. Sportswear was beginning its rise, and hemlines already climbing higher, as young society women moved away from eras of lavish, restrictive gowns. Shelley Puhak describes in The Atlantic how the upper classes co-opted the easy, modern shopgirl style for themselves. “By the early 1900s, socialites who wanted to appear especially youthful and edgy donned little black dresses,” she writes. When Vogue put a sketch of Chanel’s simple, practical black dress on its cover in 1926, calling it “The Ford” of a woman’s wardrobe, it seemed to make official a new era in women’s clothing. It also promoted black as smart, elegant, attractive. AFP/GETTY IMAGES Coco Chanel lounging in black in 1944. In addition to fashion, black had another powerful force helping it to stand out: film. “The other great promoter of the Little Black Dress was the camera, especially the movie camera,” art and costume historian Anne Hollander wrote in her excellent 1984 essay (pdf). A novel world of entertainment, romance, and movie stars was opening up to an eager public—all in black-and-white. The brilliance of black Black’s effect on the eye gives it an irresistible visual appeal. “A black dress seems to make the body neater and smaller and to unify the parts,” Hollander declares. “Since many bodies are not slim and lack either perfect harmony or absolute coordination, a black dress can help give them that delicious resemblance to a stretch limousine that seems so desirable in the present fashion climate.” Yet black has a remarkable tendency to be distinctive without overshadowing the wearer, in a sense amplifying the person. Hollander points to a scene in Anna Karenina, where Anna attends a ball. Tolstoy describes another woman, Kitty, remarking on her black gown. She realizes that Anna could not have worn lilac, that she was most alluring when she stood out from her clothing. “And the black dress with luxurious lace was not seen on her;” Tolstoy writes, “it was just a frame, and only was she seen.” While it’s not exactly analogous, a recent study of male birds-of-paradise reveals an intriguingly similar power in their black plumage. The birds are well-known for their bobbing courtship dance, but according to the researchers, it’s actually their coloring that determines their success in mating. The mostly black birds raise their wings to form a light-absorbing field, causing their other colors to appear all the more brilliant. “The juxtaposition of darkest black and colors create to bird and human eyes what is essentially an evolved optical illusion,” explained Harvard University evolutionary biologist Dakota McCoy. “This study shows us that black makes us glow.” On male humans, black is often seen as dignified and levelheaded. In his Book of the Courtier, a sort of guide to life in the aristocratic courts of Renaissance Italy, Count Baldassare Castiglione states that black is the preferred color for a man, or at least something dark. Harvey points out in The Story of Black that black has been the standard for men’s evening wear since the 1810s, in large part thanks to the advocacy of Beau Brummell. The name may be familiar to some men. He’s widely considered the inventor of the modern men’s suit and a sort of founding father of contemporary menswear. AP PHOTO Sean Connery on the set of the James Bond movie “You Only Live Twice” in 1966. Black’s hold on high-fashion AP PHOTO A black chiffon cocktail dress from Balenciaga shown in 1957. In the decades since Chanel’s compact black number graced Vogue‘s cover, numerous designers have adopted and elevated black for their own purposes. Cristóbal Balenciaga used it for his elegant, architectural silhouettes, and Yves Saint Laurent for his androgynous “le smoking” women’s tuxedo. In the latter half of the 20th century, it became closely linked to fringe groups and rebellion. Bikers and beatniks donned black. Then, the Japanese design wave of Issey Miyake, Yohji Yamamoto, and Rei Kawakubo of Comme des Garçons made a new art form of the black look. Fashion journalist Suzy Menkes asked Yamamoto what was behind his well-known predilection for black in a 2000 interview for the International Herald Tribune. Yamamoto’s response has evidently summed up the feelings of black’s devotees so well that it has circulated for some time on social networks such as Tumblr and Instagram. ”Black is modest and arrogant at the same time,” he said. “Black is lazy and easy — but mysterious….Black can swallow light, or make things look sharp. But above all black says this: ‘I don’t bother you — don’t bother me!'” Given black’s adaptability and allure, it’s little wonder it remains a popular choice for all sorts of styles today. Black-obsessed artisanal menswear designers deploy it for their exquisite leather jackets. Designers such as Ann Demeulemeester have gravitated toward its romanticism, others like Balmain’s Olivier Rousteing to its sleekness. Black colors fancy cocktail parties, and goth kids match their clothes to their black eyeliner as readily as socialites thrown on black for a night out. By all indications, its attraction isn’t diminishing. We’ll be flying the black flag for years to come. Black In Fashion, Black In Fashion, Black In Fashion, Black In Fashion, Black In Fashion, Black In Fashion, Black In Fashion Read the full article

