#task: eritrea

[mariacallous]

On March 2, she was gone. The Belize-flagged, British-owned bulk carrier Rubymar sank in the narrow water lane between the coasts of Yemen and Eritrea. The Rubymar was the first vessel that has been completely lost since the Houthis began their attacks on shipping in the Red Sea—and its demise, with 21,000 metric tons of ammonium phosphate sulfate fertilizer, spells ecological disaster. A similar substance—ammonium nitrate—caused the devastating explosion at the Port of Beirut in 2020. It had been stored there after being abandoned on a vessel and authorities intervened to prevent an environmental disaster.

Because the Houthis have no regard for the environment, there are likely to be more such disasters. Indeed, groups set on destruction could also decide to attack the carbon storage facilities now beginning to be built underneath the seabed.

For two weeks after being struck by a Houthi missile in the Red Sea, the Rubymar clung to life despite listing badly. The damage caused by the missile, though, was too severe. At 2:15 a.m. local time, the Rubymar disappeared into the depths of the Red Sea. The crew had already been rescued by another merchant vessel that had come to the Rubymar’s aid, but there was no way anyone could remove its toxic cargo.

The ship’s owner had tried to get it towed to the Port of Aden—where Yemen’s internationally recognized government is based—and to Djibouti and Saudi Arabia, but citing the environmental risk posed by the ammonium phosphate sulfate, all three nations refused to receive it.

Now enormous quantities of a hazardous substance are about to spread into the Red Sea. IGAD, a trade bloc comprising countries in the Nile Valley and the Horn of Africa, points out that the Rubymar’s fertilizer cargo and leaking fuel “could devastate marine life and destroy coral reefs, sea life and jeopardize hundreds of thousands of jobs in the fishing industry as well as cut littoral states off from supplies of food and fuel.”

Not even shipping’s option of last resort, salvage companies, seems available. “The salvage companies that normally recover vessels are reluctant to go in,” said Cormac Mc Garry, a maritime expert with intelligence firm Control Risks. That’s because salvage ships and crews, too, risk being targeted by Houthi missiles. “If a salvage company knows it’s likely to be targeted, it will hesitate to take on the task. It has a duty of care for its crew,” said Svein Ringbakken, the managing director of the Norway-based maritime insurance company DNK.

It was only a matter of time before a Houthi missile brought down one of the many tankers and bulk carriers that still traverse the Red Sea every day. (In the first two months of this year, traffic through the Red Sea was down by 50 percent compared to the same period last year.) “The Houthis have no regard for life and even less for the environment,” Ringbakken said. “They shoot missiles at ships even though they know that there are humans and hazardous cargo on them.”

For years, the Houthis allowed an oil supertanker ironically named Safer that was moored off the coast of Yemen to rust away even though she was holding more than 1 million barrels of crude oil. By the beginning of last year, the Safer was close to disintegration: an event that would have cost hundreds of thousands of Yemenis their livelihoods because it would have killed enormous quantities of fish. Indeed, had the Safer’s oil leaked, it would even have forced the Houthi-controlled ports of Hudaydah and Saleef to close, thus preventing ordinary Yemenis from receiving food and other necessities.

It would, of course, also have caused permanent damage to all manner of marine life, including coral reefs and mangroves, in the Red Sea. Then the United Nations pulled off an almost impossible feat: It got Yemen’s warring factions, international agencies, and companies to work together to transfer the oil off the Safer. Disaster was averted. “It was a massive undertaking,” Ringbakken noted. “But for years and years and years, the Houthis were adding impediments against this undertaking, even though the Safer was sitting just off the Yemeni coast.”

Indeed, maritime terrorism itself is not new. “Besides guerrillas and terrorists, attacks have been carried out by modern day pirates, ordinary criminals, fanatic environmentalists, mutinous crews, hostile workers, and foreign agents. The spectrum of actions is equally broad: ships hijacked, destroyed by mines and bombs, attacks with bazookas, sunk under mysterious circumstances; cargos removed; crews taken hostage; extortion plots against ocean liners and offshore platforms; raids on port facilities; attempts to board oil rigs; sabotage at shipyards and terminal facilities; even a plot to steal a nuclear submarine,” researchers at RAND summarized—in 1983.

Now, though, the Houthis have upped the nihilism, and unlike the guerrillas, terrorists, and pirates of the 1980s, they have the weaponry to cause an ocean-going vessel to sink. The joint U.S.-U.K. military operation against the Houthis has failed to deter the Iranian-backed militia’s attacks; indeed, not even air strikes by U.S. and U.K. forces have convinced the Houthis that it’s time to stop. On the contrary, they’re escalating their attacks. They do so because they’re completely unconcerned about loss of life within their ranks or harm to their own waters.

It’s giving them a global platform. That, in turn, is likely to encourage other militias to also attack ships carrying toxic substances—even if it ruins their own waters. The local population is hardly in a position to hold a militia accountable. Indeed, militias interested in maritime terrorism could decide that the world’s growing sea-based infrastructure is an attractive target. And there’s a new form of sea-based infrastructure they could decide to make a preferred target, not just because it’s set for explosive growth but because attacking it would guarantee a global platform: CO2 storage.

With the world having failed to reduce its carbon-dioxide emissions enough to halt climate change, CO2 storage has become an urgent priority. Through this technique, carbon dioxide can be captured and buried underground, typically underneath the ocean. Norway has, for example, begun auctioning out licenses for CO2 storage exploration on its continental shelf. So has Britain. The United States has 15 carbon-storage sites, and another 121 are being developed. Even Big Oil has discovered carbon storage. ExxonMobil is buying offshore blocks to use for carbon storage instead of oil drilling.

Carbon storage sites are, of course, designed to withstand both natural perils and man-made attacks, but that won’t prevent destructive groups—especially ones backed by a powerful state—from trying. And because groups like the Houthis are so unconcerned about all forms of life, it won’t matter to them that releasing concentrated CO2 would cause extreme harm to the planet—including themselves. Even a tiny carbon-storage leakage of 0.1 percent per year can lead to additional CO2 emissions of 25 giga-tonnes, researchers have established.

Until recently, sea-based infrastructure was only lightly guarded, because it was in everyone’s interest that it worked. The sabotage of Nord Stream and various other pipelines and undersea cables over the past two years have demonstrated that such peacefulness can no longer be taken for granted. The new CO2 sites will need not just AI-enhanced monitoring but regular patrolling to communicate to potential attackers that it’s not even worth attempting an attack.

And for now, attacking merchant vessels remains a promising and economical strategy for the Houthis and their ilk. It doesn’t seem to matter that ammonium phosphate sulfate will soon be poisoning Yemeni waters and thus depriving locals of their livelihoods. Indeed, other bulk carriers and tankers may soon join the Rubymar on the bottom of the sea, poisoning the future for even more Yemenis.

For the Houthis, what matters is not the outcome: It’s the attention. That’s what makes them such a vexing problem for the U.S. Navy and other navies, shipowners, maritime insurers, and especially for seafarers. But there is another group that should be just as worried about the rampant insecurity on the high seas: ocean conservationists.

There is, in fact, a woman with an unsurpassed green platform who could make the growing scourge of maritime terrorism her new cause. (Nearly) everyone would thank you, Greta.

[beardedmrbean]

People living in Mekelle, the main city in Ethiopia's war-scarred Tigray, have told the BBC they fear they could soon be dragged into conflict again.

Growing tensions threaten the fragile peace agreement signed in late 2022, which brought an end to a brutal civil war that claimed an estimated half a million lives.

Many here are preparing for the worst - either leaving for the federal capital, Addis Ababa, on sold-out flights, or stocking up on emergency supplies and withdrawing their savings from the bank.

"It's all because of the anxiety," one resident said.

Tseganesh Kassa, an ex-combatant from Shire, a city in central Tigray, badly wounded her leg during the war. She now walks on crutches and requires regular medical treatment.

She says war "rocked my family".

"I am now a disabled person and my family has been [ruined] economically. I don't want to see that again. Displaced people living in makeshift camps haven't even been returned to their homes.

"No-one can handle another [war]."

Tigray was the epicentre of the conflict.

The guns were silenced when two of the main warring groups, Ethiopia's federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the leading political party in the region, signed a peace agreement.

This led to the formation of an interim administration tasked with running the region until elections were held. But in recent months there has been a growing power struggle between senior figures within TPLF and Tigray's interim administration.

The administration accuses certain TPLF politicians of attempting to seize power by force.

Some within the TPLF accuse the interim administration's leadership of failing to support ex-fighters or bring back people displaced by the war.

Territories that were once under Tigray's administration before the fighting but are now are under others' control is also a hot issue.

Both sides accuse each other of engaging in treasonous activities that involve "external actors".

There are now concerns the peace agreement could unravel, and even fears over the prospect of a direct conflict between Ethiopia and its neighbour Eritrea.

During the Tigray war, Ethiopia's government was supported by Eritrea. But relations have deteriorated between the two countries since the peace deal, which Eritrea did not sign.

Since then, there seems to be a feeling in Eritrea that it has become the fall guy for the atrocities reportedly committed during the war.

All parties were accused of gross abuses during the civil war - including the mass killing of civilians and widespread sexual violence. Eritrean soldiers were particularly accused of being behind the deaths dozens of the civilians in the historic city of Aksum.

Tigray's interim administration says Eritrean troops are still occupying parts of the region's land along shared borders where they continue to commit abuses.

Meanwhile Eritrea's information minister called the allegations "fabricated" adding the areas in question are "Eritrean sovereign territories".

Tigrayan officials want the return of these and other disputed areas currently under the control of forces from neighbouring Amhara region, as outlined in the peace deal.

Ethiopia's ambitions to have access to the sea is another factor souring relations with Eritrea.

There are fears that the two neighbours could return to war six years after they mended their fraught relations.

If violence returns to Tigray - or if clashes break out between Ethiopia and Eritrea - the implications will far reaching in an already volatile region.

In Mekelle, residents are weary of the prospect of further conflict.

"The youths are tired of violence," Tesfay Gebreabgzi, a shoe-shiner in his 20s, tells the BBC. "During the [civil] war, lots of people had the desire to fight. Now there's only fatigue."

Haimanot Gebremariam, a vegetable vendor in her 50s, says her two children joined the fighting on the Tigrayan side after war broke out in 2020.

But while her daughter returned safely, her son sustained permanent wounds. She says she does not want to see a return to "the dark days". The situation now "is very concerning", she tells the BBC.

"We still live with the trauma and the scar of the previous war. We don't want to shed tears again."

The Tigray region has not fully recovered from the disastrous impact of the conflict.

Nearly a million displaced people have still not returned home and some key infrastructure — including schools and health facilities - have not yet been rebuilt.

Nonetheless, despite the palpable anxiety, there is a semblance of normality in Mekelle. Businesses and shops are working regularly. And there is not a heavy presence of security forces on the streets.

But having lived through one of Africa's deadliest conflicts in recent memory, many are closely following every small development.

In one coffee house, young people are glued to their phones, watching clips from recent press statements made by the head of Tigray's interim administration, Getachew Reda, who is currently hundreds of miles away in Addis Ababa for "consultations" with federal authorities.

In another cafe, a young man said he was waiting to hear what the city's new mayor - who was appointed on Thursday by the dissident TPLF faction - would do to calm the public.

Everyone, it seems, is waiting to see what the next days and weeks will bring.

[salvadorbonaparte]

Spoilers for Views by Marc-Uwe Kling and also CW for rape and racist hate crimes

I'm still thinking about how unsatisfying this book was, in a good way.

The police is investigating the disappearance of a teenage girl. A video goes viral in which the girl is raped by a group of black men, linguistic analysis revealing they are likely from Mali. There are no clues as to where it happened, who the men are, where the girl is. The only clue is her secret older drug dealer boyfriend but he doesn't seem to have anything to do with the video.

