#exempla

[craft2eu]

TALENTEmünchen – Meister der Zukunft 2025: München bis 16.03.2025

Kunst, Design und Handwerk von Nachwuchs-Gestalterinnen und Gestaltern aus aller Welt bietet die Sonderschau TALENTEmünchen – Meister der Zukunft 2025 bis 16. März im Rahmen der «Handwerk & Design» auf dem Messegelände München. Die Ausstellung präsentiert Arbeiten von 92 jungen Talenten aus 12 unterschiedlichen Gewerken, darunter vor allem Textil, Glas und Keramik, aber auch Möbelbau, Schmuck…

[garadinervi]

From: Mario Diacono, Writhings 1971, JCT 6, Edizioni Exempla, Firenze, 1971, Edition of 100 signed and numbered copies [Fondazione Bonotto, Molvena (VI). © Mario Diacono]

[jeannereames]

Hiii, I hope you're well.

As far as I understand, the idea/debate of whether Alexander and Hephaistion were lovers goes back centuries. As far as I know, it was the roman writer Klaudios Ailianos in 'Miscellaneous History' who first called them lovers.

But how did it come about? Did it come out of nowhere? Why exactly did some Roman writers consider this possibility, that they were lovers?

Alexander and Hephaistion in Roman-era Authors

We’re not actually sure who first (unambiguously) called them lovers. Aelian’s comment postdates one in Arrian’s writings on Epiktatos, which also claims it, not to mention the not-so-subtle hints in Arrian’s biography, where Hephaistion is compared to Patroklos (the only Alexander historian who makes that comparison, btw). Arrian was probably dead before Aelian was born. Similarly, Curtius implies it in his history, as well, although it may not be meant in a good way, there. Curtius is (probably) even earlier than Arrian.

We must remember that Alexander was an object lesson by the Roman era—mostly as a cautionary tale, but sometimes for good, too. That lent itself to oversimplifications. Seneca uses him to talk about uncontrollable rage with the murder of Kleitos, and excessive mourning with his reaction to Hephaistion’s death. He was also used to warn against overweening ambition and Too Much Drink. In short, all examples of “excess,” which was a big Roman no-no, and a Greek no-no, too. Sophrosunē (self-control) was much lauded; so also Latin disciplina. Plutarch presents the young Alexander as a shining example of sophrosunē, thanks to his Good Greek Paideia (education). But success spoilt him. While not a Roman, Plutarch lived under Roman rule and was part of the Second Sophistic—as was Lucian, who’s even more harsh towards Alexander. His “Dialogues of the Dead” includes one between Philip and Alexander where Alexander is presented as a pompous ass. There’s another dialogue just below, between him and Diogenes, which is more of the same. ATG comes out better in the dialogue with Hannibal and Scipio (and Minos).

But all that gives you some idea of how Alexander was used as (negative) exempla. Plutarch in his “On the Fortune or Virtue of Alexander” goes the other way and presents Alexander as Ubermensch. It was a standard piece of rhetoric from Plutarch’s youth, so shouldn’t be taken as his opinion on Alexander. He was showing off his speech-writing chops.

This is how Alexander was used by the imperial period and why certain anecdotes about him were repeated over and over. Hephaistion wasn’t remembered as Alexander’s chiliarch and right-hand guy, but as Alexander’s beloved friend and alter-ego: Alexander too. The story of Hephaistion and Alexander before the Persian women was quite popular, popping up again and again, sometimes to show Alexander’s generosity but sometimes to show the vicissitudes of fate (Oh, how the mighty have fallen). The nature of such anecdotes is their very malleableness. They can be used and reused to make several different points.

Hephaistion wasn’t unique. All the bit-players around Alexander came to symbolize something for stock usage. And the move from dear friend to lover isn’t a big one, in the game of ancient rhetorical telephone. 😉

It may also reflect reality. But that entails determining whether it’s the removal of prior coy language, or exaggeration for rhetorical purposes. That’s not at all straightforward.

Greeks were somewhat reticent on certain matters, and “Friend” could have romantic overtones in the right context. It’s the problem of “When is a cigar just a cigar?” Ha. In this case, when they met would have a lot to do with it. Were they indeed friends from their youth (as Curtius claims)—or only later, once Alexander was already in Asia (as Hephaistion is never mentioned in our sources about Alexander’s youth)? That’s why Sabine Müller thinks they didn’t meet until Alexander was an adult, and Hephaistion came from Athens, wasn’t just of Athenian descent. They would have met too late to be lovers, although Hephaistion was still very dear to Alexander and a perfectly capable commander (on that, we agree). By contrast, I do think they met as boys, and were lovers, and that attachment persisted into their adulthood (although perhaps not the physical affair). And that comes down to which sources we trust, and why: the historiography.