[sa7abnews]

Tim Walz is dressing the part &ampmdash; and it's exactly what Harris needs

New Post has been published on https://sa7ab.info/2024/08/11/tim-walz-is-dressing-the-part-ampmdash-and-its-exactly-what-harris-needs/

Tim Walz is dressing the part &ampmdash; and it's exactly what Harris needs

Tim Walz speaking at a campaign event in Detroit on Wednesday with Kamala Harris. Andrew Harnik/Getty ImagesIn work boots or a rumpled suit, Tim Walz has won some fans with his folksy fashion sense.Experts told BI his authenticity targets the very voters Harris needs.The Trump-Vance ticket is telegraphing more traditional power aesthetics, they said.In his video introduction to the world as Kamala Harris' running mate, Tim Walz wore white sneakers, khaki pants, a black T-shirt, and, of course, a signature camo cap.The now-viral video cuts between Walz, holding his phone on a chair, and Harris, sitting in an office. Immediately, their sartorial differences were stark, with a polished Harris wearing in a muted blouse and navy blazer.In the days since, Walz's style has graced headlines for achieving what is so often elusive in politics: a real sense of authenticity. Moreover, it's an aesthetic that could squarely appeal to the very voters Harris needs, experts told Business Insider.The Minnesota governor's closet consists of Carhartt jackets, LL Bean barn coats, well-worn Red Wing boots, and hunting camo — all clothing that connotes his blue-collar, rural background, says Derek Guy, a menswear writer known for his popular X account.Walz in a Minnesota high school auditorium ahead of his State of the State address in March.Star Tribune via Getty ImagesBut the VP candidate has a rare ability, Guy said."Tim Walz is one of the few politicians who looks good in casual wear and also looks natural in it," Guy told Business Insider.When other politicians try to craft a working-class image — like when Donald Trump Jr. wore un-creased hiking boots — they can risk looking phony, but Walz doesn't face the same dilemma given his background.And even when he's dressed up in a suit, Walz is dressed down, said Anne Higonnet, an art history professor at Barnard College who teaches a class on clothing and political power. She called Walz "more rumply" than the average politician.Walz prepared to board a bus for a House Democrats retreat in 2015.Tom Williams"When he does the folksy thing, he's actually at the upper bound of folksy, and when he's in a suit he's in the lower bound of suit," Higonnet said. "So he's got two registers that are very close together. Being so close to each other, they legitimate each other, because they're not so divergent."The Harris-Walz campaign did not immediately respond to Business Insider's request for comment.A perfect foil to Harris' polishThe Harris campaign is counting on Walz to court voters associated with the clothing he wears, particularly those hailing from the Blue Wall states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania.In a wrinkled suit or T-shirt, Higonnet said Walz appears to straddle class boundaries and could appeal to the blue-collar voters that Harris, with her San Francisco upbringing, risks alienating."Clothing-wise, what they're doing is a perfect expression of the tactical thinking behind the choice of Walz," she said.That said, Guy noted Harris likely wouldn't be universally applauded for the same casual aesthetic, given a "gender imbalance" that necessitates female politicians dress more formally in order to command respect.Walz attended The Multicultural Fiesta in Minnesota in 2018 while running for governor.Tom WilliamsIn addition to potentially resonating with swing state constituents who wore Carhartt before it became trendy, Walz's clothing has also proven popular with the Gen Z crowd that Harris' campaign is targeting, Guy said."It's not that he wears it in the way the guy in New York or San Francisco wears it, but he wears it in a more authentic way," Guy said. "He is the reference point for the looks that those guys in San Francisco and New York are copying."Case in point: Campaign merch fashioned after a campaign camo cap sold out in 24 hours, Time reported.Two distinct tickets, two distinct stylesWhile the Harris-Walz ticket is challenging traditional images of power in terms of both gender and class, Donald Trump and JD Vance are doing "the absolute traditional version," Higonnet said — in the MAGA vein of a 1980s power silhouette and red tie."The first two people who are in [the presidential race] are dressing in a more conservative image of authority and then the people who have suddenly come into the race are actually dressing 'change,' 'the possibility of change,'" she added.Walz and his wife, Gwen, walked a signed budget law to the office of the Secretary of State in 2021.Star Tribune via Getty ImagesWhile both Walz and Vance hail from rural middle America, Vance has also relied on a beard and careful tailoring to make himself look more authoritative, Guy said.Accordingly, Walz has already started knocking his opponent for his perceived elitism, including jabs at Vance for attending Yale Law School and working as a venture capitalist.Walz's class messages are as straightforward as his clothing — and now, that folksy appeal has been stitched into the presidential race.