As a reaction to the video, another video is uploaded by an armed man calling for "active homeland security" and more and more Nazis join the new group and a man hunt for the rapists. No one can identify this leader. A disturbing video is uploaded of him executing one of the rapists but they still can't identify him. A copycat video leads to a man who lynched a refugee from Eritrea in blind hate. Right wing marches happen, one group even tries to storm the government building and kills a policeman with a grenade.

And then the protagonist has a disturbing hunch: what if the video is fake? What if it's AI generated by the right wing or a foreign agent to fuel nazi groups?

And then comes the plot twist. She's right. But she's also wrong: the video is AI generated. But its only purpose was to generate views and revenue. A tech guy living in isolation has tasked his very advanced generative AI to generate videos based on what might become popular. When he died by accident the AI simply continued, calculating that a rape video of a missing teenager would go viral in no time. It generated the video based on the girls very active Instagram feed. The neo nazi leader is also AI generated.

But the protagonist doesn't have time to process that because she, a cop and second gen immigrant from Lebanon, is the new scapegoat for the very real Nazis who joined the imaginary new hate group. They want justice for the girl (who, she realises, probably died of an overdose at her boyfriend or got murdered by a hitchhiker). They want to avenge the girl, by hurting her. She survives and the novel ends as she tries to make it to safety.

And you're left with the knowledge that an innocent refugee was lynched, a woman was revenge raped for a crime that did not happen, the German government was nearly stormed and people injured and killed. And the AI is still working because she had no time to disable it before being attacked. All of that for money and views and hubris. And the guy behind it is dead already and cannot be made responsible. How do you put AI on trial?

And it could happen again. What has been thought cannot be unthought. It could continue happening. Because the hate is real.

[thesecrettimes]

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki: ‘We Need a New Financial Architecture Not Controlled by the Dollar or the Euro’

Eritrea President Isaias Afwerki: ‘They Are Printing Money’ Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki detailed his position about the need for the emergence of a new world order that would need to be separated from the hegemony of already established currencies. In a meeting held on July 28 with Russian President Vladimir Putin as part of the second Russia-Africa Summit held Saint Petersburg, Afwerki explained that Western nations are weaponizing traditional financial systems without manufacturing anything for the world economies. Afwerki stated: They are printing money. They are not manufacturing anything at all; it is all about printing money. And this is one of their weapons. The global monetary system controlled by the dollar and the euro is being used. Furthermore, Afwerki explained this was being done to contain the growth of Russia and China. A Sanctions-Based Containment System Explaining how African countries and Russia could sidestep this situation, Afwerki stated: We need a new financial architecture, globally, one that is not controlled by the euro, the dollar, or other currencies. Following this failed attempt to contain Russia they will immediately move to the East: containing China is their next agenda. Western nations, Afwerki says, will use “defamation, demonization, psychological warfare, sanctions” to achieve this objective. The U.S. enacted economic sanctions against Eritrea in November 2021, when the country was banned from using the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) payment system, crippling its means to complete international transactions in dollars. On the situation of sanctions against Eritrea, Afwerki declared: We have to be punished because we are not bowing to their conditionalities. We are a very small threat; we are not even a threat to them. But they have to contain us: sanctions, sanctions, sanctions, conflict here, conflict there. Putin also referred to the weaponization of the dollar in the current financial system during a recent meeting with New Development Bank’s (NDB) President Dilma Rousseff, stating that it would make growing the influence and size of the bank a “not easy” task. What do you think about the ideas of Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki? Tell us in the comments section below. Read the full article

[oceansoulmatesblog]

France, Germany interior ministers heads to Tunisia in wake of latest Mediterranean tragedy

AP , Sunday 18 Jun 2023 Ministers from Germany and France tasked with regulating migration are joining forces to try to curb deaths on dangerous routes across the Mediterranean Sea, traveling Sunday for talks with the president and their counterpart in Tunisia, a major North African stepping stone for migrants trying to reach Europe at risk of their lives. Migrants from Eritrea, Libya and Sudan…

[tasksweekly]

[TASK 154: ERITREA]

There’s a masterlist below compiled of over 590+ Eritrean faceclaims categorised by gender with their occupation and ethnicity denoted if there was a reliable source. If you want an extra challenge use random.org to pick a random number! Of course everything listed below are just suggestions and you can pick whichever faceclaim or whichever project you desire.

Any questions can be sent here and all tutorials have been linked below the cut for ease of access! REMEMBER to tag your resources with #TASKSWEEKLY and we will reblog them onto the main! This task can be tagged with whatever you want but if you want us to see it please be sure that our tag is the first five tags, @ mention us or send us a messaging linking us to your post!

THE TASK - scroll down for FC’s!

STEP 1: Decide on a FC you wish to create resources for! You can always do more than one but who are you starting with? There are links to masterlists you can use in order to find them and if you want help, just send us a message and we can pick one for you at random!

STEP 2: Pick what you want to create! You can obviously do more than one thing, but what do you want to start off with? Screencaps, RP icons, GIF packs, masterlists, PNG’s, fancasts, alternative FC’s - LITERALLY anything you desire!

STEP 3: Look back on tasks that we have created previously for tutorials on the thing you are creating unless you have whatever it is you are doing mastered - then of course feel free to just get on and do it. :)

STEP 4: Upload and tag with #TASKSWEEKLY! If you didn’t use your own screencaps/images make sure to credit where you got them from as we will not reblog packs which do not credit caps or original gifs from the original maker.

THINGS YOU CAN MAKE FOR THIS TASK -  examples are linked!

Stumped for ideas? Maybe make a masterlist or graphic of your favourite faceclaims. A masterlist of names. Plot ideas or screencaps from a music video preformed by an artist. Masterlist of quotes and lyrics that can be used for starters, thread titles or tags. Guides on culture and customs.

Screencaps

RP icons [of all sizes]

Gif Pack [maybe gif icons if you wish]

PNG packs

Manips

Dash Icons

Character Aesthetics

PSD’s

XCF’s

Graphic Templates - can be chara header, promo, border or background PSD’s!

FC Masterlists - underused, with resources, without resources!

FC Help - could be related, family templates, alternatives.

Written Guides.

and whatever else you can think of / make!

MASTERLIST!

F:

Melissa Chimenti / Maria Chimenti (1948) Eritrean / Italian - actress.

Zeudi Araya / Zeudi Araya Cristaldi (1951) Eritrean / Italian - actress, singer, model, and producer.

Ines Pellegrini (1954) Eritrean / Italian - actress.

Faytinga / Dehab Faytinga / Dehab Faid Tinga (1964) Tigrayan Eritrean / Kunama Eritrean - singer.

Abeba Haile (1970) Eritrean - singer.

Ellen Nyman (1971) Eritrean - actress, performance artist, and director.

Senait Mehari / Senait Ghebrehiwet Mehari (1974) Eritrean / Ethiopian - singer.

Helen Berhane (1974) Eritrean - singer.

Senhit / Senit / Senhit Zadik (1979) Eritrean - singer.

Helen Meles (1980) Eritrean - actress and singer.

Zainab Bet Ali (1980) Eritrean - tv personality, radio personality, and writer.

Ella Thomas (1981) Eritrean / Unspecified White - actress, model, and producer.

Adiam Dymott (1982) Eritrean - singer-songwriter.

Winta / Winta Efrem (1984) Eritrean - singer-songwriter.

Senait Amine (1985) Eritrean - singer. 

Sa’ra Charismata / Sara Haile (1986) Eritrean - singer-songwriter and guitarist.

Semhar Tadesse (1986) Eritrean - tv personality and poet.

Ruth Abraha / Rutta Abraha (1989) Eritrean - singer.

Berta Vázquez / Birtukan Tibebe (1992) Eritrean / Ukrainian - actress, singer, and model.

Habben Michael (1993) Eritrean - model.

Yusra Babekr-Ali (1997) Eritrean - model.

Letekidan Micael (1997) Eritrean - actress.

Rahma Yusuf (1998) Eritrean - instagrammer (rxmiee).

Leila / Llehlani BakeFace (2003) Eritrean - instagrammer (llehlani).

Solomon Teklya (?) Eritrean - singer.

Azie Tesfai (?) Eritrean - actress.

Sharon Mahari (?) Eritrean - actress and singer.

Millen Hailu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Aymeno / Samrawit Aklilu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Segen Misghina (?) Eritrean - instagrammer (segenhm) and youtuber (Segen Misghina).

Yohana Rubi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Senait Hailemariam (?) Eritrean - singer.

Asmeret Ghebremichael (?) Eritrean - actress and singer.

Sabrina Aman (?) Eritrean - actress, director, and producer.

Haben Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer (The EriAm Sisters).

Lianda Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer (The EriAm Sisters).

Salina Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer (The EriAm Sisters).

Samsom Tekeste (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tirhas Haddish (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tmnit Welday (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fana Abraha (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yohana Amanuel (?) Eritrean - singer.

Betty Afewerki (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eden Gebreselassie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eden Kesete (?) Eritrean - singer.

Measho Halefa (?) Eritrean - singer.

Elsa Kidane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fiyori Tsehaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fiyori Kesete (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hannah Jahar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hehleen (?) Eritrean, Filipina - instagrammer (hehleena).

Liyah Mai (?) Eritrean, Somali - instagrammer (liyahmai).

Sara (?) Eritrean - instagrammer (sarayikyak).

Bez Amde (?) Eritrean - instagrammer (bez_amde).

Suzie Micael (?) Eritrean - instagrammer (suziemicael).

Sallina (?) - model (instagram: sallinaxo).

Fee (?) Eritrean - model (instagram: feeviii).

Yordi Haile (?) Eritrean - model and actress (instagram: yordi_haile_official).

Luna Teshome Ar (?) - model (instagram: luuna.ar).

Heaven (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tinsae (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hare (?) Eritrean - singer.

Simret Kidane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Semhar Isaias (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kokob Kesar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Liya Bayru (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mehret Zerhans (?) Eritrean - singer.

Luwam Ghebreberhan (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nyat Netsereab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Rahel Okbagaber (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yohana Ghirmay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Sabrina Kibreab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Saba Tesfamariam (?) Eritrean - singer.

Azmera Chekol (?) Eritrean - singer.

Selamawit Yohannes (?) Eritrean - singer.

Essayas Yukuno (?) Eritrean - singer.

Betel Endalkachew (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ruftalem Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Veronica Solomon (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tirhas Gual Keren (?) Eritrean - singer.

Venus Alem (?) Eritrean - singer.

Danait Yohannes (?) Eritrean - singer.

Adiam Michael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shewit Kifle (?) Eritrean - singer.

Feven Tsegay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shewit Estifanos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Feven Tewelde (?) Eritrean - singer.

Helen Kinfe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Rutha Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Semhar Yohannes (?) Eritrean - singer.

Weyti Gudey (?) Eritrean - singer.

Saba Andemariam (?) Eritrean - singer.

Salina Tsegay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bsrat Aregay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Muna Mohammed (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fyori Tsehaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ariam Zemichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tsion Michael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Lwam Amanuel (?) Eritrean - singer.

Rimdet Alem (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shewit Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dingl Libey (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nafqot Keylemdo (?) Eritrean - singer.

Feruz Tesfalem (?) Eritrean - singer.

Semhar Nirayo (?) Eritrean - singer.

Elham Mohammed (?) Eritrean - singer.

Lidiaana (?) Eritrean - singer.

Sabrina Kbreab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mikal Yosief (?) Eritrean - singer.

Weini Sulieman (?) Eritrean - presenter and socialite. 

Furtuna Kflay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Winta Mekonen (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nehmia Zeray (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hanna Tewelde (?) Eritrean - singer.

Simona (?) Eritrean - singer.

F - Athletes:

Nebiat Habtemariam (1978) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Simret Sultan (1984) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Meraf Bahta (1989) Eritrean - middle-distance runner.

Rehaset Mehari (1989) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Furtuna Zegergish (1989) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Nazret Weldu (1990) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Wehazit Kidane (1992) Eritrean - cyclist.

Mossana Debesai (1993) Eritrean - cyclist.

Wogahta Gebrehiwet (1996) Eritrean - cyclist.

Tighisti Ghebrihiwet (1996) Eritrean - cyclist.

Zinab Fitsum (1996) Eritrean - cyclist.

Bisrat Ghebremeskel (1998) Eritrean - cyclist.

Desiet Kidane (2000) Eritrean - cyclist.

M:

Bereket Mengisteab (1938) Eritrean - singer-songwriter and krar player.

Salvatore Marino (1960) Eritrean / Italian - actor and showman.

Fitsum Zemichael (1971) Eritrean - singer.

Alex Gidewon (1973) Eritrean - instagrammer (agentertainment).

David Fjäll (1974) Eritrean - tv presenter.

Yohannes Tikabo (1974) Eritrean - singer-songwriter.

Eskindir Tesfay (1976) Eritrean - actor, producer, and martial artist.

Afrob / Robert Zemichiel (1977) Eritrean - rapper.

Amiaz Habtu (1977) Eritrean - rapper and tv host.

Swizz Beatz / Kasseem Dean (1978) Eritrean / Afro-Jamaican, Puerto Rican, Irish - rapper, DJ, and producer.

Yosef Wolde-Mariam (1978) Eritrean / Ethiopian - rapper and tv presenter.

Selam Tadese (1980) Eritrean - actor.

Fuad Hassen (1981) Eritrean - comedian.

J. Holiday / Nahum Grymes (1982) Eritrean / African-American - actor, singer-songwriter, and rapper.

Richie Campbell (1982) Eritrean, Jamaican - actor.

Noh Hages (1984) Eritrean - actor.

Qwanell Mosley (1988) Eritrean / African-American - singer.

Eyob Faniel (1992) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Aminé / Adam Aminé Daniel (1994) Eritrean / Ethiopian - rapper-songwriter, singer, and director.

SAFE / Saif Musaad (1997) Eritrean - rapper and singer.

Yonathan Elias (?) Habesha Eritrean / Nigerian - actor, tv personality, and model.

Bahta Kiros (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tekle Negasi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Jossy in Z House (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bemnet Eri (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nabil Rajo (?) Eritrean - actor.

Efrem Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mitchelle’l / Mitchelle’l Sium (?) Eritrean / Creole - singer-songwriter.

Beki Habesha (?) Habesha Eritrean - singer.

Nahom Tesfaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samuel G (?) Eritrean - singer.

Alex Kahsay (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Temesgen G (?) Eritrean - singer.

Awet Mihreteab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Keshi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Jemal Romodan (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Simon Tsegay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hadish Measho (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hani Mihreateab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Andit Okbay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mussie Zekarias (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abraham Teshome Des De (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfalem Arefaine Korchach (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesghen Yared (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bereket Ogbamichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samon Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kibrom Russom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kaleab Teweldemedhin (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bruk Asmelash (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eseyas Salh (?) Eritrean - singer.

Efrem Ayzohbelew (?) Eritrean - singer.

Zaki Naju (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temsgen Tewolde (?) Eritrean - singer.

Seare Debesay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Araya Emahasion (?) Eritrean - singer.

Habtom Tekeste (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nazrawi Asgedom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Estifanos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfu Ghebreweldi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hani Mihreteab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Gezae Fitwi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Ghirmay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wegahta Brhane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Redwan Osman (?) Eritrean - singer.

Enbaba Tsigereda (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fitsum Mobae (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ibrahim Omersalih (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filmon Fikare (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Teame (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shiden Solomon (?) Eritrean - singer.

Habtom Debessai (?) Eritrean - singer.

Negassi Tesfamariam (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Tomas Dainom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yohannes Habteab (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Robel Michael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Alem Tewldebrhan (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Beraki Gebremedhin (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yusuf Hamid (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Teklit Kidane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eseyas Debesay (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Tikabo (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kahsay Berhe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yekun Jemal Romodan (?) Eritrean - singer.

Haile Gebru (?) Eritrean - singer.

Asmarino (?) Eritrean - singer.

Million Eshetu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Mogos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Thomas Alazar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kiros Asfaha (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfay Mengesha (?) Eritrean - singer.

Orion Salih (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kiflu Dagnew (?) Eritrean - singer.

Efrem Arefaine (?) Eritrean - singer.

Alay Asghedom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nahom Yohannes (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abraham Alem (?) Eritrean - singer.

Alexander Kahsay (?) Tigrayan Eritrean - singer.

Ermias Kiflezghi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Isaac Simon (?) Eritrean - singer.

Said Berhanu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Abera (?) Eritrean - singer.

Sennay Hadgu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merhawi Sbhatleab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hermon Berhane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Biniam Tesfay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Sabur Abdu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesghen Ghide (?) Eritrean - singer.

Melake Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eseyas Saleh (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yohannes Yosef (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yirgalem Getachew (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samuel Mebrahtom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merhawi Tekleberhan (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mussie Mekonnen (?) Eritrean - singer.

Rashid Hussein (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Tesfamariam (?) Eritrean - singer.

Berhane Kuhlay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Yosef (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mihretab Kidane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Isaac Okbay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Girmay Gergish (?) Eritrean - singer.

Habtom Fissehaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

William Gidey (?) Eritrean - singer.

Biniam Habte (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tedros Rezene (?) Eritrean - singer.

Sanda Libey (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Gezu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Natnael Aron (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tomas Asefaw (?) Eritrean - singer.

Solomon Gebregergish (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eyob Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Minasie Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Solo Grande (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Gidey (?) Eritrean - singer.

Meshesh (?) Eritrean - singer.

Haren Tesfay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Amanuel Goitom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Adbar Tilahun (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tomas Mulugeta (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hahu Beatz (?) Eritrean - singer.

Solomon Bayre (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merhawi Wedi Haleka (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abel Tsegay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wave Slassian (?) Eritrean - singer.

Gildo Kassa (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filmon Girmay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Zerabruk Semaw (?) Eritrean - singer.

Andit Teklehaymanot (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fithawi Netsereab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mulugheta Medhanie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfamariam Kesete (?) Eritrean - singer.

Layne Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ashenafi Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filmon Gebretinsae (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Charu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Simon Estifanos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dawit Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hermon Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Henok Ferede (?) Eritrean - singer.

Habtesellasie Abraha (?) Eritrean - singer.

Aron Solomon (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bereket Goitom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fanus Misgina (?) Eritrean - singer.

Asmerom Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Haben Negasi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Paulos Mehari (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfay Measho (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hadish Araya (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mihreteab Michael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tomas Solomon (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kibret Amare (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kahsay Zawya (?) Eritrean - singer.

Pawlos Teklezghi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samuel Beyene (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tekleab Mebrahtu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Solomon Weldegergish (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dawit Tesfatsion (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Yemane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kisanet Megos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesgen Bazigar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Hailesellasie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Yemane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Freselam Mussie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kisanet Embahuney (?) Eritrean - singer.

Wedi Hadera (?) Eritrean - singer.

Semere Okbamichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mihreteab Beyene (?) Eritrean - singer.

Seare Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Awet Gebremichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samuel Berhe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Efrem Tesfamichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dejen Mengsteab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Semere (?) Eritrean - singer.

Aklilu Mebrahtu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Berhan Tesfay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfalidet Mesfin (?) Eritrean - singer.

Asefaw Yonas (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abera Beyene (?) Eritrean - singer.

Buruk Asmellash (?) Eritrean - singer.

Desta Angosom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Maekele Fsahaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Debesay Mehari (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mussie Gebrekrstos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mebrahtu Yohannes (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfaldet Mesfin (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ato Brhan Asmellash (?) Eritrean - singer.

Teame Weledemichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abrar Osman (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Negede (?) Eritrean - singer.

Anwar Ali (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eyob Brhane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Million Negasi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Munir Ali (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samuel Habtom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfaldet Weldetinsae (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abrhaley Hagos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Xegu Zemeron (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesgen Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mahmud Mohammed (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shewit Okbamichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mussie Berhe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Major Teame (?) Eritrean - singer.

Jemal Ibrahim (?) Eritrean - singer.

Efrem Kinfe (?) Eritrean - singer.

 Zekaryas Brhane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kuflom Ykealo (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samiel Tekie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Bemnet (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ermias Kflzgi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kesete Hadera (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nebi Reasom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Pawlos Nayzghi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tedros Hagos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samsom Mussie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Habteab Msgna (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ftsum Beraki (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filimon Ykealo (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tewelde Kassa (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Amanuel (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abel Issak (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kahsay Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mohamed Hassan (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yemane Barya (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Asrat (?) Eritrean - singer.

Muchot Hagos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yossief Tesfamichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Nebiat (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mussie Negede (?) Eritrean - singer.

Michael G. Krstos (?) Eritrean - singer.

Amanuel Solomon (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ferej Anwar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Michael Yemane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Meles (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Gerezgihe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tomas Alazar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dirar Gebreyesus (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merih Mehari (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfu Debesay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filmon Fisshaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Biniam Habtemichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mestyat Betna (?) Eritrean - singer.

Samuel Gebrehiwet (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shishay Haile (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yosief Russom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Saba Lemlem (?) Eritrean - singer.

Aklilu Hadera (?) Eritrean - singer.

Seare Weldemichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merhawi Tewelde (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mihiru Hadish (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tedros Hnxa (?) Eritrean - singer.

Semere Habtemariam (?) Eritrean - singer.

Shumay Gebrihiwet (?) Eritrean - singer.

Saarom Mihretab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesgen Bereketeab (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mamuk Weldemichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Sami Mebrahtom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Amanuel Embaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dejen Beyene (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ezekiel Ghebray (?) Eritrean - singer.

Aman Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Saymon Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dejen Mebrahtu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Mohamed (?) Eritrean - singer.

Okbay Fetwi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Santo Michael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Girmay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Hadish Yemane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Dawit Weldemichal (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonatan Tadesse (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mussie Mekonen (?) Eritrean - singer.

Benhur Reasom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfay Tekie (?) Eritrean - singer.

Afewerki Mengesha (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfay Okubamichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesgen Tewelde (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfit Mengistaeb (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfit Gebremichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tedros Kahsay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Tekeste (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mahamud Mohammed (?) Eritrean - singer.

Temesgen Oqbatsien (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesfit Bereket (?) Eritrean - singer.

Teame Woldemichael (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tedros Mengstu (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Mengesha (?) Eritrean - singer.

Efrem Tesfe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kokob Weldemariam (?) Eritrean - singer.

Eseyas Kesete (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bereket Ghebrezghi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ema (?) Eritrean - singer.

Funti (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abraham Misgna (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Tekeste (?) Eritrean - singer.

Berhane Nerayo (?) Eritrean - singer.

Aron Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yeabyo Fishale (?) Eritrean - singer.

Desale Teklay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filmon Gebrehiwet (?) Eritrean - singer.

Misgina Kidane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Michael Berhane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Tesheme Tesfaldet (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Kahsay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Asmerom Berhe (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mhreteab Tesfazghi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ibrahim Bushera (?) Eritrean - singer.

Daniel Eyob (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merawi Debesay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Desale Tewelde (?) Eritrean - singer.

Adway Teklezgi (?) Eritrean - singer.

Kelifa Mahmuod (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mhreteab Gebru (?) Eritrean - singer.

Ghirmay Andom (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merhawi Meles (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abel Bereket (?) Eritrean - singer.

Rezene Alem (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abraham Gumsa (?) Eritrean - singer.

Henok Huruy (?) Eritrean - singer.

Robel Yosief (?) Eritrean - singer.

Selomon Dembelash (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fitsum Fsshaye (?) Eritrean - singer.

Henok Mehari (?) Eritrean - singer.

Abrham Kahsay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Merhawi Kidane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Bereket Okbamikaiel (?) Eritrean - singer.

Filmon Brhane (?) Eritrean - singer.

Nebay Isak (?) Eritrean - singer.

Berhane Teweldemedhin (?) Eritrean - singer.

Michael Abraham (?) Eritrean - singer.

Mahamud Mohammed Aggar (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Tesfay (?) Eritrean - singer.

Yonas Gerezgiher (?) Eritrean - singer.

Fthawi Gde (?) Eritrean - singer.

M - Athletes:

Luciano Vassalo (1935) Eritrean / Italian - footballer.

Negash Teklit (1966) Eritrean - footballer.

Alemseged Efrem (1970) Eritrean - footballer.

Mensur Maeruf (1973) Eritrean - footballer.

Tesfayohannes Mesfin (1974) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Meb Keflezighi / Mebrahtom Keflezighi (1975) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Yonas Kifle (1977) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Bolota Asmerom (1978) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Yidnekachew Shimangus (1978) Eritrean - footballer.

Filmon Ghirmai (1979) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Simon Mesfin (1980) Eritrean - footballer.

Beraki Beyene (1980) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Yared Asmerom (1980) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Tewelde Estifanos (1981) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Zersenay Tadese (1982) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Minasie Solomon (1982) Eritrean - footballer.

Tadesse Abraham (1982) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Ali Abdalla (1982) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Thomas Kelati (1982) Eritrean - basketball player.

Abel Aferworki (1983) Eritrean - footballer.

Simon Bairu (1983) Eritrean / Ethiopian - long-distance runner.

Henok Goitom (1984) Eritrean - footballer.

Petro Mamu (1984) Eritrean - mountain runner.

Ambesager Yosief (1984) Eritrean - footballer.

Samson Kiflemariam (1984) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Isaias Andberhian (1984) Eritrean - footballer.

Samuel Tesfagabr (1985) Eritrean - footballer.

Walid Atta (1986) Eritrean / Ethiopian - footballer.

Nguse Tesfaldet (1986) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Haile Goitom (1986) Eritrean - footballer.

Ferekalsi Debesay (1986) Eritrean - cyclist.

Hiskel Tewelde (1986) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Alemayo Kebede (1987) Eritrean - footballer.

Ghebrezgiabhier Kibrom (1987) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Meron Russom (1987) Eritrean - cyclist.

Kidane Tadesse (1987) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Ammar Ahmed (1988) Eritrean - footballer.

Samuel Tsegay (1988) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Daniel Teklehaimanot (1988) Eritrean - cyclist.

Teklemariam Medhin (1989) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Hais Welday (1989) Eritrean - middle-distance runner.

Issak Sibhatu (1989) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Surafiel Tesfamicael (1989) Eritrean - cyclist.

Yohanes Ghebregergis (1989) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Senai Berhane (1989) Eritrean - footballer.

Tsegai Tewelde (1989) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Golgol Mebrahtu (1990) Eritrean - footballer.

Meron Amanuel (1990) Eritrean - cyclist.

Amanuel Mesel (1990) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Jani Tewelde (1990) Eritrean - cyclist.

Yosief Zeratsion (1990) Eritrean - footballer.

Tesfay Abraha (1990) Eritrean - cyclist.

Mohammed Saeid (1990) Eritrean - footballer.

Natnael Berhane (1991) Eritrean - cyclist.

Mekseb Debesay (1991) Eritrean - cyclist.

Tesfom Okubamariam (1991) Eritrean - cyclist.

Nat Berhe (1991) Eritrean / African-American - American football player.

Yonas Fissahaye (1991) Eritrean - cyclist.

Awet Gebremedhin (1991) Eritrean - cyclist.

Mikiel Habtom (1991) Eritrean - cyclist.

Futsum Zeinasellassie (1992) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Elyas Afewerki (1992) Eritrean - cyclist.

Samsom Gebreyohannes (1992) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Meron Teshome (1992) Eritrean - cyclist.

Hermon Tecleab (1993) Eritrean - footballer.

Teklit Teweldebrhan (1993) Eritrean - middle-distance runner.

Abraham Tedros (1993) Eritrean - footballer.

Metkel Eyob (1993) Eritrean - cyclist.

Yohannes Tilahun (1993) Eritrean - footballer.

Goitom Kifle (1993) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Tesfalem Tekle (1993) Eritrean - footballer.

Amanuel Gebrezgabihier (1994) Eritrean - cyclist.

Napoleon Solomon (1994) Eritrean - steeplechase runner.

Merhawi Kudus (1994) Eritrean - cyclist.

Abrar Osman (1994) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Yonatan Haile (1994) Eritrean - cyclist.

Weynay Ghebresilasie (1994) Eritrean - steeplechase runner.

Abel Tesfamariam (1995) Eritrean, Filipino - alpine skier.

Ghirmay Ghebreslassie (1995) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Meron Abraham (1995) Eritrean - cyclist.

Joel Gerezgiher (1995) Eritrean - footballer.

Afewerki Berhane (1996) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Merhawi Goitom (1996) Eritrean - cyclist.

Abraham Habte (1996) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Shannon-Ogbnai Abeda (1996) Eritrean - alpine skier.

Julien Wanders (1996) Eritrean / Swiss - long-distance runner.

Ahmed Abdu Jaber (1996) Eritrean - footballer.

Oliver Kylington (1997) Eritrean / Swedish - ice hockey player.

Awet Habte (1997) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Zemenfes Solomon (1997) Eritrean - cyclist.

Mogos Shumay (1997) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Tesfaldet Tekie (1997) Eritrean - footballer.

Sirak Tesfom (1998) Eritrean - cyclist.

Aron Kifle (1998) Eritrean - long-distance runner.

Saymon Musie (1998) Eritrean - cyclist.

Yemane Haileselassie (1998) Eritrean - steeplechase runner.

Awet Habtom (1998) Eritrean - cyclist.

Hennos Asmelash (1999) Eritrean - footballer.

Yakob Debesay (1999) Eritrean - cyclist.

Alexander Isak (1999) Eritrean - footballer.

Biniam Hailu (2000) Eritrean - cyclist.

Omar Ahmed Hussein (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Yonatan Goitum (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Testfaldet Goitom (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Mehari Shinash (?) Eritrean / Ethiopian - footballer.

Ermias Tekle (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Tekie Abraha (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Jemal Abdu (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Filmon Tseqay (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Nevi Gebreselasie (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Teame Weledemichael (?) Eritrean - footballer.

Problematic:

Tiffany Haddish (1979) Eritrean Jewish, Ethiopian Jewish / African-American - actress and comedian. - Has stated she’d happily work with Bill Cosby to this day despite his sexual assault allegations and implied that rape isn’t against her morals whilst diminishing rape survivors’ experiences.

[zvaigzdelasas]

[Machine Translation]

Former Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi's defeat in the May 15th elections in Mogadishu could have a negative impact on the tripartite alliance between Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The three leaders held a series of meetings in Asmara and Addis Ababa to assess the implementation of the tripartite agreement and to expedite it.

Among the topics discussed at their meetings was the possibility of uniting these countries in the future economically, to form socio-economic integration. [...]

Somalia is one of the countries in conflict with neighboring Kenya. The dispute centered on maritime disputes, the issue of qat and other issues. Somalia's new President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's key tasks include tackling deteriorating relations between the two countries. [...]

Meanwhile, the ONLF congratulated the new President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. [...]

"Somalia is one of the key stakeholders in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. The ONLF hopes that the new president will enable Somalia to play a positive role in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East to become a safe haven. and progress, "said the congratulatory message from the ONLF.

17 May 22

[greatworldwar2]

• Amedeo Guillet

Amedeo Guillet was an officer of the Italian Army, he was one of the last men to have commanded cavalry in war. He was nicknamed Devil Commander, and was famous during the Italian guerrilla war in Ethiopia in 1941, 1942 and 1943.

Guillet was born in Piacenza, Italy on February 7th, 1909. Descended from a noble family from Piedmont and Capua. His parents were Franca Gandolfo and Baron Alfredo Guillet, a colonel in the Royal Carabinieri. Following his family tradition of military service, he enrolled in the Academy of Infantry and Cavalry of Modena at the age of 18, thus beginning his career in the Royal Italian army. He served in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War that prevented him from competing in equestrian events in the 1936 Summer Olympics Berlin Olympics. Guillet was wounded and decorated for bravery as commander of an indigenous cavalry unit. Guillet next fought in the Spanish Civil War serving with the 2nd CCNN Division "Fiamme Nere" at the Battle of Santander and the Battle of Teruel.

In the buildup to World War II, Prince Amedeo, Duke of Aosta gave Guillet command of the 2,500 strong Gruppo Bande Amhara, made up of recruits from throughout Italian East Africa, with six European officers and Eritrean NCOs. The core was cavalry, but the force also included camel corps and mainly Yemeni infantry. For Guillet to be given command of such a force while still only a lieutenant was a singular honour. In 1940, he was tasked to form a "Gruppo Bande a Cavallo". The "Bande a Cavallo" were native units commanded by Italian officers. Amedeo Guillet succeeded in recruiting thousands of Eritreans. His "Band", already named in the history books as "Gruppo Bande Guillet" or "Gruppo Bande Amahara a Cavallo", was distinguished for its absolute "fair play" with the local populations. Amedeo Guillet could boast of having never been betrayed, despite the fact that 5,000 Eritreans knew perfectly well who he was and where he lived. It was during this time, in the horn of Africa that the legend of a group of Eritreans with excellent fighting qualities, commanded by a notorious "Devil Commander", was born.

Guillet's most important battle happened towards the end of January 1941 at Cherù when he attacked enemy armoured units. At the end of 1940, the Allied forces faced Guillet on the road to Amba Alagi, and specifically, in the proximity of Cherù. He had been entrusted, by Amedeo Duca d'Aosta, with the task of delaying the Allied advance from the North-West. The battles and skirmishes in which this young lieutenant was a protagonist (Guillet commanded an entire brigade, notwithstanding his low rank) are highlighted in the British bulletins of war. The "devilries" that he created from day to day, almost seen as a game, explains why the British called him not only "Knight from other times" but also the Italian "Lawrence of Arabia". Horse charges with unsheathed sword, guns, incendiary and grenades against the armoured troops had a daily cadence. Official documents show that in January 1941 at Cherù "... with the task of protecting the withdrawal of the battalions... with skillful maneuver and intuition of a commander... In an entire day of furious combats on foot and horseback, he charged many times while leading his units, assaulting the preponderant adversary (in number and means) soldiers of an enemy regiment, setting tanks on fire, reaching the flank of the enemy's artilleries... although huge losses of men,... Capt. Guillet,... in a particularly difficult moment of this hard fight, guided with disregard of danger, an attack against enemy tanks with hand bombs and benzine bottles setting two on fire while a third managed to escape while in flames."

In those months many proud Italians died, including many brave Eritreans who fought without fear for a king and a people who they never saw or knew. To the end of his life, the "Devil Commander" used words of deep respect and admiration for that proud population to whom he felt indebted as a soldier, Italian, and man. He never failed to repeat that "the Eritreans are the Prussians of Africa without the defects of the Prussians". His actions served their intended purpose and saved the lives of thousands of Italians and Eritreans who withdrew in the territory better known as the Amba Alagi. At dawn, Gulliet charged against steel weapons with only swords, guns and hand bombs at a column of tanks. He passed unhurt through the British forces who were caught unaware. This action was the last cavalry charge that British forces ever faced, but it was not the final cavalry charge in Italian military history. A little more than a year later a friend of Guillet, Colonel Bettoni, launched the men and horses of the "Savoia Cavalry" against Soviet troops at Isbuchenskij. Guillet's Eritrean troops paid a high price in terms of human losses, approximately 800 died in little more than two years and, in March 1941, his forces found themselves stranded outside the Italian lines. Guillet, faithful until death to the oath to the House of Savoy, began a private war against the British. Hiding his uniform near an Italian farm, he set the region on fire at night for almost eight months. He was one of the most famous Italian "guerrilla officers" in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia during the Italian guerrilla war against the Allies occupation of the Italian East Africa.

Later in early 1942, for security reasons he changed his name in Ahmed Abdallah Al Redai, studied the Koran and looked like an authentic Arab: so when British soldiers came to capture him, he fooled them with his new identity and escaped on two occasions. After numerous adventures, including working as a water seller, Guillet was finally able to reach Yemen, where for about one year he trained soldiers and cavalrymen for the Imam's army, whose son Ahmed became a close friend. Despite the opposition of the Yemenite royal house, he succeeded in embarking incognito on a Red Cross ship repatriating sick and injured Italians and finally returned to Italy a few days before the armistice in September 1943. As soon as Guillet reached Italy he asked for Gold sovereigns, men and weapons to aid Eritrean forces. The aid would be delivered by aeroplane and enable a guerrilla campaign to be staged. But with Italy's surrender, then later joining the Allies, times had changed. Guilet was promoted to Major for his war accomplishments and worked with Major Max Harari of the 8th King's Royal Irish Hussars who was the commander of the British special unit services that tried to capture Guillet in Italian East Africa. At the end of the war, the Italian monarchy was abolished. Guillet expressed a deep desire to leave Italy. He informed Umberto II of his intentions, but the King urged him to keep serving his country, whatever form its government might take. Concluding that he could not disobey his King's command, Guillet expressed his desire to teach anthropology at university.

Following the war, Guillet entered the Italian diplomatic service where he represented Italy in Egypt, Yemen, Jordan, Morocco, and finally as ambassador to India until 1975. In 1971, he was in Morocco during an assassination attempt on the King. On June 20, 2000, he was awarded honorary citizenship by the city of Capua, which he defined as "highly coveted". On 4 November 2000, the day of the Festivity of the Armed Forces, Guillet was presented with the Knight Grand Cross of the Military Order of Italy by President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi. This is the highest military decoration in Italy. Guillet is one of the most highly decorated (both civil and military) people in Italian history. In 2001, Gulliet visited Eritrea and was met by thousands of supporters. The group included men who previously served with him as horsemen in the Italian Cavalry known as Gruppo Bande a Cavallo. The Eritrean people remembered Gulliet's efforts to help Eritrea remain independent of Ethiopia. In 2009, his 100th birthday was celebrated with a special concert at the Palazzo Barberini in Rome. Amedeo Guillet died on June 16th, 2010, in Rome at the age of 101.

[rotanawrites]

Click the source link to find #70 gifs of rapper Aminé  (1994). He is Ethiopian and Eritrean so cast him respectfully!

These fit @tasksweekly​ tasks: #131: Ethiopia and #154: Eritrea

[uk-news-talking-politics]

Dogmatic anti-imperialism: How the left learned the wrong lessons from Iraq

By Oz Katerji The Iraq War was one of the most catastrophic and disastrous military interventions in modern history, so it has had a lasting impact on the British electorate's view on foreign policy. There are some good reasons for that. Even conservative estimates place the death toll from the invasion and the civil war that followed it - one that arguably continues to this day - in the hundreds of thousands. Most of those deaths were not directly attributable to the international coalition, but many were nevertheless an indirect result of the invasion. There are some bad reasons too. For many in Britain, the Iraq War is the prism through which they view all foreign policy. It has created a policy vacuum totally divorced from empathy and solidarity towards the victims of international conflicts. A recent video published by the Labour left campaign group Momentum, fronted by Labour councillor and NEC member Yasmine Dar, was indicative of the problem. The video - tweeted alongside the statement "to stop refugees, we need to stop creating refugees" - actively denied agency to the very people it claimed to defend. Leaving aside for one moment the fact that a supposedly left-wing political group framed their message around finding a way to "stop" refugees - an utterly futile task that only gives succor to right wing narratives about immigration - the arguments made by Dar were fundamentally misleading. Dar argued that the majority of refugees arriving in the UK come from Middle Eastern countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria or Libya - countries that have experienced some form of UK military involvement over the last two decades. This is simply not true. In fact, according to the Migration Observatory, the majority of asylum seekers in the UK in 2018 were from Iran, Iraq, Eritrea, Pakistan and Albania. Syria and Libya were not even in the top ten. This fact, however, would have immediately pierced Dar's narrative that British foreign policy is somehow the reason that the "majority" of refugees are fleeing their countries at all.

There wasn't even any mention of the fact that the majority of migrants heading to Europe from Libya aren't victims of the Libya conflict, but are actually fleeing other parts of Africa. British bombs have nothing to do with it. During the video, images of Iraq and Libya played out while Dar spoke. For her argument, they were interchangeable. But a UN Security Council-mandated No Fly Zone enacted to prevent Gaddafi from slaughtering his own people is not the same as a UN Security Council-rejected invasion and occupation. The idea that a progressive foreign policy requires Britain to use its power and influence to protect civilians, rather than turn a blind eye to their suffering, seems anathema to this way of thinking. "In a lot of cases, not only do we support dictators, but we've put them there in the first place," Dar said, before spending the rest of the video discussing Britain's role in the overthrow of Iran's Mossadegh in 1953 - as if one of the main  reasons for conflict in the region can be blamed  solely on events that happened 67 years ago, and as if British foreign policy hasn't moved on from Churchill. If we're assessing the situation honestly, no regional country has been more responsible for the Middle Eastern refugee crisis than Iran, but that won't fit into a Momentum video that lays the blame squarely at the feet of the British government.

The massacres committed in Syria, Yemen and Iraq by Iran's sectarian militias have displaced millions of civilians across the Middle East. The Iranian regime has been forcibly conscripting Afghan Hazara refugee children and sending them to fight in Syria. I am not sure how any video about today's refugee crisis can spend so much time discussing the 1953 coup without as much as a passing mention of Iran's sectarian involvement in regional wars, including the killing of tens of thousands of Iraqi civilians - deaths which Dar prefers to attribute to British foreign policy. I wish I could say Dar was an isolated case on the left, but this foreign policy rot is far more pervasive than that. The legacy of the Iraq War has left a generation of supposedly progressive people turning a blind eye to some of the most heinous atrocities of the 21st century, based on the idea that tolerating mass murder is preferable to preventing it. This misreading of the Iraq conflict is widespread, particularly on the political left. The war is often cited as one of the main reasons that younger voters were so attracted to Jeremy Corbyn's brand of anti-imperialist politics. This narrative acts as if only the far left opposed Iraq, just as it had opposed all foreign interventions during the period. In fact, there were far more persuasive arguments against the war from more mainstream sources. The Iraq War was not a humanitarian military intervention. There was no responsibility-to-protect element in the conflict. The intelligence regarding weapons of mass destruction was wilfully distorted to ramp up the threat level and pacify political opposition to the war. That situation cannot be compared with the wars in Syria and Libya, where dictators launched wars against their own people, who were defenceless from the coming onslaught and looked to Western powers for protection - protection which, in the case of Syria, never came. Despite many young, left-leaning people having strong opinions about the conflict in Iraq, too many are totally ignorant of the facts and history of conflicts in the Middle East and too few are bothered to learn. An increasingly conspiratorial strand of so-called 'anti-imperialism', one which routinely dehumanises and denies agency to Middle Eastern civilians, has further poisoned the debate. Allegations about Saddam Hussein's possession of weapons of mass destruction in 2003 may have proved false, but it is demonstrably true that Bashar al-Assad has repeatedly used chemical weapons against the Syrian people. Every time footage of these atrocities reached the West, many of those people who grew up in this strand of 'anti-imperialist' politics responded to the images of dead and dying children, frothing at the mouth from nerve agent poisoning, in the same way they would the 'dodgy dossier'. The suggestion that something should be done to protect them saw supposed progressives abandon all semblance of compassion and warn those expressing grief that they were being hoodwinked by the same people who 'manufactured consent' for Iraq. This political camp has grown proud of its ignorance. It sees no need to learn more about the Middle East or the conflicts raging within it. Why learn about the decades of human misery inflicted upon the people of Libya or Syria when you can instead just dismiss it all as propaganda? There are few more wilfully anti-intellectual movements in the world than dogmatic anti-imperialism, an ideology that essentially instructs its adherents to ignore the voices and views of local populations in favour of pro-regime conspiracism regurgitated by cosplaying revolutionary communists. Conspiracism and war crimes denial has now deeply embedded itself in the Western left, alongside the total abandonment of any semblance of a progressive foreign policy. For many, it is irrelevant that the calls for civilian protection measures in Libya and Syria came from Libyan and Syrian civilians themselves. Democratic revolutions are routinely rejected or dismissed because they require a level of self-reflection that many decided they no longer needed to do after Iraq. The truth is that, whether Britain is involved or not, conflicts will continue to rage across the world. There is no way to "stop" refugees, just as there is no way for Western military power to police the world. But far from deciding to look away from this, we need to take it on. I do not understand how any progressive can look at the barbarity in Syria, with nearly a million dead and 12 million displaced, and state that Britain could have alleviated civilian suffering by doing less for the Syrian people, rather than more. If we want to help refugees, we have to understand that we cannot "stop" them. If we want to stop conflicts, we have to understand that the people in those countries need our help.

[tasksweekly]

Could you please do tasks for more of the countries from the Horn of Africa? Specifically maybe you could do one for Eritrea?

Hi anon, I meant to reply to this when we took your suggestion and turned it into Task #154: Eritrea but forgot so this answer is a week late but we hope you like it! You may also be interested in checking out, if you don’t already know that we’ve done them, Task #079: Somalia and Task #131: Ethiopia which we had done before you even sent this ask! We’ve also added to finish the Horn of Africa to our suggested/upcoming list! Thank you for your suggestion!

[srm1984-blog]

Welcome to Djibouti

Just over two months ago I landed in Djibouti following a fast-paced couple of weeks of packing, moving, and cleaning, selling my car, and visiting loved ones.  I am here with with Resource Exchange International (REI - not that REI, a different one - we do not sell outdoor gear :) )-Djibouti, the NGO I work for.  REI-Djibouti partners with the Djiboutian government to promote and increase English language programs here, as there is increasing demand for this language in education and workforce development initiatives.  In my role with REI-Djibouti I work both at the International School of Djibouti (ISD) teaching English, Social Studies, Science, and Art to 5th-7th grade students, advising a high school student who's completing an independent study program, and facilitating some of the after-school activities; and also also work with staff from the Ministère de l'Education Nationale (Ministry of Education) as part of their program administering education programs in two of Djibouti's three refugee camps - my focus is currently on curriculum revision initiatives for this program.  The school and the initiatives with the Ministry of Education are two of several education projects REI-Djibouti is involved with.  

The journey here was in and of itself an adventure, which got off to a great start as I got to have a brief reunion at the Boston Logan airport with a dear friend whom I'd met when we were both studying abroad in Chile during our college years, and whom I hadn't seen in over a decade.  After that it was on to Doha, Qatar, but due to the plane sitting on the runway in Boston for a long time I missed my Doha-Djibouti flight and ended up spending a night and part of the following day in Doha.  Although I was disappointed to miss the first two days of the new staff orientation that had gotten underway in Djibouti, I did enjoy the opportunity to get a brief taste of Doha.  The highlight of my time there was wandering through the Souk Waqif, a sprawling market organized into sections that each contain different types of goods, including spices, textiles, jewelry, perfume, and birds, among others. Strolling through the narrow, winding, mud-walled, wood beam-covered corridors felt like taking a step back centuries in time, though the plastic souvenirs sprinkled in amidst the more traditional items served as reminders that we were indeed still in the 21st century.  I had planned to also take a walk along the Corniche, Doha's waterfront district, but the incredible heat (even in the morning - this was around 9:00 a.m.!) caused me to alter that plan taking an air-conditioned taxi ride along the Corniche, from which I enjoyed views of traditional dhow boats in Doha Harbor and the many museums, gorgeous parks full of public art, stately palm trees, and shiny high-rise hotels and office buildings lining the waterfront.  From Doha I continued on to Istanbul, where I had a long layover and became well-acquainted with the airport, enjoying people-watching the very diverse crowd of people passing through this corner of the world that lies at the convergence of many different cultures.  The last leg of the journey to Djibouti was uneventful, and I arrived in this city just before sunrise.   Rachel, a member of REI-Djibouti's leadership team, picked me up at the airport and brought me to the house I share with Sami, another new staff member.  Sami is also from the United States, but was living and working as a teacher for the past two years on Chuuk, an island in Micronesia.  The other new staff here this year are teachers Kayla and Tammy, who are also from the States - though Kayla has been living in Kenya for the past two years - and assistant teacher Anja, who is from Germany and is here for an internship through her university.  We are joining returning staff: program directors Tom and Rachel, who've lived in Djibouti for the past 17 years; accountant Kirk, who is also from the States; and assistant teachers James, who is from Kenya, and Mariam, who is from Djibouti.  The student body is also a mix of roughly half returning and half new students.  The long-term goal for the school is to serve primarily Djiboutian and refugee students - Djibouti is home to many refugees, primarily from Somalia, Yemen, Ethiopia, and Eritrea –  but due to a number of factors the student body currently has a greater ethnic mix of students, including large numbers of students from Djibouti, France (Djibouti is a former French colony and there is a large French military base near the school) and the States, plus smaller numbers from several other countries. This ethnic diversity allows for benefits ranging from students getting exposure to many different languages, to a really interesting range of perspectives in class discussions, recess periods in which students get to play games, share snacks, and listen to music from around the world.

The first couple of weeks here were a whirlwind of activity, beginning with a new staff orientation session.  Near the end of orientation we took a break and went on to Khor Ambado, a beautiful beach that is the reward you get to enjoy if you are lucky enough to know someone who has the necessary courage, plus a car equipped for driving over what I believe may be the the road with the biggest bumps and potholes I've traversed up to this point in my life :)  As a bonus, we encountered a herd of camels along with two herders crossing the road on the outskirts of the city as we drove out towards the beach road.  Other tasks we initially focused on included setting up our classrooms (mine was still under construction at the beginning of the school year so Tammy graciously let my class take over her ESL classroom for the first week of school) and planning for the student and family welcome event and the first week of classes, along with cleaning, furnishing, and facilitating repairs in our home.  Our apartment had been unoccupied for months and in the hot desert climate here it doesn't take long for dust and sand to accumulate, paint to peel, air conditioners and fans to break, plaster and caulk to disintegrate, and ants and other insects to congregate, so much of our first two weeks were spent addressing these issues, with lots of help of Tom, who knows who to call about and where to buy supplies to address the various tasks we were trying to accomplish.

It's good to, after this initial settling in period, now feel like the basics are in place at home and work, and to be able to dive into work, focus more on building community - I've been able to connect with members of the local and expat community through work, church, volunteer opportunities, an expats group, and Tom and Rachel, who have developed an extensive network in their many years living in this corner of the world.  I have also begun to pick up the pace with learning French (French, Somali, Afar, and Arabic - along with English - are all widely spoken here but since French is the language most commonly used in professional settings that is the language I'm mostly focusing on for now), and am slowly but surely getting to know the city through both going to meetings, running errands, and meeting people in various areas as well as sometimes simply walking around to explore different areas and points of interest.  Signing off for now - thanks for following along on this new chapter of my life! 

[the-shubham-world-blog]

Separatism.

Kashmir, Kurdistan, Hong Kong, Tibet, Catalonia, Palestine, Taiwan, Kosovo, Greenland and Scotland All these places have one thing in common There have been slogans for freedom in all these places By different means in different situations,But there have been separatist demands in all these places.There have been demands for the creation of a new independent country I'd like to talk about separatism in this Blog By taking examples from worldwide, let us examine how countries are formed, how they break down and how this affects the people.

1. How to Create a Country ?

In today's times, if someone has to create a country There are no international laws that guide you through the process of creation of a country But the 1933 Montevideo Convention specifies four criterion for the formation of a country A permanent population, a well defined territory, the existence of a government,and the capacity to maintain relations with other countries But there are lot of countries worldwide that satisfy these four criterion but are not a country Because the other countries do not recognize them as "countries”

Let us take the example of Taiwan.

 Taiwan is almost a separate country on its own But only 17 countries recognize Taiwan as a country For any new country to get a seat in the United Nations,they need the approval of the Security council of the United Nations which can be vetoed by any of the permanent members of the United Nations So Taiwan never got a seat in the United Nations because China always vetoed it Because China believes that Taiwan is a part of China The same situation applies to Palestine and Kosovo Speaking broadly, for your country to be recognized as a separate country,An important criteria for this that the rest of the countries of the world to recognize it as a "country"and accept it as an independent country Even regarding this, some countries have formulated rules of their own For example, the British government says that if any new country wants recognition from the British government,First, it would have to fulfill the Montevideo Convention and after that it would have to sign upon the human rights obligations,respect International laws and UN resolutions and give rights to the minorities So some countries have specified requirements of their own And then there's international politics

 For example, Catalonia, that wants to become an independent country.

 lies within Spain Now, Spain would never want a part of it to become an independent country So the countries that have good relations with Spain would never recognize Catalonia as an independent country because they would not want to spoil their relations with Spain So the game of international politics also gets embroiled in between Considering these things, it is a very tough task for any country to gain recognition from the rest of the countries.

2. Why Separatism Happens ? 

A basic question here is why does separatism arise?  Why do some people in the country feel like they should create a new country?Experts have suggested several reasons behind this and I divide them into three categories The first category is cultural reasons Some people feel that their religion, ethnicity or cultural is in danger if they continue to be a part of a big country So they wish to form a separate country of their own Another cultural reason is that some people hate other cultures And in order to consolidate their identity they want to form a separate country and drive out the minorities The second type of reasons are economic reasons Either the people feel that they're extremely poor and that they're being exploited economically,and the rich are extorting money from us,Or, on the second hand,

 like the in example of Spain.

The rich people there feel that their money is being used unwisely and that their money is being uselessly distributed among the poor The region of Catalonia is one of the richest regions in Spain This is one of the biggest reasons behind their independence movements The third category of reasons is injustice. That is, the separatists believe they are being treated unjustly This could be due to a variety of reasons but usually it is related to a political decision That is the government makes a decision that, socially, economically, in the case of freedom as well as in the case of democracy,affected the people in a negative manner.

3. Separatism success vs Failures.

What are the results of a separatist movement? 

Let us examine on a case by case basis In 2017, a referendum was conducted in Catalonia The people were asked if they wanted to make Catalonia an independent country More than 90% of the people said that they wanted to become an independent country, separate from Spain What was the result of this? Spain declared it illegal and unconstitutional and completely rejected the referendum There were protests against this and 17 people were killed in the protests Spain said doing this was obviously, sedition against the nation and anti national.

A similar thing happened in 2017 in Kurdistan .

Kurdistan which is a region with in Iraq  A referendum was conducted there as well More than 90% of the people said that they wanted Kurdistan to become an independent country,separate from Iraq What was the result of this? Once again, Iraq government completely rejected it and instantly the Iraq government closed off air access in Kurdistan Even if Kurdistan becomes an independent country, but if its neighbors do not accept it,it would become very difficult to self sustain itself economically If it would not be able to do business with oil pipelines,It would not be able to export if the surrounding countries do not allow it to come on the road sand not let it export These are more reasons why the separatist movements, even if they become an independent country,It would be very difficult for them to sustain.

South Sudan.

South Sudan is the world's newest, officially recognized country It got its independence from Sudan in 2011"officially recognized", because almost all the countries of the world accepted it as an independent country and The United Nations also offered it a seat What was the result of this? It became independent in 2011 and up till 2015,for 4 years, there raged a civil war which caused the deaths of lakhs of people In today's times, there prevail conditions of hyperinflation, famine, extreme violence And it is one of the most underdeveloped countries of the world.

Eritrea.

Eritrea- a new African country formed by breaking away from from Ethiopia in 1991 It, too, has a similar story When this new country was formed, a civil war followed in which more than 10% of its population was killed In today's times, this country is under a dictatorship with one party rule.

Kosovo.

Kosovo is a country in Eastern Europe which may be a slight success in this regard It was formed in 2008 by breaking away from Serbia But even today, problems in its politics are perceptible Kosovo and Serbia have different ethni cities So you can understand why they separated: one ethnicity hates the other ethnicity Even In today's times, the politics in Kosovo is hate based So much so, that he Serbian prime minister is not allowed to set foot in Kosovo.

Timor Leste.

You could say that Timor Leste is a proper successful example of separatism This country was formed in 2002 by separating from Indonesia It is a successful democracy today Many experts believe that the reason behind its success is the intervention of the external countries That is, international organisations supported it and hence it is so successful.

Bangladesh.

You could say that Bangladesh is another proper successful example of separatism But even here experts believe that the reason behind its success is the external help from India So the countries that have remained successful after separation have remained successful only because of external help Even it the case of Kosovo, it got a lot of external help But, in general, upon averaging out, all the places that have witnessed separatist movements have also witnessed civil war, violence and economic depression The president of European Commission said that if every region starts to act of its own accord like Catalonia Then Europe would gradually become unmanageable Upon inspection of the whole world, this seems somewhat true Because there are 8000 ethni cities worldwide If each ethnicity begins to demand its own separate country,then the world would need 8000 countries.

Reaction Of Main Country.

The success or failure of a separatist country also depends upon the reaction of the parent country  If the parent country reacts with violence against the separatist movement,then historically, it has been noticed that this causes the separatist movement to become stronger Because the separatists get another reason to show how the country is committing atrocities and injustice against them.

Hongkong.

The same thing happened in the case of Hong Kong The protesters of Hong Kong were extremely peaceful and China reacted with violence against them So with the international eye and in the opinion of the bystander countries They feel that the Hong Kong protesters are very peaceful China is reacting in a terrible manner so we will side with the Hong Kong protesters and separatists Obviously, other things are considered too.The case of Hong Kong is a special one because it is under a 100 year contract with China that ends in 2047 And right from now, China is trying to exert its influence upon Hong Kong It is framing laws that include Hong Kong under its purview Hong Kong is a democracy while China is a dictatorship So it is trying to foist its rules upon Hong Kong What the countries generally do is try and seek a middle ground with the separatists So that they're able to give the region more autonomy and fulfill their wishes in any manner because there are multiple stages between forming a separate country and remaining within the same country.

Greenland.

Let us take the example of Greenland Greenland isn't a separate country. It is under the Kingdom of Denmark In 1979, Denmark gave Greenland its autonomy but retained some critical areas like foreign affairs, currency And defence. But gradually, over the years, Greenland was provided with more autonomy from Denmark For example, in 2009, the official language on Greenland was changed from Danish to Greenland  In today's times, Denmark has given full freedom to Greenland and if they want independence,they would be given that after conducting a referendum But when a poll was conducted to ask the people whether they wanted independence,then 75% of the people said that they want full independence But when the people were informed that their life quality might fall after independence,then majority of the people said that they don not want full independence Because 2/3rd of the Budget of the government of Greenland is supplied by the Danish government Because the economy of Greenland is not so huge that it could earn so much money on its own 1/3rd of the GDP of Greenland gets accrued because of Denmark So all this money would be cut off from them if they opt for full independence.

Conclusion.

In the end, what do you think is the most important thing in this political matter?

In my opinion,  the life of a common man is the most important thing here the life quality in the life of a common man might improve or become worse then historically, it has been noticed that after separatism, there ensue civil wars, violence and economic depression follows Economically, growth improves when borders are reduced This is why I am against separatism because, generally, it results in worse conditions when viewed from the perspective of the life of a common man.

[thecomicsnexus]

A Song of Pain and Sorrow!

HEROES AGAINST HUNGER 1986 BY JIM STARLIN, CARY BATES, ELLIOT S. MAGGIN, PAUL LEVITZ, MIKE W. BARR, MICHAEL FLEISHER, BOB ROZAKIS, ROY THOMAS, J. M. DEMATTEIS, ROBERT BLOCH, ROBERT LOREN FLEMING, MARV WOLFMAN, TONY ISABELLA, GERRY CONWAY, BARBARA RANDALL, ANDREW HELFER, DAN MISHKIN, LEN WEIN, ED HANNIGAN, MINDY NEWELL, STEVE ENGLEHART, JOEY CAVALIERI, PAUL KUPPERBERG, DOUG MOENCH...

GEORGE PEREZ, PARIS CULLINS, DENYS COWAN, JAN DUURSEMA, KEITH GIFFEN, ROSS ANDRU, JOSÉ LUIS GARCÍA-LOPEZ, CARMINE INFANTINO, MARSHALL ROGERS, BERNIE WRIGHTSON, JOE BROZOWSKI, SAL AMENDOLA, CURT SWAN, BARRY WINDSOR-SMITH, ERNIE COLON, WALT SIMONSON, EDUARDO BARRETO, DAVE GIBBONS, JACK KIRBY, TONY SALMONS, DAN JURGENS, JOE KUBERT, DAVID ROSS, JIM SHERMAN...

KIM DEMULDER, TONY DEZUNIGA, VAL MAYERIK, ALFREDO ALCALA, JOE STATON, KLAUS JANSON, JERRY ORDWAY, MURPHY ANDERSON, KARL KESEL, MIKE KALUTA, GRAY MORROW, JIM APARO, JOHN BYRNE, JEFF JONES, TERRY AUSTIN, STEVE LEIALOHA, ROMEO TANGHAL, BRUCE PATTERSON, AL MILGROM, TOM MANDRAKE, BILL WRAY, JOE RUBINSTEIN, HOWARD CHAYKIN, GREG THEAKSTON, ALAN WEISS...

DAINA GRAZANUS, MICHELE WOLFMAN, GENE D’ANGELO, CARL GAFFORD, ANTHONY TOLLIN, TOM ZIUKO, GEORGE ROBERTS, LIZ BERUBÉ, NANSI HOOLAHAN AND TATJANA WOOD

SYNOPSIS (FROM COMIC VINE)

Superman delivers an acre of top soil to Ethiopia. A sirocco threatens to blow away the top soil, but Superman's quick actions save the majority of it. Lee Ann Layton, a member of the Peace Corps, casts doubt on Superman's ability to truly change Ethiopia for the better. Superman carries out his task to pepper the Ethiopian landscape with acres of top soil. The top soil is blasted out of Superman's hands. Miles away, Batman investigates the crash of an airplane, which was delivering food to Ethiopia. Seeing Superman flying overhead, Batman signals the Man of Steel to join his investigation.

A cursory glance with his microscopic vision reveals that a particle beam brought the plane down. Superman tasks Batman with enlisting the aid of Superman's nemesis, Lex Luthor. Batman tasks Superman with discovering how their unknown foe knows the schedules of the famine relief planes. Superman's investigation brings him into conflict with a trio of androids, which Superman destroys. Superman traces a broadcast signature to an alien craft, buried miles beneath Ethiopia. Superman confronts the Master, an alien that feeds off hopelessness and entropy.

Superman battles the Master, only to find himself teleported away, back to the surface. Batman storms Luthor's island base. Batman confronts Luthor. Batman convinces Luthor to use his plant growth formula to aid Ethiopia. Luthor only consents to prove his superiority over Superman. Batman, and Luthor, rendezvous with Superman. Suddenly their surroundings are plunged into pitch, as the entire planet is encased in a sphere of total darkness. With the Earth completely cut off from the light of the Sun, all life on Earth is in jeopardy.

Luthor locates the Master's ship, just outside of a refugee camp for famine victims. Luthor is visibly shaken by his encounter with the starving children. Luthor tasks Batman with evacuating the camp. Luthor teams up with Superman to confront the Master. The Master teleports Superman into another dimension. Luthor attacks the Master, who grows stronger feeding off Luthor's despair. Layton chastises the Batman for placing the camp in danger. Batman races to the Master's ship to render assistance. Superman flies faster than the speed of light to escape the Master's dimension of abject darkness.

Playing the instrument lodged in his chest, the Master releases four fireballs, each threatening a different city. Superman is forced to abandon Luthor, to deal with the new threat. Superman dissipates the fireballs. Luthor continues his desperate battle against the Master. Batman joins the fight. Luthor projects a force field around the Master's destructive instrument, preventing the Master from playing it. Nonetheless, the Master closes on Luthor, intent on crushing the life from him with his bare hands. Superman intervenes, and beats the Master into submission.

Superman wrenches the instrument from the Master's chest, then hurls the Master into the dimension of darkness. With the threat of the Master ended, Superman works with Luthor to end the famine in Ethiopia. Luthor's plant growth formula, however, fails. What worked on Luthor's world, Lexor, is incompatible with the soil composition of Earth. Layton explains that it took man years to turn Ethiopia into a desert, and a single afternoon of super-heroic efforts was never going to restore it. Layton states that it will take a concerted effort, on the part of the entire world, to save the African continent. As Batman, Luthor, and Superman depart, Layton allows herself to feel hope for the future.

BEHIND THE SCENES

1983-1985 FAMINE IN ETHIOPIA (FROM WIKIPEDIA)

A widespread famine affected Ethiopia from 1983 to 1985. The worst famine to hit the country in a century, in northern Ethiopia it led to more than 400,000 deaths, but, according to Human Rights Watch, more than half its mortality could be attributed to "human rights abuses causing the famine to come earlier, strike harder and extend further than would otherwise have been the case". Other areas of Ethiopia experienced famine for similar reasons, resulting in tens of thousands of additional deaths. The famine as a whole took place a decade into the Ethiopian Civil War.

The famine of 1983–85 is most often ascribed to drought and climatic phenomena. However, Human Rights Watch has alleged that widespread drought occurred only some months after the famine was under way. According to the organisation, and Oxfam UK, the famines that struck Ethiopia between 1961 and 1985, and in particular the one of 1983–85, were in large part created by government policies, specifically a set of so-called counter-insurgency strategies and "social transformation" in non-insurgent areas.

The economy of Ethiopia is based on agriculture: almost half of GDP, 60% of exports, and 80% of total employment come from agriculture.

In 1974, a group of Marxist soldiers known as the Derg overthrew the government. The Derg addressed the Wollo famine by creating the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) to examine the causes of the famine and prevent its recurrence, and then abolishing feudal tenure in March 1975. The RRC initially enjoyed more independence from the Derg than any other ministry, largely due to its close ties to foreign donors and the quality of some its senior staff. As a result, insurgencies began to spread into the country's administrative regions

By late 1976 insurgencies existed in all of the country's fourteen administrative regions. The Red Terror (1977–1978) marked the beginning of a steady deterioration in the economic state of the nation, coupled with extractive policies targeting rural areas. The collapse of the system of State Farms, a large employer of seasonal laborers, resulted in an estimated 500,000 farmers in northern Ethiopia losing a component of their income. Grain wholesaling was declared illegal in much of the country, resulting in the number of grain dealers falling from between 20,000 and 30,000 to 4,942 in the decade after the revolution.

The nature of the RRC changed as the government became increasingly authoritarian. Immediately after its creation, its experienced core of technocrats produced highly regarded analyses of Ethiopian famine and ably carried out famine relief efforts. However, by the 1980s, the Derg had compromised its mission. The RRC began with the innocuous scheme of creating village workforces from the unemployed in state farms, and government agricultural schemes but, as the counter-insurgency intensified, the RRC was given responsibility for a program of forced resettlement and villagization. As the go-between for international aid organizations and foreign donor governments, the RRC redirected food to government militias, in particular in Eritrea and Tigray. It also encouraged international agencies to set up relief programs in regions with surplus grain production, which allowed the AMC to collect the excess food. Finally, the RRC carried out a disinformation campaign during the 1980s famine, in which it portrayed the famine as being solely the result of drought and overpopulation and tried to deny the existence of the armed conflict that was occurring precisely in the famine-affected regions. The RRC also claimed that the aid being given by it and its international agency partners were reaching all of the famine victims.

Four Ethiopian provinces—Gojjam, Hararghe, Tigray and Wollo—all received record low rainfalls in the mid-1980s. In the south, a separate and simultaneous cause was the government's response to Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) insurgency. In 1984, President Mengistu Haile Mariam announced that 46% of the Ethiopian Gross National Product would be allocated to military spending, creating the largest standing army in sub-Saharan Africa; the allocation for health in the government budget fell from 6% in 1973–4 to 3% by 1990–1.

Although a UN estimate of one million deaths is often quoted for the 1983–5 famine, this figure has been challenged by famine scholar Alex de Waal. In a major study, de Waal criticized the United Nations for being "remarkably cavalier" about the numbers of people who died, with the UN's one-million figure having "absolutely no scientific basis whatsoever," a fact which represents "a trivialization and dehumanization of human misery.". De Waal estimates that 400,000 to 500,000 died in the famine.

Nevertheless, the magnitude of the disaster has been well documented: in addition to hundreds of thousands of deaths, millions were made destitute. Media activity in the West, along with the size of the crisis, led to the "Do They Know It's Christmas?" charity single and the July 1985 concert Live Aid, which elevated the international profile of the famine and helped secure international aid. In the early to mid-1980s there were famines in two distinct regions of the country, resulting in several studies of one famine that try to extrapolate to the other or less cautious writers referring to a single widespread famine. The famine in the southeast of the country was brought about by the Derg's counterinsurgency efforts against the OLF. However, most media referring to "the Ethiopian famine" of the 1980s refers to the severe famine in 1983-85 centered on Tigray and northern Wollo, which further affected Eritrea, Begemder and northern Shewa. Living standards had been declining in these government-held regions since 1977, a "direct consequence" of Derg agricultural policies. A further major contributing factor to the famine were the Ethiopian government's enforced resettlement programs, utilized as part of its counter-insurgency campaign.

Despite RRC claims to have predicted the famine, there was little data as late as early 1984 indicating an unusually severe food shortage. Following two major droughts in the late 1970s, 1980 and 1981 were rated by the RRC as "normal" and "above normal". The 1982 harvest was the largest ever, with the exception of central and eastern Tigray. RRC estimates for people "at risk" of famine rose to 3.9 million in 1983 from 2.8 million in 1982, which was less than the 1981 estimate of 4.5 million. In February and March 1983, the first signs of famine were recognized as poverty-stricken farmers began to appear at feeding centers, prompting international aid agencies to appeal for aid and the RRC to revise its famine assessment. The harvest after the main (meher) harvest in 1983 was the third largest on record, with the only serious shortfall again being recorded in Tigray. In response, grain prices in the two northern regions of Begemder and Gojjam fell. However, famine recurred in Tigray. The RRC claimed in May 1984 that the failure of the short rains (belg) constituted a catastrophic drought, while neglecting to state that the belg crops form a fourth of crop yields where the belg falls, but none at all in the majority of Tigray. A quantitative measure of the famine are grain prices, which show high prices in eastern and central Tigray, spreading outward after the 1984 crop failure.

A major drain on Ethiopia's economy was the ongoing civil war, which pitched rebel movements against the Soviet and Cuban backed Derg government. This crippled the country's economy further and contributed to the government's lack of ability to handle the crisis to come.

By mid-1984, it was evident that another drought and resulting famine of major proportions had begun to affect large parts of northern Ethiopia. Just as evident was the government's inability to provide relief. The almost total failure of crops in the north was compounded by fighting in and around Eritrea, which hindered the passage of relief supplies. Although international relief organizations made a major effort to provide food to the affected areas, the persistence of drought and poor security conditions in the north resulted in continuing need as well as hazards for famine relief workers. In late 1985, another year of drought was forecast, and by early 1986 the famine had spread to parts of the southern highlands, with an estimated 5.8 million people dependent on relief food. In 1986, locust plagues exacerbated the problem.

TL;DR

The famine was caused by a series of events, most of them of politic nature (and the cold war didn’t help). But apart from the human causes, the region has been suffering draughts for a long time (and still does), ruining Ethiopia’s main industry.

AID (FROM BBC)

BBC's Michael Buerk achieved something very rare - he not only reported the world, but changed it a little bit.

His vivid on-the-spot coverage of a famine "of biblical proportions" in Tigray in northern Ethiopia pricked the conscience of the richer part of the world.

The money came pouring in. Bob Geldof's Band Aid and Live Aid led the way in galvanizing public attention, raising cash and mobilizing a huge relief effort.

As a result, many thousands of lives were saved - and tens of thousands of those facing starvation received food.

BBC World Service has broadcast an Assignment documentary based on the testimony of key figures on the ground in and around Tigray in the mid-1980s. Presenting evidence, that some of the famine relief donations were diverted by a powerful rebel group to buy weapons.

The documentary has revealed some uncomfortable facts and provoked a strong response. This morning a British newspaper, The Independent, gives over its front page to complaints from Bob Geldof and several leading charities. They accuse the BBC of "disgracefully poor reporting".

This documentary was put together by Martin Plaut, Africa Editor at BBC World Service News. He has a particular expertise in the Horn of Africa, and indeed reported from there on the famine back in the 1980s. He has spent almost a year gathering material and doing research for this documentary - and the BBC stands by his journalism.

As so often is the case, the famine that afflicted northern Ethiopia was compounded by war. Much of Tigray was controlled by a hard left-wing rebel group, the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front. They were fighting the Ethiopian army, then the largest in Africa. This was also the era of the cold war - and the Americans were seeking to undermine the Soviet-aligned Ethiopian government.

It is not in dispute that millions of dollars of relief aid was channelled through the Relief Society of Tigray (Rest), which was a part of the TPLF rebel movement. It was the only way of reaching those in desperate need in rebel-held areas. What Martin Plaut's documentary uncovers is the systematic diversion of aid received by Rest to buy arms for the TPLF.

Martin tracked down two key former members of the TPLF who explained how they managed to divert the money.

They are now at odds with the then TPLF leader, Meles Zenawi, who is currently Ethiopia's Prime Minister. But they are credible voices.

One of these former TPLF fighters, the rebel army commander at the time, makes an allegation which has attracted particular controversy - that the organisation made a policy decision that only 5% of the money received by Rest would be spent on relief, with the bulk going directly or indirectly to support their military and political campaigns.

Among the other accounts featured in the World Service programme, Robert Houdek, who was the senior US diplomat in Ethiopia in the late 1980s, states that TPLF members told him at the time that some aid money and supplies was used to buy weapons. A CIA document paints the same picture.

Bob Geldof was given every opportunity to express his point of view while the documentary was being made, but declined to be interviewed.

Some relief agencies - including Christian Aid and Cafod - pointed us towards their staff involved in directing food supplies 25 years ago, and those voices were included.

Two key aid workers active in and around Ethiopia in the 1980s confirm in the BBC World Service programme the way in which relief was channeled through Rest - though they dispute that there was a significant diversion of money for arms buying.

"If we were being conned, I think it was on a very small scale," said Stephen King, then overseeing from Sudan the work of Catholic charities in providing food to the starving.

The documentary did not say that most famine relief money was used to buy weapons - it did not suggest that any relief agencies were complicit in the diversion of funds - it explicitly stated that "whatever the levels of deception, much aid did reach the starving".

But there is a clear public interest in determining whether some money given as famine relief ended up buying guns and bullets.

And that's what the evidence suggests.

REVIEW

So, if you paid attention to the story behind this book, it was done by pretty much the same people that did Heroes for Hope (Marvel’s version). Now, I’ll be very direct here, I think this one works better than Marvel’s.

Marvel’s version is too vague and abstract about the problem (there is one panel explaining how they weren’t responsible enough with trees).

In this book, even with a crazy super-villain involved, there is at least one explanation about the cause and what WE can do from our comfy homes. Which was the whole point of the campaign. Sure, in my quick research I couldn’t find any evidence that peanut crops were involved, but let’s just say that the book doesn’t spend too much time explaining the issues.

In fact neither of the two stories explain the ongoing civil war. There are at least some vague references to conflicts in the area in this book.

Luthor’s involvement was a nice touch. But just like with “Heroes for Hope”, here the heroes involved only make a glorified World’s finest issue.

The villain is there only to give the heroes an excuse to stay longer. I cannot say that story makes much sense, but it is pretty much the same motivation the villain had in Heroes for Hope.

But at least the three characters involved were Batman, Superman and Lex Luthor, and everyone knows these characters. So it is accessible.

The character of Lee Ann Layton... I am not sure if this is an actual real life person or what, but she should calm the fuck down a little!

She starts attacking Superman’s efforts, and pretty much anything they try to do because they are not bringing money. Lady, at least they are trying!

The art feels a bit more uniform in this book than in Marvel’s version. Perhaps because the artists involved were mostly from DC, with experience on these characters.

In the end, it is important to remember that the artists involved did this for free.

How successful was this comic-book? I never found the exact figures and no one recovered the comic book sales charts of the eighties yet. Maybe some day someone will tell us. In any case, if only 5% went to help the people, and the rest to keep them hungry, maybe it is best not to know.

I give this special a score of 6

[pineroffshore]

Merchants of kaidan s team

Buy low, sell high - a merchant's motto is easy to grasp. Your task is to roam the world and search of opportunities to score some profit. You start very humble, one cart, a purse of gold and silver coins is all that you have. Merchants of Kaidan is a challenging trading game fused with lots of RPG elements. Regain your riches, restore your honor and punish those who have wronged you. RegionsÅland Islands, Albania, Algeria, Andorra, Angola, Anguilla, Antarctica, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bermuda, Bhutan, Bolivia, plurinational state of, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bouvet Island, Brazil, British Indian Ocean Territory, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burma, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Cayman Islands, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Christmas Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Congo, Democratic Republic of the, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Cote d'Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Curaçao, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Estonia, Falkland Islands (Malvinas), Faroe Islands, Fiji, Finland, France, French Guiana, French Polynesia, French Southern Territories, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Greenland, Grenada, Guadeloupe, Guatemala, Guernsey, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Heard Island and McDonald Islands, Holy See (Vatican City State), Honduras, Hong Kong, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jersey, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kiribati, Korea, Republic of, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macao, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Marshall Islands, Martinique, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mayotte, Mexico, Micronesia, Federated States of, Moldova, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Montserrat, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Nauru, Nepal, Netherlands, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Niue, Norfolk Island, Northern Mariana Islands, Norway, Oman, Palau, Palestinian Territory, Occupied, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Pitcairn, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of North Macedonia, Reunion, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Barthélemy, Saint Helena, Ascension And Tristan Da Cunha, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Martin (French Part), Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Serbia, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Sint Maarten, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, South Sudan, Spain, Sudan, Suriname, Svalbard and Jan Mayen, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, Province of China, Tajikistan, Tanzania, United Republic Of, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tokelau, Tonga, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Turks and Caicos Islands, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, United States, United States Minor Outlying Islands, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Vietnam, Virgin Islands, British, Wallis and Futuna, Western Sahara, Zambia, Zimbabwe

[agency7xyz]

Why did Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed with a Noble Peace Prize, fight a War?

The very popular and the most talked-about person these days in the Tigray War of 2020–2021 has to be the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Abiy Ahmed. His conversion from being the idol of Peace to entering into a war took only one year. What happened? What is the Root cause and who is the person Abiy Ahmed? In this article, we will look deeper into the Prime Minister of Ethiopia and much more.

Who is Abiy Ahmed?

Learn more about PM Abiy Ahmed

Abiy Ahmed Ali, born on 15th August 1975 is the 4th Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia from 2nd April 2018. Abiy is the elected member of the Ethiopian Parliament and was a member of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP). In the year 2019, he became the first Ethiopian to bag the Noble Peace Prize for his exemplary work on ending the 20-year post-war stalemate between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Being a child of a Farmer he is well known for accepting peace over anything whatsoever. But things worsen in the last year, as there became political unrest in Ethiopia, leading to huge breakouts and mobbing all over the country. Due to the predominant COVID situation, Abiy thought of pushing the election to a year back and this caused all the trouble. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front started not accepting the fact he wanted to push back the election. They wanted the election to be held immediately, as they wanted a new member of the Parliament to rule over Ethiopia. But Ahmed refused to do so and this led to the Tigray War of 2020–2021.

The war started by The Tigray People’s Liberation Front who looted the Central Defense of Ethiopia and made quite the action against the law. This gave the Central government a mighty chance to lush out on these revolters. Instead, things got bigger and a war started between the country fighting with its people. There are billions of people in Tigray and Ethiopia who are collapsed and need help, the current situation has led the whole world to think about the condition and the fate of the land of Ethiopia.

What is the Cause of Abiy’s involvement in the War?

Being the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, he is given the able task of controlling the people and the places under him. Now, what happened, that a country went to war with its motherland? Abiy Ahmed Ali passed the first electoral test in June but that was not a very smooth test to be precise. Outbreaks and boycotts were going around the whole country by The Tigray People’s Liberation Front. As Abiy won the Electoral there were thousands of people who gathered around the day of his oath-taking ceremony and many African Political leaders made it a point to pay a visit to the future Prime Minister of Ethiopia. But at that time there was already a smell of division that started between the people of Ethiopia. Ahmed’s governing Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front had been accused in many places across the country of repression of human rights and also included locking up of opposition party members and even locking down the Media in many cases. The EPRDF had successfully seen many of the economies rise but when the common people were told about it, they even didn’t know about the same and felt no change in their activities that was related to the economic rise of the country. There was a feeling of marginalization that was felt in many parts and groups of the country and was felt the most by the Oromo who are a well-known ethnic group in Ethiopia lead to quite the trouble in disguise. But being an Oromo himself, many people came up to the forefront and made Abiy realize that he should be doing something for them. He understood the mishap EPRDF was causing and immediately brought all the Political Members who were exiled in jail back to their homes, withdrew bans from the Media propaganda, and even invited the long-lost exiled Opposition Political party to come and give their views on his work. He took the advice so seriously that to promote gender equality he even made a woman the president of Ethiopia.

After the Peace Prize, Mr. Ali became extremely happy about his position in Ethiopia and he made a deal with Eritrea and called up to open the borders between the two countries. He toured the whole country and was amazed to see that he was able to help and influence so many people around his country, he talked about brotherhood, peace, and bringing national feelings between the citizen. Things were going as well as they could. But to maintain the power and position, one fine day the Army’s Chief of Staff and the leader of the country’s second-largest region was murdered in a single night. Not only this many officials of lower and middle-level posts met with the same nightmare. To support and understand who was the person or the people associated with the trouble, Mr.Ahmed locked the Internet and media facilities of Ethiopia to make sure that this news doesn’t spread the world. The suspects were later caught and were again released after serving for only weeks or months. The condition of Ethiopia saw another moment when the famous Oromo Musician Hachalu Hundessa was murdered in the capital city of Addis Ababa.

There is an ample number of more incidents that happened in Ethiopia and at the same time that was shut down or stopped from sharing. Mr.Abiy Ahmed Ali who is the Prime Minister of Ethiopia claims to bring peace but in many cases, it is not something he brought. It is not easy to decide and rule over an unrested piece of land like Ethiopia but at the same time, it is not legitimate to get innocent people murdered. The Tigray war which is going on as we speak is not just a nightmare but is more than that. We pray to god that the destruction of people in the name of power and position stops immediately and that the people of Ethiopia get back the lives they’ve always wanted and hoped for. Mr.Abiy Ahmed Ali is a notable name in the History of Ethiopia no doubt! He will be remembered as the only Prime Minister who received the First Noble Prize from Ethiopia and went into a war with his own country. Now, that is good or bad, for whose fault and who is to be blamed, that I leave on you to decide!