[neighbourhoodtwo]

who up misapplying the past misrecognising the present and failing to win the future

[catominor]

sexy evil vampire sulla save me.... sexy evil vampire sulla....

[adriaticpulse]

Handwerk & Design 2025: Sajam obrtništva, umjetnosti i dizajna

[chedelat]

gurevich's analysis of medieval literature is really cool.

[rausule]

DE COGNATIONE INTER SINGULAS ET SOCIETATIS

callide impellunt ad eorum transformationem, quae fieri potest per processus gradatim vel motus res novas. Exempli causa, progressus oeconomicus et socialis, qui in Europa et in America facta est, exeunte saeculo XVIII, erat fundamentum profundarum transformationum socialium quae ad Revolutionem Americanam et Revolutionem Gallicam ducebant.

Sociologi saeculo XIX in magnas transformationes sociales animum converterunt, scholares saeculi XX magis circumscriptum aditum ad studium rei socialis praeponunt, attentis phaenomenis quae in limitibus locorum geographicis (quaedam areas metropolitanae; exempli gratia) et breviora temporis spatia (exempli gratia: transformationes familiae post Bellum Orbis Terrarum II in certo ambitu geographico).

2 Quaedam exempla interpretativa rerum socialium

Quamvis hic aditus empiricus, hodierni scholares, sicut eorum antecessores, variis interpretativis exemplaribus in studio phaenomenorum socialium utuntur.

In hac sectione examinamus exempla conflictus, functionalismum ac thecam symbolicae rationism.

Scholares, qui certaminum exempla utuntur, praesertim discrepantia inter classes sociales, vident in societate continuum concursum utilitatis inter eos qui potioris potentiae, divitiarum et auctoritatis dignitates tenent et eos qui subordinationem tenent, paucioribus mediis oeconomicis et vix dignitate sociali. Hi scholares inaequalitates excutiunt suas causas illustrare conantes, quibusdam in casibus proponentes mutationes sociales possibiles ad hunc statum rerum minuendum vel tollendum. Conflictus non censetur negativa in se, quia vis impellens potest esse post transformationes positivas ad societatem iustiorem efficiendam.

Scholares, qui utilitatibus exemplaribus utuntur, societatem vident tamquam organismum vivum, in quo varii humani coetus diversae habent functiones, quae totam societatem ad fines suos assequendum permittunt. Differentiae sociales, secundum talem conceptionem, inevitabiles sunt. Conflictus tendit ut censeri possit dysfunctiones socialis, quae dissolvit in corpore sociali. Ex hac parte, mutationes censentur emendativae ad efficiendum systema oeconomico-sociale efficacius.

Tertia accessio interpretativa datur symbolicis interactionismi, quae maxime interest in processibus communicativis et relationibus, quae in societate fiunt. exempla conflictus

Sociologi qui his exemplaribus utuntur saepe commoventur

[animalrightsarchive]

Charlton, Anna. Francione, Gary L. Animal rights: the Abolitionist Approach, [U.K.] : Exempla Press, 2015.

[latin-literature-tourney]

Latin Literature Tournament - Round 1

Propaganda under the cut!

Livy Propaganda

Wanna teach your kids some exempla virtutis? Look no further

Writes in really fantastic periodic style

An undergrad in a class I TA’d for once referred to him in an essay as “my homeboy Livy,” and frankly there is no review more glowing than that

Sallust Propaganda

Writes prose like it's poetry

Loves to work in fun little archaisms without warning, as a treat

Does really amazing things with speeches and rhetoric

[cisthoughtcrime]

Are you telling me democracy existed before the Roman Empire?? I have spent decades thinking America invented it?? How many times has it been made and unmade?

There is more history here than I can possibly summarise or do justice. different versions of democracy(ish) systems of governance have popped up all across history, but most point to ancient Greece (Athens specifically) as the "birthplace of democracy". France should also get a special mention in the history of modern democracy. If you want to look at the different forms democracy has taken and what happened with it over the past ~2600 years, the Wikipedia article for the history of democracy is a good place to start and it goes chronologically.