[sciencespies]

The True History Behind 'Judas and the Black Messiah'

https://sciencespies.com/history/the-true-history-behind-judas-and-the-black-messiah/

The True History Behind 'Judas and the Black Messiah'

SMITHSONIANMAG.COM | Feb. 11, 2021, 3:15 p.m.

When Chicago lawyer Jeffrey Haas first met Fred Hampton, chairman of the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther Party, he was struck by the 20-year-old activist’s “tremendous amount of energy” and charisma. It was August 1969, and Haas, 26 years old at the time, and his fellow attorneys at the People’s Law Office had just secured Hampton’s release from prison on trumped-up charges of stealing $71 worth of ice cream bars. To mark the occasion, Hampton delivered a speech at a local church, calling on the crowd to raise their right hand and repeat his words: “I am a revolutionary.”

“I couldn’t quite say that, because I thought I was a lawyer for the movement, but not necessarily of the movement,” recalls Haas, who is white. “But as Fred continued saying that, by the third or fourth time, I was shouting ‘I am a revolutionary’ like everyone else.”

Judas and the Black Messiah, a new film directed by Shaka King and co-produced by Black Panther director Ryan Coogler, deftly dramatizes this moment, capturing both Hampton’s oratorical prowess and the mounting injustices that led him and his audience to declare themselves revolutionaries. Starring Daniel Kaluuya of Get Out fame as the chairman, the movie chronicles the months preceding Hampton’s assassination in a December 1969 police raid, detailing his contributions to the Chicago community and dedication to the fight for social justice. Central to the narrative is the activist’s relationship with—and subsequent betrayal by—FBI informant William O’Neal (LaKeith Stanfield), who is cast as the Judas to Hampton’s “black messiah.”

“The Black Panthers are the single greatest threat to our national security,” says a fictionalized J. Edgar Hoover (Martin Sheen), echoing an actual assertion made by the FBI director, in the film. “Our counterintelligence program must prevent the rise of a black messiah.”

Here’s what you need to know to separate fact from fiction ahead of Judas and the Black Messiah’s debut in theaters and on HBO Max this Friday, February 12.

Is Judas and the Black Messiah based on a true story?

In short: yes, but with extensive dramatic license, particularly regarding O’Neal. As King tells the Atlantic, he worked with screenwriter Will Berson and comedians Kenny and Keith Lucas to pen a biopic of Hampton in the guise of a psychological thriller. Rather than focusing solely on the chairman, they opted to examine O’Neal—an enigmatic figure who rarely discussed his time as an informant—and his role in the FBI’s broader counterintelligence program, COINTELPRO.

“Fred Hampton came into this world fully realized. He knew what he was doing at a very young age,” says King. “Whereas William O’Neal is in a conflict; he’s confused. And that’s always going to make for a more interesting protagonist.”

Daniel Kaluuya (center) as Fred Hampton

(Glen Wilson / Warner Bros.)

Speaking with Deadline, the filmmaker adds that the crew wanted to move beyond Hampton’s politics into his personal life, including his romance with fellow activist Deborah Johnson (Dominique Fishback), who now goes by the name Akua Njeri.

“[A] lot of times when we think about these freedom fighters and revolutionaries, we don’t think about them having families … and plans for the future—it was really important to focus on that on the Fred side of things,” King tells Deadline. “On the side of O’Neal, [we wanted] to humanize him as well so that viewers of the film could leave the movie wondering, ‘Is there any of that in me?’”

Who are the film’s two central figures?

Born in a suburb of Chicago in 1948, Hampton demonstrated an appetite for activism at an early age. As Haas, who interviewed members of the Hampton family while researching his book, The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther, explains, “Fred just couldn’t accept injustice anywhere.” At 10 years old, he started hosting weekend breakfasts for other children from the neighborhood, cooking the meals himself in what Haas describes as a precursor to the Panthers’ free breakfast program. And in high school, he led walkouts protesting the exclusion of black students from the race for homecoming queen and calling on officials to hire more black teachers and administrators.

