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Gramama, you love is one that I will never outgrow.

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Let's get poetic with the gemstone saga – share your 'grateful to be here' and 'what the actual f*ck' moments in the tags! 💬💎 #GemstoneChronicles

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What do I know of death? The question presented to me bounced around my thoughts momentarily, catching me off guard. My only experiences with the entity have been avoidant. I recall the summer as a child, when my persistent daytime sleepiness led me to drifting into a doze as my small body floated languidly in the pool. My grasp from the float slipped and bubbles of water filled my sight.

I recall bobbing up and down unsure if I was swimming, playing, or drowning. The air was leaving my lungs and I spent more time below the surface than above. I had been sleeping, but now I couldn’t remember how to swim. My battle with the bubbles was reaching a close when hands were on my body and my eyes were skyward, momma. My momma had grabbed me. My savior, my watcher, my hero. Wearing a mix of soaked street clothes and swimwear, my mother noticing my peril had rescued me. Ripping me from the jaws of danger. Avoiding once more from inviting death into our household

Of late, death and myself have become familiar. It was His Holiness The Dalai Lama who stated that you cannot find a household that death has not visited. That is why for myself, for my mother, for my parents, for my partner- we tell death not today. But for others, for our elders, for those ready or whose time has come, we give a courteous nod for that fate which greets us all at the end of the road. As biological being, we must all leave this physical form to that great beyond where my our souls can reach their infinity.

Readers who are familiar may recall the peril of the pickle, and for that reason I will not repeat it herein. However, I will let you be warned. At any age, we must stay vigilant and hone the most basic of survival skills while we watch for others. The watchful eye of a mother, the timed catch of a father. Learning the Heimliche Maneuver on self or others. Always cut up your pickles and grapes.

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Sometimes I miss my old life.

Simple, Southern, the warm sun basking on me as it slips into the horizon

The sandy clay cooling my bare feet as I play

Just a daughter, and a mother’s only son

Running, digging through the dirt colored like rust

How I miss the sweet smell of trees and earth

The magnolia tree where I would climb, the

limbs I could always trust

I want to go back.

Time is cold, the wind howls

My elbows are chapped

My bloody noses run

My old self calls

I miss my perch on trees in the sun

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Eugenics and Other Threats to the Reproductive Autonomy of Minority Women

This research aims to highlight from the literature an analysis of instances where the reproductive autonomy of minority women has been threatened through eugenic social theory, gynecological violence, and forced sterilizations. Eugenics as a social ideology violates human rights. Yet, practices in medical violence and public policy continue to allow for the events to transpire, with the most recent case being exposed in 2015. Research articles, books, journals, websites, and documentary-style films were cultivated as part of the literature review for this research, then cultivated to present relevant quotes and information regarding historical threats to reproductive autonomy in minority women. This research is present for advocacy to prevent these types of abuses from occurring in the future and for understanding the diverse issues faced by women of minorities in the United States and its territories.

Keywords: Reproductive Autonomy, Minority Women, Eugenics, Diversity Issues, Forced Sterilization

Eugenics and Other Threats to the Reproductive Autonomy of Minority Women

“Eugenic theory did not transcend the American racial order; it was fed, nurtured, and sustained by racism” (Roberts, 1999:95)”

Eugenics and Forced Sterilization

The cost of eugenics was steep for the West and paid for by the blood of people of color, the disabled, the incarcerated, and the poor. The Eugenics Movement and white supremacy fed the ideology that was instrumental in the forced sterilization of minority women. In the United States, those most likely to undergo forced sterilization were those of minority groups. Whether incarcerated, seeking affordable reproductive medical care, or mentally disabled, these individuals were sterilized using forced or coercive consent. Women in these circumstances had their autonomy stolen, their bodies abused, and their trust broken


History of Eugenics1

Eugenics was a pseudo-scientific movement popularized in the United States and other parts of the West during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Popularized by Sir Francis Galton in 1883. Sir Francis Galton was inspired by his cousin Charles Darwin and his study of Natural Selection. However, even Darwin warned of using idea from natural selection in the context of humans. Paola Alonso stated the issue well when she said:

“Much of this violence derives from beliefs of white supremacy, which perpetuates the notion that the lives of people of color are less important than the lives of the Anglo-Saxon population. This racism and xenophobia fueled the Eugenics Movement in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Eugenics is the belief that certain practices could improve the biology and genetics of the human race, with white, able-bodied people being considered the most “fit” representation of good genetics” (Alonso, 2020:1).

Reproductive Autonomy Relies on Individual Choice.

Eugenic theory aimed to reduce the population and reproduction of individuals who they deemed ‘unfit’, ‘menaces to society’ or who simply did not fit their ideal of good American breeding stock (American Eugenics Society, 1938). During the turn of the century, with an influx of immigrants in American cities, wealthy upper-class whites felt that the American way of life would be threatened by immigrant populations and “foreigners” procreating and bringing unfavorable characteristics into society. Entire scientific societies and journals were created to foster eugenic thinking, which continued the encouragement of forced sterilizations either as a means of population control or ridding the United States of ‘undesirable traits’ (Roberts, 1999). These publications often released volumes of literature about popular eugenic policy, education, and research. The American Eugenics Society was one of these scientific organizations until it eventually changed its name in 1972 to the Society for the Study of Social Biology (Roberts, 1999). The Society of Social Biology still publishes a journal titled Social Biology (Roberts, 1999). An excerpt from the American Eugenics Society in 1938 reads:

“Among people who are afflicted with defects that are a menace to society, the great majority cannot be trusted to refrain voluntarily from having children. For such people the only choice is between segregation and sterilization. The American Eugenics Society believes that in the great majority of cases sterilization is much to be preferred.” (American Eugenics Society, 1938: 13-14)

Early Victims of Threats to Reproductive Autonomy in The History of Modern Gynecology.

Eugenic thinking and forced sterilization were not the first occurrences of reproductive violence against minority women. Known as the ‘Father of Modern Gynecology’ Dr. James Marion Sims’ work is most often attributed to the invention of the speculum. The speculum is a device still used today to dilate and examine the vagina. Among his other works, Dr. Sims had a long history of research conducted on enslaved women without the aid of anesthesia. Many of Dr. Sims’ experiments violated ethical standards due to his operation on African American slaves as human experiments and his utilization of the racist notion that Black people did not feel pain. His surgical work included treatment for vesicovaginal fistulas, a common complication of childbirth. Sims’ operated in the best interest of the enslaved person’s master, not in the treatment of his patients. Although some historians insist that patients clamored for surgical relief by Dr. Sims, the masters or owners of these enslaved folks were most interested in having their property returned to continue their reproductive duties with little regard to the suffering endured by these women. Because the bulk of Sims’ human experiments were conducted on enslaved people, they could not give informed consent- as their masters were the ones consenting to the operation, not the patient. As stated in an article by Wall, “it was unethical “by any standard” to perform experimental surgical operations on slaves because slaves, by definition, could not have given voluntary informed consent for surgery” (Wall, 2006).

A documentary titled “Remembering Anarcha” memorializes the sacrifices made by the enslaved women victims of Dr. Sims (Carples, 2019). The titular woman is Anarcha Westcott, who endured over thirty procedures by the physician during his efforts to cure vesicovaginal and rectovaginal fistulas (Wall, 2006).

Little is known of Westcott except that at the time of the operation, she was a seventeen- year-old African American enslaved woman from Alabama who had a disfigured pelvis after suffering a severe case of rickets, a disease caused by malnutrition. After becoming pregnant and having a stillbirth, she suffered severe wounds and fistulas (Wall, 2006). Dr. Sims performed over thirty procedures on Anarcha without the comfort of anesthesia until eventually curing her fistulas (Wall, 2006). Although the ends of his treatment were eventually successful, they were a horrific example of the dehumanization of a minority population based on racial prejudices.

Consent.

The issue of forced sterilization and the history of modern gynecology raise ethical questions involving informed consent. The American Medical Association defines informed consent as “The process of informed consent occurs when communication between a patient and physician results in the patient’s authorization or agreement to undergo a specific medical intervention” (AMA, 2022). Informed consent is a process with steps including accessing the patient’s ability to understand the given medical information and alternatives, and make a voluntary decision (AMA, 2022). Physicians must present information regarding known diagnosis, nature and purpose of available medical interventions, and the risks, burdens, and benefits of choosing these interventions, including what would happen if interventions are foregone. The physician then must have documentation of the patient or surrogate’s consent for the medical record (AMA, 2022).

Incidences of forced or coercive consent regularly occur where consent to medical intervention is given when a patient is under anesthesia (Cohn, 2022), under duress (in situations such as labor) or through deceit (Roberts, 1999; 161). Coercive consent involves the use threatening harm or removal of services. This force can be verbal or physical. The definition of coercion refers to the use of force to gain compliance.

Mississippi Appendectomy.

The practice of coercive sterilization, and it use as means of training doctors became so common in the South that the operation was nicknamed a “Mississippi Appendectomy.” (Roberts, 1999). Performed at teaching hospitals, physicians often had a financial incentive to perform total hysterectomies on their patients instead of tubal ligations due to the reimbursement by Medicare being $500 higher in 1975. Hysterectomies at this time also had a twenty-percent higher fatality rate.

“The director of obstetrics and gynecology at a New York municipal hospital reported similar outrageous practices: “In most major teaching hospitals in New York City, it is the unwritten policy to do elective hysterectomies on poor black and Puerto Rican women, with minimal indications, to train residents. (Roberts, 1999:141)

After the wave of eugenic social programs had stolen women’s autonomy in the United States, another form of darkness swept the nation. During the 1960s, as the Civil Rights Movement and Welfare Programs rose, many medical and political officials viewed sterilization as saving welfare dollars and reducing the population growth of racial minorities or the underprivileged. Sterilization rapidly became the prevalent form of birth control for minority women.

“In one case, a teenage girl who was twelve weeks pregnant came to the Boston hospital for an abortion. She was told that it was too late for her to have a regular abortion and that a hysterectomy was necessary. When the medical student who observed the operation asked a resident why such drastic action was taken, the resident replied that the doctor “wanted a hysterectomy done for the experience.” Another woman was given a tubal ligation without her knowledge following a cesarean section; the doctor falsely listed the procedure as an Appendectomy.” (Roberts, 1999;146).

The Sterilization of Incarcerated and Institutionalized Women

The South has not been the only state leading in-laws and atrocious acts against the reproductive autonomy of minorities. California passed its first sterilization law in 1909, which applied to all prison inmates. Incarcerated persons who were convicted twice for a sexual offense or thrice for any offense where evidence was presented of the convicting suffering from “sexual perversions” were considered candidates for forced sterilization. (Jean-Jacques, 2018). Of the forcibly sterilized, 7-8% were Mexican Americans. Disclosed in 2013, the Center for Investigative Reporting revealed that almost 150 incarcerated females were illegally sterilized in California Prisons between 2006 and 2010. (Jean-Jacques, 2018). Sterilizing incarcerated women using federal funds is illegal under federal law; special approval must be gained for the operation, and state funds are available for this purpose. (Jan-Jacques, 2018). Of the incarcerated population who were sterilized in California, a disproportionate number were immigrants or born outside of the United States. In the case of 2013 sterilizations, a federal law was broken, and legal procedures were ignored. (Jean-Jacques, 2018).

Oregon’s sterilization laws were harsh and intended to target those deemed ‘sexual deviants or perverts among other states on the pacific coast. However, this law did not only target those indicted on sexual offenses but included marginalized women, homosexuals, people with epilepsy, girls considered promiscuous, and people suffering from mental illnesses. A reported 2648 people were sterilized between 1923 and 1981 due to Oregon’s laws.

The film Belly of The Beast documents a series of illegal sterilizations occurring in the Central California Women's Facility, the country's largest women's correctional facility. Belly of The Beast aimed to expose the modern-day eugenic practices still occurring in our country, especially in women's prisons. The film stars Kelli Dillon, a survivor of forced sterilization, as she partners with her courageous lawyer to seek reproductive justice. This documentary presents the decade-long legal battles following the exposed injustices (Cohn, 2022).


Puerto Rican Women

Puerto Rican women have been the long-suffering targets of government-sanctioned sterilization. Surveys from 1996 of Puerto Rico have disclosed that one-third of women who already had children between the ages of twenty and forty-nine had been sterilized (Jean- Jacques, 2018). The United States government aired concerns that overpopulation threatened the island and worsened social and economic conditions (Jeans-Jacques, 2018). Due to these concerns, sterilization programs were created to limit the population size of Puerto Rico. Roberts discusses the institution of sterilization as a means of population control in Puerto Rico, stating: “Women on the island were encouraged to agree to “la operación” by armies of public health workers who offered it at minimal or no cost.” (Roberts, 1999; 102). Private agencies like International Planned Parenthood Federation, The Puerto Rican Government, and The United States Government used federal funding to sterilize the women on the island (Roberts, 1999). Roberts reports that the program was so widespread that the number of sterilized women was the highest percentage in the world (Roberts, 1999).

“The conservative eugenicists, mostly North American officials in powerful government and administrative positions, attributed Puerto Rican “backwardness to the tropical climate and their inferior stock” (Briggs 2002, 100). Like their European counterparts, they considered poor Puerto Ricans unfit for reproduction. Their solution to Puerto Rico’s overpopulation problem was sterilization and emigration.” (Lopez, 2008:9)

Coercive Sterilization of Native American Women

Native Americans and their women have been the victim of mass genocide at the hands of the United States Government and other institutions of colonization. One of these institutions, originally designed to provide medical care to these individuals, is the Indian Health Service. The IHS is an operating division within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. IHS is responsible for providing direct medical and public health services to members of federally- recognized Native American Tribes and Alaska Native people (Lawrence, 2000).

Unfortunately, their health services are wrought with human rights violations as many unsanctioned sterilizations have occurred to our native populations primarily in the years following the second world war and the 1970s. Efforts on Indian reservations to perform sterilizations in the 1970s resulted in infertility for more than twenty-five percent of Native American women (Roberts, 1999). An estimated 3,000 sterilization procedures occurred in four Indian Health services hospitals without adequate consent. The story of one survivor named Julie is recounted in The American Indian Quarterly, stating:

“In 1974, an IHS facility in Minnesota sterilized Julie when she was twenty-eight. While she was in labor, she signed a form that she thought was for a painkiller, Julie stated that she does not remember exactly what she signed because she “was in pain at the time and was not paying too much attention to [the forms].” She revealed that the nurses told her about sterilization throughout her pregnancy and while she was in labor. While Julie had a second healthy daughter in the hospital, she revealed that she and her husband wanted three children. Her husband left her shortly after he found out about the sterilization because he ‘wanted a real woman.’ “(Lawrence, 2000; 1).

Coercive sterilization efforts on native reservations are not only insidious, but they can be genocidal. The ability to bear children at a women’s discretion is a choice of the individual and the family not of that of the government. All individuals have the right to reproductive autonomy regardless of race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, disability status, free or incarcerated, without discrimination. Fertility and reproduction is the choice of the individual and family not that of larger government organizations.

“Women’s human rights include the rights to equality, to dignity, autonomy, information and bodily integrity and respect for private life and the highest attainable standard of health, including sexual and reproductive health, without discrimination; as well as the right to freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.” (Between recognition, backlash and regressive, 2017)

Closing remarks.

Reproductive autonomy is a human right that deserves to be guaranteed. Threats to bodily autonomy are ongoing, as such advocacy for human rights is imperative for protecting us all, especially those who are the most marginalized in society. The forced sterilization of minorities in the hands of eugenicists, doctors, and other officials through forced or coercive consent directly violates human rights, and it is essential for a society that it be prevented.

References

About the film. BELLY OF THE BEAST. (n.d.). Retrieved April 30, 2022, from https://www.bellyofthebeastfilm.com/about

Alonsa, P. (n.d.). Autonomy Revoked: Forced Sterilization of Women of Color in 20th Century United States . Ibid. A Student History Journal , 13, 1–10.

Amy, & Rowlands, S. (2018). Legalised non-consensual sterilisation - eugenics put into practice before 1945, and the aftermath. Part 1: USA, Japan, Canada and Mexico. The European Journal of Contraception & Reproductive Health Care, 23(2), 121–129. https://doi.org/10.1080/13625187.2018.1450973

Belly of The Beast. (2022). Belly Of The Beast. Retrieved April 27, 2022, from https://www.amazon.com/Belly-Beast-Kelli-Dillon/dp/B09PZN5GNT/ref=sr_1_1?crid=1YP6NLZA3DOOQ&keywords=belly+of+the+beast+documentary&qid=1651086416&s=instant-video&sprefix=Belly+of+th%2Cinstant-video%2C76&sr=1-1.

Between recognition, backlash and regressive ... - ohchr.org. (2017, October). Retrieved April 28, 2022, from https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Issues/Women/WG/WomensAutonomyEqualityReproductiveHealth.pdf

Carples, J. (2021). Remembering Anarcha . Gravitas Ventures.

Dictionary.com. (n.d.). Coercion definition & meaning. Dictionary.com. Retrieved April 28, 2022, from https://www.dictionary.com/browse/coercion

dos Santos. (2012). Controlling black women’s reproductive health rights: An impetus to black women’s collective organizing. Cultural Dynamics, 24(1), 13–30. https://doi.org/10.1177/0921374012452809

Holland, B. (2017, August 29). The 'father of Modern Gynecology' performed shocking experiments on enslaved women. History.com. Retrieved April 27, 2022, from https://www.history.com/news/the-father-of-modern-gynecology-performed-shocking-experiments-on-slaves

Informed consent. American Medical Association. (n.d.). Retrieved April 27, 2022, from https://www.ama-assn.org/delivering-care/ethics/informed-consent

Iris Lopez. (2008). The Birth Control Movement in Puerto Rico. In Matters of Choice (p. 3–19). Rutgers University Press.

Norwood. (2021). Misrepresenting Reproductive Justice: A Black Feminist Critique of “Protecting Black Life.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 46(3), 715–741. https://doi.org/10.1086/712080

Prather, Fuller, T. R., Jeffries, W. L., Marshall, K. J., Howell, A. V., Belyue-Umole, A., & King, W. (2018). Racism, African American Women, and Their Sexual and Reproductive Health: A Review of Historical and Contemporary Evidence and Implications for Health Equity. Health Equity, 2(1), 249–259. https://doi.org/10.1089/heq.2017.0045

Reilly. (2015). Eugenics and Involuntary Sterilization: 1907-2015. Annual Review of Genomics and Human Genetics, 16(1), 351–368. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-genom-090314-024930

Remembering Anarcha. (Forced sterilization policies in the US targeted minorities and those with disabilities – and lasted into the 21st Century. Institute for Healthcare Policy & Innovation. (n.d.). Retrieved April 30, 2022, from https://ihpi.umich.edu/news/forced-sterilization-policies-us-targeted-minorities-and-those-disabilities-and-lasted-21st

Roberts, D. E. (1997). Killing the black body: Race, reproduction, and the meaning of liberty. New York: Pantheon Books.

Sebring. (2012). Reproductive Citizenship: Women of Color and Coercive Sterilization in North Carolina 1950–1980. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.

United Nations Human Rights Special Procedures. (2017, October). Between recognition, backlash and regressive ... - ohchr.org. Retrieved April 28, 2022, from https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Issues/Women/WG/WomensAutonomyEqualityReproductiveHealth.pdf

Wall, L. L. (2006, June). The medical ethics of Dr J Marion Sims: A fresh look at the historical record. Journal of medical ethics. Retrieved April 27, 2022, from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2563360/

Lopez. (2008). Matters of Choice: Puerto Rican Women’s Struggle for Reproductive Freedom. In Matters of Choice (1st ed., pp. xxv–xxv). Rutgers University Press.

Keelan. (2016). Sterilization of Native American Women: Post World War II. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.

Lawrence. (2000). The Indian Health Service and the Sterilization of Native American Women. American Indian Quarterly, 24(3), 400–419. https://doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2000.0008

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Mass Incarceration and Compounding Issues in Food Insecurity and Hunger in Low-Income Communities.

Mass incarnation is a common cause of food insecurity and hunger in America. As the millions of individuals effected by the justice system struggle to feed their families or sustain their personal nutrition, the US exacerbates the cycle of poverty through decades old laws and policies built on the racist ideologies. From personal health to food deserts, mass incarceration drives inequity, hunger, and the declining health of our nation. By using the Social-Economical Model as a lens to view this issue, professionals can understand how mass incarceration impacts the compounding issues related to food insecurity and hunger in low-income communities.

Mass Incarceration

The United States has an exceptionally high rate of incarceration and imprisonment for its adults and youth. Mass incarceration is the most commonly used term to describe the high rate of incarceration in the US (Gamblin, 2018). Gamblin described mass incarceration: "It refers to the vast number of Americans who are at greater risk of being, who are currently, and who have been, incarcerated in jail or prison or subject to a court-ordered supervision period. Rates of incarceration have soared since the early 1980s—even though crime has not." (Gamblin, 2018). The causes of mass incarceration are complicated, but the three main drivers of the occurrence are over-policing, longer sentences, and ongoing restrictions after release (Gamblin, 2018). Over-Policing

Over-policing refers to when a community experiences heavy police presence disproportionate to its crime rates (Gamblin, 2018). Those over-policed are particularly low- income communities. Individuals in these communities have a higher chance of police stops, tickets, and arrests. Practicing over-policing creates higher numbers of lower-income people, waiting in jail, awaiting trial, who often cannot afford bail. Even if residents are acquitted of a crime, they will still suffer the consequences of incarceration from lost income and jobs and breaking familial ties (Gamblin, 2018).

Long Sentences

Long Sentences are another driving factor of mass incarceration. Since the enactment of new laws and policies, especially in the 1980's and resulting from President Nixon's War on Drugs, the United States has experienced longer sentencing and the enactment of mandatory minimum sentences (Gamblin, 2018). The longer duration of incarcerations has caused an increased number of individuals incarcerated at any point in time (Gamblin, 2018). Racial bias is to be considered when discussing longer sentences. Gamblin stated: "People of color have a much higher chance of being convicted than whites charged with the same offenses, and they are also sentenced to longer terms than whites." Bias, whether implicit or explicit, is prevalent in the justice system. Prejudice and bias in judges, jurors, and prosecutors impact the outcome of sentence duration. Numerous laws for certain offenses caused mandatory minimum sentencing. Some of them include drug-related offenses. Regardless of judges' opinion on sentence duration, mandatory minimum sentences for offenses had to be met when convicted. Similar to mandatory minimums, "three strikes" laws dictated life sentences for any person convicted of a third felony. (Gamblin, 2018).

Ongoing Restrictions After Release

Mass incarceration doesn't end following an individual's release. Following their release, the previously incarcerated often face parole, exclusion from civic duties, criminal records, ineligibility for federal benefits, familial consequences, and criminal records (Gamblin, 2018). Of the collateral consequences of incarceration, people with criminal records experience

restrictions on what they can do and how they participate in society. These restrictions severely limit an individual's participation and reintegration into communities, and increase recidivism (Gamblin, 2018). The collateral consequences of post-incarcerated life impact the individual and those around them.

Incarceration as a Source of Hunger.

Gamblin stated: "incarceration increases the risk of hunger, food insecurity, and nutritional deficiencies for individuals, families, and communities" (Gamblin, 2018). During incarceration, people are at risk for hunger and poor nutrition. Often an individual's entire diet is determined by the prison system. If the prison system opts not to have healthy food, the individual's diet and overall health suffer (Gamblin, 2018). The families of the incarcerated usually owe hefty fines and court fees. When those in poverty must pay these debts, averaging half of the gross income of a family of four at the poverty line, these debts can cause eviction, food insecurities, credit damage, homelessness, and loss of community (Gamblin, 2018). As families suffer, so do their communities. These consequences on our most vulnerable communities further exacerbate the effects of hunger and the cycle of poverty and fuel mass incarceration (Gamblin, 2018).

Social-Ecological Model

Social-ecological models are a tool used to demonstrate the complex interrelationships between individuals and various personal and environmental factors (Story, 2008). Based on Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Framework for Human Development. When applied to overall health and nutrition, the Social-Ecological Model (SEM) is useful for understanding the many contributing factors to issues impacting food and the American family (Schwartz, 2022). One such part of the SEM is the individual and the microsystem.

Individual and Microsystem. Incarcerated individuals and their children.

Approximately half of the state-incarcerated adults are parents to minors (Wang, 2022). That means that out of the 1.25 million individuals in state prisons, 47% are parents to a child under eighteen (Wang, 2022). In total, 1.25 million children have a parent serving time in state prison. Of those incarcerated nationwide, 42.5% are from a minority community (Federal Bureau of Prisons, n.d.). This means that by staggering numbers, adults to children in disadvantaged communities are dually affected by the systematic inequalities of race, socioeconomic status, over-incarceration, and institutionalization. One of the majorly overlooked aspects of these families and children is the impact of lack of proper nutrition and access to food assistance programs.

Hidden Victims

The children of adults incarcerated in state facilities are commonly referred to as "Hidden Victims." (Martin, 2017). Millions of families in the United States are punished economically, emotionally, and otherwise by the family members' imprisonment (Martin, 2017). Self-reported statistics from a Survey of Prison Inmates provided that 47% of the millions incarcerated in the United States are parents to minor children. Of that 47%, 19% have a child aged four years or younger. These children and families represent an under-advantaged community whose access to resources may be deemed ineligible by our justice system. Macrosystem and Exosystem:

Ideologies

On a broader scale, the attitudes and ideologies surrounding justice-affected adults and children impact access to adequate nutrition and food insecurities. Ideologies steeped in racism

and centuries of bigotry have impacted the incarceration policies of the United States. Beginning prior to the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, to the era of Jim Crow, and after the War on Drugs, the criminal justice system of the United States has disproportionately targeted people of color (Gamblin, 2018). According to an article published in 2018: "Latino and African Americans are between 3 and 6 times as likely to be incarcerated as whites for the same offense." (Gambin, 2018).

Following incarceration, adults to children who can receive custody of their children often face many challenges. The greatest of adversities is economic hardship (Sykes & Pettit, 2014). Identifying the causal effect of incarceration on children and families is not a simple task, as many other disadvantages are often high-correlated to incarceration. The greatest of these are race and ethnicity (Sykes & Pettit, 2014). Those of disadvantaged communities of color already face housing, employment, income, and nutrition insecurities. However, those justice-impacted communities face the highest levels of food insecurity, at an estimated 70-91%. (Wang et al., 2013). Even for those eligible and enrolled in nutritional assistance programming, most justice- affected adults and those on probation reported food insecurity and dietary intakes that do not meet Dietary Guidelines for Americans (Abosy et al., 2022). As communities are affected by the impact of mass incarceration and begin to decline, they can become food deserts.

Food Deserts.

Food Deserts are defined as urban areas where access to affordable and quality fresh foods is difficult. Those with a lack of transportation or low income may live in a food desert if at least 500 people, or 33% of the population, live more than one mile from the nearest large grocery store in an urban area. However, for a rural area, the distance from a large grocery store is more than ten miles (What is a food desert? 2022). An example of a food desert is parts of the

Bronx in New York City (Lucan et al., 2020). For low-income urban areas, food deserts can be disastrous for the health of residents. Retailers offering food options include convenience stores, gas stations, laundromats, vendors, bodegas, and fast-food outlets (Lucan et al., 2020). Compared to more influential, predominately white neighborhoods, urban food deserts have reported fewer supermarkets, produce accessibility, and natural food stores. Prior research has shown that storefront businesses offer less healthy items (processed foods, foods high in sugar, carbs, added fats, and sodium) more often in low-income and minority communities (Lucan et al., 2020).

Interventions Disrupting the Cycle

Furthermore, it is not enough to describe sociological occurrences and systematic inequalities; society must enact changes to disrupt the cycle of inequity and poverty in our country. Interventions are available, and changes can be made to reduce the effects of mass incarceration or stop it altogether so that Americans are no longer experiencing hunger. As discussed earlier on the factors that fuel mass incarceration, over-ticketing, over-incarcerating, longer sentencing, and ongoing restrictions, some measures can be taken to disrupt this cycle and promote positive well-being. Gamblin proposes four priorities to make communities safer and reduce crime, which consequently will reduce poverty and hunger for families and communities (Gamblin, 2018). These priorities are reducing crime, rethinking how society defines crime and sentencing, rehabilitating incarcerated individuals, and ensuring that individuals can successfully reintegrate into their communities and society (Gamblin, 2018).

Public Policy

Interventions can be made at the public policy level to prevent incarceration-related hunger. By writing and passing policies that dismantle the system of inequity, we can build pathways for previously convicted felons and those who have served their sentences to grow from the benefits granted to non-offenders. Laws in many states have been proposed and enacted that allow individuals and families affected by the justice system to apply for federal assistance programs. Programs like TANF and SNAP can bridge the poverty gap to provide adequate nutrition to individuals and families in need. An example of these policies includes the proposed Alabama law, SB303, in 2014. The law titled "Food stamps and welfare, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), persons with a felony drug conviction, federal law provisions making ineligible, provision for persons to be eligible under certain conditions" attempts to alleviate the suffering of previous felons and those impacted by mass incarceration (Alabama SB303, 2014). Other policies are, in effect, attempting to intervene in the lack of access to adequate nutrition.

Food Desert Interventions

"Some low-income neighborhoods in the United States have been dubbed ‘food deserts’ because of a dearth of supermarkets or other food retailers that offer a full range of affordable and nutritious foods." (Ver Ploeg et al., 2015). Those in low-income communities affected by poverty face a substantial barrier to a healthy diet. Policy initiatives are currently in effect, and further initiatives will continue to intervene in food deserts. One such program began in 2004, "the Pennsylvania Fresh Food Financing Initiative uses funds provided by the state, leveraged with funds from private organizations, to provide grants and loans to develop grocery stores in underserved areas throughout the state. This program has been underway since 2004 and has

served as a model for other New York City, New Orleans, and California programs. As part of the First Lady's Let's Move! Initiative, three federal agencies—The Department of Agriculture, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Department of Treasury—have developed programs to fund the development of healthy food retail outlets in food desert communities." (Ver Ploeg et al., 2015). By funding disadvantaged communities and creating policy initiatives to intervene in the cycle of hunger, society can bridge inequities.

Closing Remarks

Mass incarceration poses a significant societal problem and inequitably disadvantages millions of Americans annually. Mass incarceration in the United States compounds the issues of hunger and food insecurity. The impact of incarceration on individuals as well as their children poses a threat to the overall health of Americans. Food insecurity and hunger lead to lifetime health consequences related to chronic disease, heart disease, diabetes, hypertension, and obesity (Bowen et al., 2021). Intervention strategies are imperative for improving societal conditions for all and improving the overall health of our country.

References

Story, M, Kaphingst, KM, Robinson-O'Brien, R, Glanz, K. Creating Healthy Food and Eating Environments: Policy and Environmental Approaches. Annual Review of Public Health. 2008; 29:253-72.

Gamblin, M. D. (2018). Mass incarceration: A major cause of hunger. Briefing Paper. Washington, DC: Bread for the World Institute. February. https://www. bread. org/sites/default/files/downloads/briefing-paper-mass-incarceration-february-2018. pdf.

Schwartz, M. (2022). Food and the American Family. University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA.

Wang, L. (2022, August 11). Both sides of the bars: How mass incarceration punishes families. Prison Policy Initiative. Retrieved December 14, 2022, from https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2022/08/11/parental_incarceration/

Martin, E. (n.d.). Hidden Consequences: The Impact Of Incarceration On Dependent Children (2017). National Criminal Justice Reference Service. https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/nij/250349.pdf

Sykes, B. L., & Pettit, B. (2014). Mass incarceration, family complexity, and the reproduction of childhood disadvantage. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 654(1), 127-149.

Alabama SB303: 2014: Regular session. LegiScan. (n.d.). Retrieved November 17, 2022, from

https://legiscan.com/AL/bill/SB303/2014

Al Abosy, J., Grossman, A., & Dong, K. R. (2022). Determinants and consequences of food and nutrition insecurity in justice-impacted populations. Current Nutrition Reports, 11(3), 407– 415. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13668-022-00421-4

Lucan, S., Maroko, A., Patel, A., Gjonbalaj, I., Elbel, B., & Schechter, C. (2020). Healthful and less-healthful foods and drinks from storefront and non-storefront businesses: Implications for ‘food deserts’, ‘food swamps’ and food-source disparities. Public Health Nutrition, 23(8), 1428-1439. doi:10.1017/S1368980019004427

Ver Ploeg, M., Dutko, P., & Breneman, V. (2015). Measuring food access and food deserts for policy purposes. Applied Economic Perspectives and Policy, 37(2), 205-225.

Bowen, S., Elliott, S., & Hardison-Moody, A. (2021). The structural roots of food insecurity: How racism is a fundamental cause of food insecurity. Sociology Compass, 15(7), e12846.

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I’m working on a mantra to remember not to be scared by everything. Be cautious and assertive.

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[lasspositive95]

an ode to my body

Flesh and hair and blemishes bare - I air to you my body! We’ve grown for twenty, and some more, in perfect melancholy. That is to say is perfect is a restful state of pain, worn in so well it’s hard to tell the colour from the stain

But stains there be, and bruises too - I’m still measuring my space. Try I must, and fail I might, to boast a little grace. Forgive my eyes and their wandering times, I fear more often than not. But blessed are my bones for this nervous home, of which, in death, they’ll rot.

[07.09.2019]