America established a democracy rather than appoint its own king after the Revolutionary War -- arguably it invented its own version of democracy, but that's kind of true of every democratic country. The Roman Republic was also born from a revolution against a cruel king, and the founding fathers leaned extra hard into that. "The Republic of America"'s democracy is heavily inspired by the democratic systems of ancient Greece and Rome and the much more recent developments in France (federal republic + liberal democracy, things like the separation of powers, the Constitution, the need for the Senate). it's pretty much why the architecture in all the iconic governmental buildings is so Roman-styled, so many place names (esp on the east coast) are Greek and Roman, and there's Latin all over place.

Different founding fathers pushed for different blends of Greek and Roman democracy and worked to turn each others' legacies into echoes of ancient heroes of democracy (like Washington giving up the presidency and quietly going back to rustic retirement = Cincinnatus) to use as American exempla (legendary Roman historical figures who exemplified their national moral values and were household names).

A different form of quasi-democracy continued to exist after Rome became an empire. There was still the Senate and there were still votes on some things, but one person now held ultimate power: someone who was not elected, who held that office for life, and who could pass whatever laws through what used to be real checks and balances. With each successor, the new Empire resembled its democratic peak less and less.

The parallels between the rise of the Roman Republic and the rise of the American Republic are intentional.

The parallels between the fall of the Roman Republic and what's happening right now in the American Republic are terrifying. More and more and more people have been pointing it out recently.

[garadinervi]

From: Mario Diacono, Writhings 1971, JCT 6, Edizioni Exempla, Firenze, 1971, Edition of 100 signed and numbered copies [Fondazione Bonotto, Molvena (VI). © Mario Diacono]

[dreaminginthedeepsouth]

Robert Crumb

* * * *

"We are not here to fit in, be well balanced, or provide exempla for others. We are here to be eccentric, different, perhaps strange, perhaps merely to add our small piece, our little clunky, chunky selves, to the great mosaic of being. As the gods intended, we are here to become more and more ourselves." 

-James Hollis

[alive on all channels]

[litcest]

Incest and the Medieval Imagination, by Elizabeth Archibald: Chapter 3: Mothers and Sons: Deliberate Incest

Chapter 1 | Chapter 2 | Chapter 3 Part 1 | Chapter 3 Part 2 | Chapter 4 Part 1 | Chapter 4 Part 2 | Chapter 4 Part 3 | Chapter 5 Part 1 | Chapter 5 Part 2 | Conclusion

The stories discussed before were cases in which the incest (or almost incest) was an accident, as the mother and son weren't aware of each other's identity when the proposal or marriage happened. These stories of mother-son incest often center on the son's journey of repentance and spiritual growth. The mother, while a key figure in the initial sin, is typically relegated to a secondary role. She lacks the opportunity for significant redemption or character development. In contrast, the son often ascends to a position of power, allowing him to judge, forgive or punish his mother. This dynamic underscores his moral superiority and her role as a source of temptation.

While these Oedipus' narratives prioritize the son's perspective, there are shorter stories and exempla that shift the focus to the mother, exploring her agency and motivations in committing incest. This set of stories deals with cases in which one or both parties are aware of the nature of their relationship and make a conscious decision to go forwards with the affair.

Mother in exempla: Deliberate Incest

In Index Exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Tales, Frederic C. Tubach compiles many Medieval exempla with deal with mother and son incest, using as a source diverse Medieval texts such as Vitae Patrum, Dialogues and Legenda aurea. The majority of the incest-related short tales compiled by Tubach differ from the ones discussed before, focussing much more on the evil and immorality of woman. Not only these stories paint the women as promiscuous and reluctant to confess, but they also don't even bother naming the characters. What matter most is the intrinsic sinfulness of the female, not who she is. Usually, there's little agency placed on the son, he simply gives into the temptation when the mother offers the opportunity for the intercourse, there's no great passion of his part, but neither is he described as being raped.

Some exemples are one in which a mother falsely accuses her son of incest because he has rejected her advances, and is subsequently struck dead by a thunderbolt (very reminiscent of Phaedra and Hippolytus); a mother is denounced for incest with her son and infanticide, but is saved by the Virgin’s intercession; a mother dies of fright when she realizes that she is about to commit incest with her son, who has come home incognito to test her and see if women really are insatiably lustful (perhaps a version of the story of Secundus the silent).