According to William Pretzer, a supervisory curator at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture (NMAAHC), the young Hampton was keenly aware of racial injustice in his community. His mother babysat for Emmett Till prior to the 14-year-old’s murder in Mississippi in 1955; ten years after Till’s death, he witnessed white mobs attacking Martin Luther King Jr.’s Chicago crusade firsthand.

“Hampton is really influenced by the desire of the NAACP and King to make change, and the kind of resistance that they encounter,” says Pretzer. “So it’s as early as 1966 that Hampton starts to gravitate toward Malcolm X … [and his] philosophy of self-defense rather than nonviolent direct action.”

Fred Hampton speaks at a rally in Chicago’s Grant Park in September 1969

(Chicago Tribune file photo / Tribune News Service via Getty Images)

William O’Neal in a 1973 mugshot

(Fair use via Wikimedia Commons)

After graduating from high school in 1966, Hampton, as president of the local NAACP Youth Chapter, advocated for the establishment of an integrated community pool and recruited upward of 500 new members. In large part due to his proven track record of successful activism, leaders of the burgeoning Black Panther Party recruited Hampton to help launch the movement in Chicago in November 1968. By the time of his death just over a year later, he’d risen to the rank of Illinois chapter chairman and national deputy chairman.

O’Neal, on the other hand, was a habitual criminal with little interest in activism before he infiltrated the Panthers at the behest of FBI agent Roy Mitchell (portrayed in the film by Jesse Plemons). As O’Neal recalled in a 1989 interview, Mitchell offered to overlook the-then teenager’s involvement in a multi-state car theft in exchange for intel on Hampton.

“[A] fast-talking, conniving West Side black kid who thought he knew all the angles,” O’Neal, according to the Chicago Tribune, joined the party and quickly won members’ admiration with his bravado, mechanical and carpentry skills, and willingness to place himself in the thick of the action. By the time of the police raid that killed Hampton, he’d been appointed the Panthers’ chief of security.

“Unlike what we might think of an informer being a quiet person who would appear to be a listener, O’Neal was out there all the time spouting stuff,” says Haas. “People were impressed by that. … He was a ‘go do it’ guy. ‘I can fix this. I can get you money. I can do these kinds of things. And … that had an appeal for a while.”

Why did the FBI target Hampton?

Toward the beginning of Judas and the Black Messiah, Hoover identifies Hampton as a leader “with the potential to unite the Communist, the anti-war, and the New Left movements.” Later, the FBI director tells Mitchell that the black power movement’s success will translate to the loss of “[o]ur entire way of life. Rape, pillage, conquer, do you follow me?”

Once O’Neal is truly embedded within the Panthers, he discovers that the activists are not, in fact, “terrorists.” Instead, the informer finds himself dropped in the midst of a revolution that, in the words of co-founder Bobby Seale, was dedicated to “trying to make change in day-to-day lives” while simultaneously advocating for sweeping legislation aimed at achieving equality.

The Panthers’ ten-point program, penned by Seale and Huey P. Newton in 1966, outlined goals that resonate deeply today (“We want an immediate end to POLICE BRUTALITY and MURDER of Black people”) and others that were certain to court controversy (“We want all Black men to be exempt from military service” and “We want freedom for all Black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails”). As Jeff Greenwald wrote for Smithsonian magazine in 2016, members “didn’t limit themselves to talk.” Taking advantage of California’s open-carry laws, for instance, beret-wearing Panthers responded to the killings of unarmed black Americans by patrolling the streets with rifles—an image that quickly attracted the condemnation of both the FBI and upper-class white Americans.

Fred Hampton (far left) attends an October 1969 rally against the trial of eight people accused of conspiracy to start a riot at the Democratic National Convention.

(Don Casper / Chicago Tribune / Tribune News Service via Getty Images)

According to Pretzer, law enforcement viewed the Panthers and similar groups as a threat to the status quo. “They are focused on police harassment, … challenging the authority figures,” he says, “focusing on social activities that everybody thinks the government should be doing something about” but isn’t, like providing health care and ensuring impoverished Americans had enough to eat.

The FBI established COINTELPRO—short for counterintelligence program—in 1956 to investigate, infiltrate and discredit dissident groups ranging from the Communist Party of the United States to the Ku Klux Klan, the Nation of Islam and the Panthers. Of particular interest to Hoover and other top officials were figures like Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and Hampton, many of whom endured illegal surveillance, explicit threats and police harassment. Details of the covert program only came to light came to light in 1971, when activists stole confidential files from an FBI office in Pennsylvania and released them to the public.

Though Hampton stated that the Panthers would only resort to violence in self-defense, Hoover interpreted his words as a declaration of militant intentions.

“Because of COINTELPRO, because of the exacerbation, the harassment, the infiltration of these and agent provocateurs that they establish within these organizations, it’s a self-fulfilling prophecy from the FBI’s point of view,” Pretzer explains, “[in that] they get the violence they were expecting.”

As Haas and law partner Flint Taylor wrote for Truthout in January, newly released documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request confirm the lawyers’ long-held suspicion that Hoover himself was involved in the plan to assassinate Hampton.

LaKeith Stanfield (left) as William O’Neal and Jesse Plemons (right) as FBI agent Roy Mitchell

(Glen Wilson / Warner Bros.)

What events does Judas and the Black Messiah dramatize?

Set between 1968 and 1969, King’s film spotlights Hampton’s accomplishments during his brief tenure as chapter chairman before delving into the betrayals that resulted in his death. Key to Hampton’s legacy were the Panthers’ survival programs, which sought to provide access to “fundamental elements of life,” per Pretzer. Among other offerings, the organization opened free health clinics, provided free breakfasts for children, and hosted political education classes that emphasized black history and self-sufficiency. (As Hampton said in 1969, “[R]eading is so important for us that a person has to go through six weeks of our political education before we can consider [them] a member.”)

On an average day, Hampton arrived at the Panthers’ headquarters with “a staccato of orders [that] gave energy to everyone around him,” says Haas. “But it wasn’t just what he asked people to do. He was there at 6:30 in the morning, making breakfast, serving the kids, talking to their parents.”

In addition to supporting these community initiatives—one of which, the free breakfast program, paved the way for modern food welfare policies—Hampton spearheaded the Rainbow Coalition, a boundary-crossing alliance between the Panthers, the Latino Young Lords, and the Young Patriots, a group of working-class white Southerners. He also brokered peace between rival Chicago gangs, encouraging them “to focus instead on the true enemy—the government and the police,” whom the Panthers referred to as “pigs,” according to the Village Free Press.

Fred Hampton raises his right hand at an October 11, 1969, rally in Chicago.

(Photo by David Fenton / Getty Images)

Speaking with Craig Phillips of PBS’ “Independent Lens” last year, historian Lilia Fernandez, author of Brown in the Windy City: Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in Postwar Chicago, explained, “The Rainbow Coalition presented a possibility. It gave us a vision for what could be in terms of interracial politics among the urban poor.”

Meanwhile, O’Neal was balancing his duties as an informant with his rising stature within the party. Prone to dramatic tendencies, he once built a fake electric chair intended, ironically, to scare informers. He also pushed the Panthers to take increasingly aggressive steps against the establishment—actions that led “more people, and Fred in particular, [to become] dubious of him,” says Haas.

The months leading up to the December 1969 raid found Hampton embroiled in legal troubles as tensions mounted between police and the Panthers. Falsely accused of theft and assault for the July 1968 ice cream truck robbery, he was denied bail until the People’s Law Office intervened, securing his release in August 1969. Between July and November of that year, authorities repeatedly clashed with the Panthers, engaging in shootouts that resulted in the deaths of multiple party members and police officers.

Daniel Kaluuya as Fred Hampton (far left) and LaKeith Stanfield as William O’Neal (far right)

(Glen Wilson / Warner Bros.)

By late November, the FBI, working off O’Neal’s intel, had convinced Cook County State’s Attorney Edward Hanrahan and the Chicago Police Department to raid Hampton’s home as he and his fiancée Johnson, who was nine months pregnant, slept. Around 4:30 a.m. on December 4, a heavily armed, 14-person raiding party burst into the apartment, firing upward of 90 bullets at the nine Panthers inside. One of the rounds struck and killed Mark Clark, a 22-year-old Panther stationed just past the front door. Though law enforcement later claimed otherwise, the physical evidence suggests that just one shot originated within the apartment.

Johnson and two other men tried to rouse the unconscious 21-year-old Hampton, who’d allegedly been drugged earlier that night—possibly by O’Neal, according to Haas. (O’Neal had also provided the cops with a detailed blueprint of the apartment.) Forced out of the bedroom and into the kitchen, Johnson heard a cop say, “He’s barely alive. He’ll barely make it.” Two shots rang out before she heard another officer declare, “He’s good and dead now.”

What happened after Hampton’s assassination?

Judas and the Black Messiah draws to a close shortly after the raid. In the film’s final scene, a conflicted O’Neal accepts an envelope filled with cash and agrees to continue informing on the Panthers. Superimposed text states that O’Neal remained with the party until the early 1970s, ultimately earning more than $200,000 when adjusted for inflation. After he was identified as the Illinois chapter’s mole in 1973, O’Neal received a new identity through the federal witness protection program. In January 1990, the 40-year-old, who’d by then secretly returned to Chicago, ran into traffic and was struck by a car. Investigators deemed his death a suicide.

“I think he was sorry he did what he did,” O’Neal’s uncle, Ben Heard, told the Chicago Reader after his nephew’s death. “He thought the FBI was only going to raid the house. But the FBI gave [the operation] over to the state’s attorney and that was all Hanrahan wanted. They shot Fred Hampton and made sure he was dead.”

The attempt to uncover the truth about Hampton and Clark’s deaths began on the morning of December 4 and continues to this day. While one of Haas’ law partners went to the morgue to identify Hampton’s body, another took stock of the apartment, which the police had left unsecured. Haas, meanwhile, went to interview the seven survivors, four of whom had been seriously injured.

A floor plan of Fred Hampton’s apartment provided to the FBI by William O’Neal

(People’s Law Office)

Hanrahan claimed that the Panthers had opened fire on the police. But survivor testimony and physical evidence contradicted this version of events. “Bullet holes” ostensibly left by the Panthers’ shots were later identified as nail heads; blood stains found in the apartment suggested that Hampton was dragged out into the hallway after being shot in his bed at point-blank range.

Public outrage over the killings, particularly within the black community, grew as evidence discounting the authorities’ narrative mounted. As one elderly woman who stopped by the apartment to see the crime scene for herself observed, the attack “was nothing but a Northern lynching.”

Following the raid, Hanrahan charged the survivors with attempted murder. Haas and his colleagues secured Johnson’s release early enough to ensure she didn’t give birth to her son, Fred Hampton Jr., in jail, and the criminal charges were eventually dropped. But the attorneys, “not content with getting people off, decided we needed to file a civil suit” alleging a conspiracy to not only murder Hampton, but cover up the circumstances of his death, says Haas.

Over the next 12 years, Haas and his colleagues navigated challenges ranging from racist judges to defendants’ stonewalling, backroom deals between the FBI and local authorities, and even contempt charges brought against the attorneys themselves. Working from limited information, including leaked COINTELPRO documents, the team slowly pieced together the events surrounding the raid, presenting compelling evidence of the FBI’s involvement in the conspiracy.

Hampton’s fiancée, Deborah Johnson (sitting in middle, as portrayed by Dominique Fishback), gave birth to their son, Fred Hampton Jr., 25 days after the raid.

(Glen Wilson / Warner Bros.)

Though a judge dismissed the original case in 1977 following an 18-month trial, Haas and the rest of the team successfully appealed for a new hearing. In 1982, after more than a decade of protracted litigation, the defendants agreed to pay a settlement of $1.85 million to the nine plaintiffs, including Clark’s mother and Hampton’s mother, Iberia.

“I used to describe being in court like going to a dog fight every day,” says Haas. “Everything we would say would be challenged. The [defendants’ lawyers] would tell the jury everything the Panthers had ever been accused of in Chicago and elsewhere, and [the judge] would let them do that, but he wouldn’t let us really cross examine the defendants.”

Hampton’s death dealt a significant blow to the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther Party, frightening members with its demonstration of law enforcement’s reach and depriving the movement of a natural leader.

According to Pretzer, “What comes out is that the the assassination of Hampton is a classic example of law enforcement’s malfeasance and overreach and … provoking of violence.”

Today, says Haas, Hampton “stands as a symbol of young energy, struggle and revolution.”

The chairman, for his part, was keenly aware of how his life would likely end.

As he once predicted in a speech, “I don’t believe I’m going to die slipping on a piece of ice; I don’t believe I’m going to die because I got a bad heart; I don’t believe I’m going to die because of lung cancer. I believe that I’m going to be able to die doing the things I was born for. … I believe that I will be able to die as a revolutionary in the international revolutionary proletarian struggle.”

#History