The Gesta Romanorum also includes a story of this type, under the title of De Amore Inordinato ('About Inappropriate Love'): a woman is so attached to her son that she shares her bed with him until he's eighteen. Then, the devil tempts the son to have sex with his mother and when they do, the mother becomes pregnant. The son leaves and the mother kills the new-born, but the baby's blood stain permanently her hand, so that she has to wear gloves to hide her crime. At first, the woman doesn't want to confess, but eventually the Virgin gets through to her and the woman confesses, dying shortly after. The moral explanation accompanying the text explains the the incestuous act is a reflection of the consumption of the Forbidden Fruit and the blood stains are the same that Adam got when he fell from Eden.

While the filicide might seem very shocking, it's a common ending to babies born of witting incestuous liaisons, as it furthers showcases the evilness of the mother and that lust leads to violence. However, these exempla also show that despite the spiritual weakness of women, they still can be saved, even if a forceful intervention is needed. The Virgin's intervention is also a frequent motif for these exempla, which is rather fitting considering that she's the Mother of Christ, but also the Bride of God, and since God and Jesus are one, she is spiritually both mother and wife.

Another variant, called Dit du Buef by French author Jean de Saint-Quentin, makes the penitence more complex than simply confessing the sins. In this version, a widow has an affair with her son, who resembles his dead father, and eventually gets pregnant. The son leaves for Rome, seeking absolution from the Pope, and the mother gives birth to a baby girl. The devil tries to convince the mother to kill the girl, but the Virgen intervenes and the daughter is spared. When the daughter is twelve, once again the Virgin helps, advising the girl to ask her mother about her father. The mother confesses the incest to the daughter and they go to a priest to tells her to go to Rome. In Rome, they meet the son/father/brother, who had found a job working for the Pope. The Pope then announces that the three of them are to have cowhides sewn around their bodies and wander like that for seven years. The trio does as ordered, and when the seven year mark comes to a end, they pray to God to be taken to heaven and a angels comes to fetch them, informing the Pope about it. The Pope them constructs a monastery where the family had died, and it becomes a spot known for miraculous cures.

A big difference is that in this story, the product of the incestuous affair is a daughter, not a son. Interestingly, in some Renaissance stories that are similar to Dit du Buef, the father/brother almost marries his daughter/sister when she arrives in Rome. As for the cowhide, they may function as a deterrent for sexual activity, or to showcase the animalistic low that the woman and her son sunk into when they engaged in incestuous intercourse.

Regarding those Renaissance variants, the basic plot is the following: a maid tells her mistress that the mistress' son is trying to proposition her. To ascertain those claims, the mistress hides herself in the maid's room and indeed, the son does visit in the night. Overcome with lust, the mistress pretends to be the maid and give into her son's advances. From this single encounter, she gets pregnant, and to hide this, she sends away the maid, her son and the new-born daughter. The daughter is raised in another household and eventually meets her father/brother and they fall in love, when the mother finds out, she's horrified, but the couple remain ignorant of the relationship.

One account of this variant appears in the second part of Bandello’s Novelle, published in 1554. Another is told by Martin Luther in his commentary on Genesis, written sometime between 1535 and 1545, in which alleging that the story happened in Erfurt and the confession was heard by one of his colleagues. The story is also featured in Marguerite de Navarre's Heptaméron from 1558.

One major difference that can be observed in relation to previous tales of double incest is that, here, the second couple remains married and in ignorance. As seen in Chapter 1, it was practice to let incestuous couples stay married when their kinship had been unknown to them. Another detail is that the child of the incestuous encounter isn't depicted as evil or in need of redemption. This reflects a change of how sin was being perceived during and after the Reformation: one cannot sin without intend and, most importantly, the sins of the parents don't carry over to the child.

As a final note, it's important to highlight that, from the stories samples, there doesn't seem to be any in which the son knowingly seduces the mother (one could perhaps consider Secundus an exception, but then again, in that story the incest isn't consummated nor had Secundus intended to, he was merely testing his mother). The incest is either unknown to the characters or it's the mother who make advances towards the son, who while sometimes goes along with it, comes to regret and repent for the act before the mother.

[maslimanny]

We are not here to fit in, be well balanced, or provide exempla for others. We are here to be eccentric, different, perhaps strange, perhaps merely to add our small piece, our little clunky, chunky selves, to the great mosaic of being. As the god intended, we are here to become more and more ourselves. We, too, must enjoy amazement at what unfolds from within us while our multiplicitous selves continue to incarnate in the world, contribute, and confound.

~James Hollis

[boffeeceans]

"Billy is a cat" "Eddie is a dog" they're both birds.

Exempla one: