#Şehzade Bayezid (Son of Hürrem)

[magnificentlyreused]

This pyjama was first worn by Şehzade Mehmed in the twelth episode of the third season of Magnificent Century. It appeared again in the thirty-sixth episode of the same season, this time on Rüstem Pasha. The pyjama was worn again by Şehzade Bayezid in the twenty-fourth episode of the fourth season.

[redxluna]

You brought up in a recent post that Suleyman and Hurrem most likely chose to not have more children after Cihangir. Seeing as the show completely skipped over Hurrem's final pregnancy and Cihangir's birth. Do you think a small story line where his birth ether almost caused Hurrem's death or left her unable to have more children would have worked.

I'm particularly partial to the second option. It's a solid way to show that Suleyman actually loves Hurrem, especially if there are no unnecessary concubine arcs. It also gets rid of the unnecessary and cringy menopause story from season four.

So, to be honest, the menopause subplot is one that, like with the whole "Princess" Isabella concept, doesn't need any justification, for me, to be written out the show. All of it is outright nonsensical from start to finish. That Suleiman would even, by that point, be desirous for more children, let alone that Hürrem would see a son born to another woman as a threat, is a joke.

To have a şehzade, at that point, would create nothing more than a sheep for slaughter—no one would want it done.

To address the possible changes you brought up, though, I'm actually a little torn. The post you're referencing, after all, already establishes that the two had realistic political and personal reasons to decide to reevaluate their family planning. It's an approach that I think not only illustrates the realities of the Ottoman Empire, given the law of fratricide, but highlights how Hürrem was a true partner of Suleiman's in a near modern sort of way, not just a "baby maker".

However, there's a reason why, if I had to choose, I'd go with Hürrem facing near death while laboring with Cihangir.

If you compare the actual dates of birth for Hürrem's children, you'll start to notice a pattern, which is that each are born within one to two years of the other. Right up until Cihangir that is, who is at least four years younger than Bayezid. The cause for this, Leslie Peirce suggests, is the loss of Abdullah, their fourth child and third son, who died young due to smallpox. Cihangir, she believes, could have been a reaction, in their grief, to have one last child.

So, for me, a rewrite could be possible where the pair had perhaps called an end to having more children, only to lose one not long after. A distraught Hürrem sways Suleiman to believe that, perhaps, it would be alright to continue. Except, in the aftermath, Suleiman faces the possibility of losing the woman he loves and, in feeling blessed with her survival, insists that, no, now it must end.

It takes the rest of the harem, specifically Ayşe Hafsa, if she remains like how in cannon, awhile to learn that that's a stance that applies to all concubines, not just Hürrem. (Perhaps as much as not wanting more children as realizing how traumatic birth can be.)

Honestly, it'd create an even more realistic rationale for Suleiman to want to wed Hürrem, proving her place in his life, although, as ever, I'm a sucker for it being after the death of his mother, like in history.

[gulnarsultan]

》 Being Hürrem Sultan's daughter would include 《

》 Hürrem Sultan'ın kızı olmak 《

~ Kendi karşdeleriniz ile aranız iyi olur. ( Anne ve baba aynı.)

~Kız kardeşinizle aranızda çekişme ve rekabet olması mümkün. ( Anne ve baba aynı.)

~ Babanızın diğer eşlerinden olan kardeşleriniz ile aranız çok kötü olur.

~ Anneniz sayesinde babanızın siz ve kardeşleriniz ile arası çok iyi.

~ Babaanneniz ( Ayşe Hafsa Sultan ) ve halalarınız ile aranız pekte iyi olmaz.

~ En pahalı kiyafetler, kumaşlar, takılar sizin olur.

~İstediğiniz herşeye sahip olursunuz.

~ Annenizin seçtiği adam ile evlenmek zorundasınız.

~ Babanız size çok pahalı ve büyük hediyeler verecektir.

~ Üvey kardeşlerinizin öldürülmelerinde anneniz ile işbirliği yapacaksınız.(İstesenizde / istemesenizde.)

~ Anneniz hepinizi sever ve korur.

~Ancak oğullarına daha fazla ayrımcılık yapar.( Erkek çocuklarında daha fazla üstünlük veriyor.)

~ Mahidevran Sultan'ın kızları ile aranızda kavgalar ve çekişme hiç bitmez.

~ Anneniz öldükten sonra erkek kardeşlerinizi siz koruyorsunuz.

~ Şehzade Bayezid'ın tahta çıkmasını istiyorsunuz. Çünki onu Padişah olmaya daha uygun olduğun düşünüyorsunuz.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

~ You get along well with your siblings. (Mother and father are the same.)

~ It is possible that there will be conflict and rivalry between you and your sister. (Mother and father are the same.)

~ You will have a very bad relationship with your brothers and sisters from your father's other wives.

~ Thanks to your mother, your father is on good terms with you and your siblings.

~ You don't get along well with your grandmother and your aunts.

~ You can own the most expensive clothes, fabrics and jewellery.

~You can have everything you want.

~ You have to marry the man your mother chose.

~ Your father will give you very expensive and big gifts.

~ You will cooperate with your mother in the murder of your half-brothers. (Whether you want it or not.)

~ Your mother loves and protects you all.

~However, he discriminates more against his sons.

~ Fights and conflicts between you and Mahidevran Sultan's daughters never end.

~ After your mother died, you protect your brothers.

~ You want Şehzade Bayezid to ascend to the throne.  Because you think him more suitable to be the Sultan.

[hurremsultanns]

how would you rank mustafa, mehmed, mihrimah, selim, bayezid and cihangir from favourite to least favorite and what do you think about their characterisation? personally i think selim is definitely hated way more than he deserves and i can't help but feel like the writers did him dirty with how they portrayed him

Mustafa is overrated to me. Especially as an adult. His characterisation was basically just the 'rightful heir' and 'righteous' hero with very little - if any - nuance. I disliked the heavy favouritism that the show displayed towards him. First of all, the show's support of him relied heavily on the idea that he would be a glorious conqueror as Sultan. And the politics of that are just far more complex than this. Besides, imperialism and warfare are not good things. Besides, as an antimonarchist I think that the 'rightful heir' idea in discussions about history needs to be approached with a lot more nuance than the show gives it. The other issue is the way in which the clear bias in his favour also comes at the detriment to the characters of Hürrem and of her sons. The show values his brothers lives as lesser than Mustafa's a lot of the time. They are disposable where he is not, but I will go into more detail on that in each of their paragraphs. There are also two other aspects of glaring hypocrisy in how he is framed by the show. The show condemns the death of innocents, and he as a character is supposed to stand for the protection of innocent lives in contrast to his enemies. Yet at the same time, the deaths of innocent people at the hands of his supporters is justified by the series. A very clear case of this being Rüstem’s brother. He didn’t do anything wrong, but he was just ‘tainted by association’ with Rüstem. Had the shoe been on the other foot and he had been a supporter of Mustafa who was killed by people working for Hürrem, the show would have been very quick to condemn his death as the unjust murder of an innocent man. But since he was Rüstem’s brother and killed by Mustafa’s supporters, it was framed as justified, karma for Rüstem and proof of how much the people loved Mustafa. The other hypocrisy in how the show frames Mustafa is in his relationship to power. He is seen as a noble prince fighting against an evil system. And yet he is not only very much a part of that system and in no way opposes in any meaningful way (which is understandable, but the way he is framed is still deeply hypocritical), but his main ally is Barbarossa of all people. Who commits war crimes in the empire’s name and kidnaps girls to bring to the harem. Both of which underpin the toxicity of the system in significant ways. And yet the show does not seem to realise this. Meanwhile the main character who is supposed to represent that power is Hürrem. So it’s fairly clear that the show is less interested in making an actual criticism of the power structure than in a simple ‘noble prince and rightful heir’ vs. ‘evil powerful scheming stepmother’ narrative. So even though Mustafa is clearly a good person, the authorial favouritism, bias and hypocrisy make it very hard for me to like or root for him.

Mehmet deserved better from the show in so many ways. He was the least developped of the şehzades and mainly seemed to exist in relation to Hürrem, Mihrimah and Mustafa rather than as a character in his own right. It was so grating to me that the show presented his replacing Mustafa as Süleyman’s ‘favourite’ son and preferred heir as just this injustice to Mustafa and as an obstacle for Mustafa to overcome. The historical Mehmet did have positive ruling qualities, and the show skips over that in favour of the ‘poor unfavourite victim Mustafa’ narrative. So it definitely seems like leaving Mehmet so undevelopped is a result once again of the authorial favouritism towards Mustafa. I do think that Hürrem’s worry for his life and her separation anxiety are very touching in the first three seasons. But the way it was treated in the fourth season was very frustrating. He was almost forgotten about by the show and his death was framed as God’s punishment to Hürrem for sending Mustafa to Amasya. Which really goes to show how Hürrem’s sons and Mehmet in particular were framed as more expendable than Mustafa. We did not see Hürrem find out about his death and we did not get much of her mourning him. Nor do we see much of Mihrimah mourning him, or the child he has with Cihan Hatun. Instead the focus was on Mustafa and how sad he was to be sent to Amasya. And at no point do we get either Hürrem or Mihrimah telling him that if Mustafa comes to power, he will probably die because of the fratricide law. Instead, we get him and Mustafa discussing it and Mustafa saying that he would never kill him. Even though politically he would not have much of a choice. Which all adds to the pro-Mustafa framing which came to the detriment of Mehmet as a character. So I am inclined in Mehmet’s favour specifically because he was so short-changed by the show and because he deserved better.

I am Team Nurbanu and Selim, so I’m not exactly the post pro-Mihrimah person. Mihrimah is a very privileged person, and although she is the closest of her siblings to her mother I don’t think she fully understands her. I could either be frustrated or feel bad for her. I felt bad for her when it came to her marriage to Rüstem and otherwise I didn’t really have all that many feelings about her in general in the first 3 seasons. In season 4 however the way she was written annoyed me. For example, her involvement in Mustafa’s death makes her look far too naïve. Because she didn’t seem to realise that framing him for treason would result in his execution. When that was literally the punishment for treason. And it made her very hypocritical when she confronted Selim over Bayezid’s death. In addition, the show frames some objectively horrible things that she did in far too positive a light. When Mihrimah had Gracia Mendes’ maid killed as a punishment for Gracia having an affair with Rüstem, Mihrimah was applauded for it and the show blamed Gracia for having the affair in the first place. Gracia as a character deserved better than this. And it’s also ironic that the show praises Mihrimah for ‘acting like her mother’ when Magnificent Century was very critical of Hürrem for her mistreatment of concubines. The disconnect is so glaring to me. And then there’s her using the newly enslaved young Safiye in her schemes against Nurbanu. Which once again the show praises her for as being intelligent, but it’s cringeworthy at best. So it feels like s4!Mihrimah was yet another character who was let down by the favouritism of the series.

As a supporter of him and Nurbanu, I agree with you that Selim was overly villified. It was established early on that he was unworthy. Because he was jealous and not as skilled as Bayezid as a child. And then because he wasn’t as militarily inclined as his brothers and because he was a drunk. The latter being something that the show constantly reminded you of, and that it made him an unworthy heir. In spite of the fact that alcoholism is not a moral failing but is instead a disease. And the military aspect just plays into the show’s pro-military and pro-empire biases. There are other things that he does that are simply meant to establish how bad he is in comparison to his brothers. I don’t know what the purpose him burning that couple’s house down was in order to establish how bad he was and that he was a villain. It was truly cartoonish. It’s also interesting (and telling) that as governor of Manisa he is compared so often to Mustafa, but the people just seemd to forget that Mehmet was governor for 2 years. Meanwhile the series downplayed his more positive qualities. Like diplomacy and politics. He got powerful people like Sokollu and Yasef Nasih on his side. And he and Hürrem were successful in how they dealt with Princess Anna when he was regent (although the show frames this as less important than the fact that the janissaries hate him). And when Fatma confronts him about listening to her advice, he sticks with his mother (Murad IV take notes!). I’ve argued before that he is the child who is the most similar to Hürrem. And he certainly adopts her strategy of using loyalty as a shield to protect their families from suspicion and danger. They also both deal with their trauma in unhealthy ways and are the main characters who say that they do the things they do for the sake of survival, and I think they are right in that. Selim was smart and politically able. And he was a better candidate than the show wanted to frame him as being. He deserved better.

I’ve done a longer analysis on Bayezid here. I felt sorry for him in as much as he felt unloved by Süleyman and like he was passed over for Selim. And I loved how he inherited Hürrem’s mocking and irreverent sense of humour. I’ve seen people criticise her by saying she was unfair to him, but I don’t think she was. She did try, particularly in season 4, to make up for Süleyman’s lack of support for him. That said, with him I run into the Mustafa favouritism issue. We have naïvety and stupid mistakes being praised as noble actions and the pro-military bias. In spite of the fact that the candidate who is smarter and a better politician (Selim) was framed as an unworthy leader. Bayezid’s alliance with Mustafa and unwillingness to see Mustafa as a potential threat to his or to his other brothers’ lives came off as naïve in the circumstances. Mustafa would not want to kill his brothers, but that did not come close to ensuring their safety should he come to the throne. It was also frustrating that the show seemed to make Bayezid’s fate about Mustafa’s death rather about him as an individual character. So unfortunately Bayezid’s character was done dirty by the show’s favouritism problems.

Cihangir was supposed to be wise, and seeing how much he loved books was great. But he just came off as very naïve to me. Especially to the threat that Mustafa coming to power could have posed to his life. As seen in his involvement in the alliance with Mustafa and Bayezid. Hürrem’s reaction to this is meant to show how paranoid and delusional she was, but in the circumstances she was completely justified. He was clearly insecure about his disabilities and how he was perceived because of them, and it’s interesting that he commented that Mustafa was the only person who doesn’t judge him for them. Considering that Hürrem went out of her way to convey to him that she saw him as just as worthy as his brothers. Then there’s the whole issue of his disabilities being a punishment for others’ sins, and his death being framed as a karmic punishment for Hürrem’s sin of killing Mustafa. Which is deeply ableist and doesn’t treat him like his own person and like his life is more disposable. Specifically in order to villify his mother. Honestly I’m at least grateful that the show played Hürrem’s reaction to his death as sad as it did. So if you ask me the way Cihangir was written was unfortunately something of a mess in a way that ties back into the show’s pro-Mustafa bias.

[sohbetozel]

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir Ve Eserleri Nelerdir

* **Doğum tarihi:** 6 Kasım 1494

* **Doğum yeri:** Trabzon

* **Ölüm tarihi:** 7 Eylül 1566

* **Ölüm yeri:** Zigetvar, Macaristan

* **Saltanat süresi:** 1520-1566

* **Hanedan:** Osmanlı Hanedanı

* **Babası:** I. Selim

* **Annesi:** Ayşe Hafsa Sultan

* **Eşi:** Hürrem Sultan

* **Çocukları:** Şehzade Mustafa, Şehzade Cihangir, Şehzade Selim, Şehzade Bayezid, Mihrimah Sultan, Raziye Sultan, Şah Sultan, Fatma Sultan bu, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun onuncu padişahı ve 93 yıl süren saltanatı sırasında imparatorluğu en geniş sınırlarına ulaştıran hükümdardır. Süleyman, I. Selim ve Ayşe Hafsa Sultan'ın oğlu olarak 6 Kasım 1494'te Trabzon'da doğdu. Genç yaşta babasının yanında seferlere katıldı ve 1520 yılında babasının ölümünün ardından tahta çıktı. Süleyman, saltanatının ilk yıllarında Belgrad ve Rodos'u fethetti. 1526 yılında Macaristan'a karşı Mohaç Meydan Muharebesi'ni kazandı ve Macaristan'ın büyük bölümünü ele geçirdi. 1529 yılında Viyana'yı kuşattı ancak şehri ele geçiremedi. 1533 yılında Safevilerle yaptığı savaşta Tebriz'i ele geçirdi. 1534 yılında Irak'ı fethetti ve Bağdat'ı başkent yaptı. 1538 yılında Preveze Deniz Muharebesi'nde Haçlı donanmasını yendi. Süleyman, 1541 yılında Budin'i fethetti ve Macaristan'ı tamamen ele geçirdi. 1544 yılında Fransa ile ittifak kurarak İspanya'ya karşı savaştı ve Nice'i ele geçirdi. Süleyman, saltanatının son yıllarında iç sorunlarla uğraştı. 1553 yılında oğlu Şehzade Mustafa'yı isyan nedeniyle idam ettirdi. 1559 yılında yine oğlu Şehzade Bayezid'i isyan nedeniyle idam ettirdi. Süleyman, 7 Eylül 1566'da Zigetvar Kuşatması sırasında öldü. Cenazesi İstanbul'a getirildi ve Süleymaniye Camii'ne defnedildi. Süleyman, Kanuni lakabıyla anılır. Bu lakap kendisine, yaptığı fetihler ve çıkardığı kanunlar nedeniyle verilmiştir. Süleyman, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun en büyük padişahlarından biri olarak kabul edilir.

[ottomanladies]

THE LIFE AND DEATH OF HÜRREM SULTAN | day 3: Hürrem and her children

There are no certain dates of birth for Hürrem's children, sometimes not even a specific year. Her first child, Şehzade Mehmed, was born in late 1521. In his case, only the year of his birth was recorded - 972 in Islamic calendar - which ended on 30 November 1521. Şehzade Mehmed was the first child of Süleyman I's to be born after his accession, around a year later, which could confirm the theory that Hürrem had been presented to him as a congratulatory gift. After Mehmed's birth, Hürrem's status rose, and in harem registers she started to be referred to as "the mother of Prince Mehmed". Her only daughter, Mihrimah, was born in autumn 1522, therefore breaking a centuries-old rule that mothers of a son could not have any more sexual encounters with the sultan. Süleyman was far from Istanbul at the time of the birth: he was at war against the Knights Hospitallers and returned to the capital only in February 1523. The future Selim II was born on 28 May 1524 - the only child to have a sure date of birth - and was followed in 1525 or 1526 by another prince, Şehzade Abdullah, who died of smallpox at a young age. Şehzade Bayezid was born in 1527, and Hürrem's youngest child - Şehzade Cihangir - was born in 1531, unusually distanced from his elder brother Bayezid. Peirce thinks he may have been "unanticipated or an afterthought—the result of a decision by Roxelana and Suleyman to have one last child", since his birth had arrived after the magnificent circumcision fest that Süleyman had organised for his three eldest princes, which could have symbolised that "the sultan considered his reproductive obligation to the empire fulfilled"

sources: Leslie Peirce, Empress of the East: How a European Slave Girl Became Queen of the Ottoman Empire; Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

[reallifesultanas]

Portrait of Şehzade Mustafa/Musztafa herceg portréja

Prince Mustafa is a prime example of the struggle for the Ottoman throne. His life and death show well that a sultan could not only be the father of his children but he saw his sons as a constant source of danger for his authority. The case of Mustafa is also a good indication of to where excessive popularity is leading. His death to this day is one of the most controversial events in the history of the Ottoman Empire. Was he a traitor or just a victim of the circumstances?

It’s not easy to write about Mustafa. Maybe I managed to write this portrait the slowest and hardest, because even if I find him innocent or rebellious, what happened to him is tragic. And writing about Mustafa’s life, one cannot go without saying a word about Mahidevran’s suffering. While I was writing this post, my heart didn't really hurt for Mustafa, but for Mahidevran...

Origin and upbringing

Prince Mustafa was born as the second son of Suleiman in 1515 in Manisa, his father's princely province. His mother was one of Suleiman's concubines, Mahidevran Hatun. At the time of his birth, he had at least one older brother, Mahmud, and perhaps at the same time as his birth, his half-sister, Raziye, was born also. His childhood in Manisa was certainly happy. His paternal grandmother, Ayşe Hafsa, paid attention to the smallest detail to give her grandchildren the best education. He also had the opportunity to see his father on a daytime basis, so they had a quite calm and nice life in Manisa.

This calmness was interrupted in the fall of 1520, by Sultan Selim I's death. Suleiman immediately went to the capital with his entourage to ascend the throne. With the departure of Suleiman, Ayşe Hafsa Sultan prepared the entire court and harem for their journey to Istanbul. The kids must have been curiously excited about the upheaval around them, the packaging, the bustling harem. Ayşe Hafsa had already left Manisa before the harem to be with her son as soon as possible. Prince Mustafa, with his brothers, sister and other members of the harem, probably reached Istanbul in early 1521 and moved into the Old Palace. Ayşe Hafsa has so far prepared the children’s apartements so they can arrive into a relatively peaceful place.

Mustafa shared his apartement with his mother. His father also tried to visit his harem as often as possible, but they could no longer see each other on a daily basis. This must have been a difficult and strange situation for little Mustafa and his siblings. They arrived into a whole new world, with hundreds of women and servants living in the Old Palace's harem, while the Manisa harem - the only home they knew until then - consisted of barely a few dozen people. The many new faces, the hustle and bustle, could have been exciting and scary for the kids at the same time.

Around their arrival one of Suleiman's new concubines, Hürrem, was already pregnant, but this probably did not particularly interest Mustafa, as Suleiman always had other women, never living in a romantic relationship with Mustafa's mother. However, the period after the birth of Hürrem's son certainly affected Mustafa and his mother deeply. In October 1521, the plague broke into the palace and Mustafa's brothers and sister died as the victims of plague, except the newborn Mehmed. Mustafa lost his brothers overnight, he had to experience death up close. He could not yet comprehend that, with the death of his brothers, his chances of ascending to the throne had greatly increased. As a newborn, Mehmed was not really a full-fledged heir yet, as infant mortality was high, so Mustafa and his mother could feel privileged for a while. Soon, however, that changed.

Trapped in the background

Suleiman soon asked Hürrem back into his bed, breaking the centuries-old tradition. It became clear that he was placing Hürrem in front of every other women, and at the same time, Hürrem’s children could expect more support from their father than Mustafa. Perhaps that is why Mahidevran took special care to her son. According to the traditions of the period, the heirs were primarily raised by the governesses, who often had a closer relationshipt with them than their mothers. However, Mahidevran never let it happen, Mustafa became “all her joy and happiness”. It was for this reason that the prince had a very close relationship with his mother, receiving from her the love and care which his brothers received together from their mother and father together. Suleiman, of course, tried not to neglect Mustafa either, but it could still be felt that his family with Hürrem enjoyed an advantage.

Mustafa was very clever as a child, and as the eldest boy he was already the favorite of the Janissaries. Although the right to the throne was not the right of the eldest prince, all the brothers had the same right to the throne, yet in the case of Mustafa, the Janissaries preferred him the most. The ambassador, Bragadin also mentioned that when Mustafa was only eleven, the people described the his talents, strong sense of self, and popularity among the Janissaries. Bragadin had commented, “they say that if he lives, he will bring great fame to the Ottoman House, and this also is said, that if it happens that the sultan lives long, it is inevitable that Mustafa will create much disorder”. The fact that both the people and the ambassadors noticed this as early as the second half of the 1520s clearly indicates that a sultan could never have been only the father of his children, but also a rival. In addition, this conjecture raises the possibility that the relationship between Suleiman and Mustafa may not have been perfect even back then.

As a child, Mustafa, who wanted more attention from his father, acted especially envious with those close to his father. Thus, for example, several cases are known when the prince acted against Ibrahim Pasha. The sultan sent İbrahim the gift of a beautiful saddle for his horse with jewels and all; and Mustafa, aware of this, sent word to İbrahim to have one like it made for him; İbrahim understood this and sent him the saddle, and said to him, ‘now listen, if the sultan learns of this, he will make you send it back.’

Mustafa was circumcised relatively late, in 1530. A similar circumcision ceremony has never been held in the capital. At the ceremony, his brothers Mehmed and Selim were circumcised with him also. The lavish ceremony lasted for more than two weeks, during which time the princes also took part in their father’s political deliberations, gaining admission into adult life. After his circumcision, it began to become timely when he would receive his own princely province. Like all princes, Mustafa was certainly looking forward to his appointment, to proving his ability and perseverance to his father and the people. However, he did not expect how much his departure from Istanbul would determine his later relationship with his father and his chances for the throne.

The young prince

Mustafa was sent out to his princely post to Manisa in 1533. Before leaving, Mustafa was received by his father in a formal audience within the palace that was attended by the vezirs and other leading officers of the inner and outer service. After kissing his father’s hand, Mustafa was escorted from the palace and publicly girded with a sword by the vezirs, one of whom held the stirrup of his horse and another his ceremonial robe. He was followed by his mother Mahidevran. Suleiman soon moved Hürrem and her children to Topkapi Palace. Thus, as soon as Mustafa left Istanbul, his brothers were able to move close to the Sultan, gaining an advantage that Mustafa was in no way able to reach: Mehmed, Mihrimah, Selim, Bayezid and Cihangir could live together with their father, tidy, normally and they had the opportunity to know exactly the ruler's personality. Mustafa never had the opportunity to get to know his father so deeply, which is why he later misjudged the outcome of his actions many times.

While his father lived a family life in Istanbul, Mustafa settled in Manisa. Everyone was happy with the well-prepared prince, he did a very good job in his province. According to the ambassadors, his mother never left the prince alone and helped him to rule. In addition, the ambassadors said it was thanks to Mahidevran that Mustafa had won the support of the people so successfully. They thought Mahidevran, who knew Manisa and the people well, had instructed her son well. Mustafa's court in Manisa, according to the Bassano's description was “a most wonderful and glorious court, no less than that of his father”. But in addition to the splendor, his stay in Manisa certainly hid sadness. For the prince learned here that his father had married his concubine, Hürrem, and even elevated her to the rank of sultan, creating a new title for her. This must have been affected the prince who was devoted to his mother. In addition, they clearly had to realize that Suleiman had chosen Hürrem and her children instead of them with this move. We do not know what Mahidevran felt about Hürrem’s blatant ascension or what Mustafa thought about it. Either way, they had to realize that they needed supporters right away if they didn’t want to lose the fight againts Hürrem.

Time - and perhaps the news of Suleiman's marriage - brought the support of the Grand Vizier for Mustafa. Although Mustafa did not have a perfect relationship with Ibrahim Pasha as a child, they had to get over it. Probably both of them realized they needed each other. Ibrahim had a particularly bad relationship with Suleiman's wife, Hürrem. Mustafa, on the other hand, could feel desperate because of Hürrem and her children's rise. So he needed strong supporters. So Mustafa and Ibrahim set aside the old grievances and began to build a respectful relationship. In 1534, Ibrahim referred to himself as a "sincere friend" of Prince Mustafa in his letter to the prince. It is difficult to say whether this alliance may have been politically active and Ibrahim sought to support Mustafa's future accession to the throne; or whether it was merely a respectful friendship between them. After all, it would have been logical for both parties to have a good relationship with the other, but to form a political alliance would have posed considerable dangers for both of them.

We don’t know much about Mustafa’s private life, but he seems to have followed the old traditions of family planning and did not produce countless descendants, such as his half-brother, Bayezid did. What is certain is that Mustafa's first child, Nergisşah, was born in Manisa in 1536 from a presumably circassian concubine. Even if another child was born in Manisa, they did not reached adulthood, for his other two known children, Şah, was born in 1545, and Mehmed in 1547, both in Amasya. His son, Ahmed is a questionmark, if he existed, was he really his son, when was he born? The only thing we may know about him, that he died by natural causes in 1552.

"Exile"

His move to Amasya in 1541 was by far one of the most crucial points of Mustafa's life. Suleiman appointed Mustafa to Amasya instead of Manisa, which at first may seem like exile, Mustafa may not have experienced this as a negative event. In general, Manisa was the starting position of every prince, as it was a simple province, had no special forces, was close to Istanbul, and did not pose much of a challenge. However, Amasya was a different place, close to the Iranian border, with a significantly larger military, requiring a distinctly high level of expertise and effort. In earlier times, the princes desired the province of Amasya precisely because of the difficulty of it. Overall, therefore, the appointment to Amasya was not necessarily as tragic and ominous as is thought today, mainly due to the series. Furthermore, Prince Mehmed was appointed more than a year after Mustafa's departure as head of Manisa, so we cannot speak unequivocally that Suleiman removed Mustafa from Manisa for Mehmed's sake.

Whatever he thought, Mustafa was forced to obey and travel to Amasya with his harem and court. They were barely settled when they learned that Suleiman had appointed Prince Mehmed to head Manisa, and soon the news of the prince's death came. What Mustafa may have felt about Mehmed's death remains an eternal secret. According to some sources, the two princes were close to each other, but most probably this is not true. The princes from different mothers were raised separately, and their education was separated also, so it is likely that there was no such close bond between Mehmed and Mustafa, which was the case between Mehmed and his full-brothers. Nevertheless, Mehmed was clearly Suleiman’s favorite son, popular, intelligent, and educated. His presence posed a huge threat to Mustafa. With his death, only his brothers, much younger than Mustafa, remained in competition for the throne. And because of their age, they posed no threat to Mustusta. Mustafa was 28 years old so far, a father, a prince who provedhis ability in two provinces, a favorite of the Janissaries, and with many other influential supporters. In contrast, Selim was not even 20 years old, he had just been appointed to his first province, Bayezid was only a teenage boy and Cihangir was a child.

In addition to the fact that none of his younger brothers posed a real threat to Mustafa, Suleiman himself believed that Mustafa would follow him on the throne. This is indicated by the dialogue between Suleiman and Prince Cihangir, recorded by an ambassador. When Cihangir ventured that his physical deformity would allow him to escape the princely fate of fratricide, Süleyman responded, “My son, Mustafa will become the sultan and will deprive you all of your lives.” This suggest that even the sultan expected Mustafa to succeed. This also suggests that, although Suleiman certainly loved his children born with Hürrem more than Mustafa, he no longer wished to have a say in the question of succession. He would no doubt have done it for Prince Mehmed, but with his loss the Sultan was shattered and showed no particular interest in inheritance.

The wait

Under such circumstances, it may seem that Mustafa had nothing to do but wait for Suleiman's death. And this did not seem so distant, as Suleiman's health began to decline gradually in the 1540s, and his gout became more and more prevalent. So the logical thing would have been that Mustafa would do nothing for a long time but wait and just rule in Amasya, produce children and thats all. Contemporary historians then wrote of Mustafa as “the envy of all the princes in his gloriousness, lofty titles, and learning, and in his liberality, justice and munificence; nearly all the soldiers were of one heart and mind in their love of him”.

In addition, the ambassadors regularly mentioned the role and actions of his mother. Navagero in a report described Mahidevran’s efforts to protect her son: “Mustafa has with him his mother, who exercises great diligence to guard him from poisoning and reminds him every day that he has nothing else but this to avoid, and it is said that he has boundless respect and reverence for her”. However, Mahidevran was not satisfied with the warnings, according to some sources, she herself cooked the prince's food, and if she did not prepare it, she followed every single step of the preparation and the cooking. This paranoia clearly suggests that Mahidevran — as mother and as woman — knew exactly that Hürrem — as mother and as woman — would never accept Mustafa’s victory, as it would mean the death of her own sons. Mustafa may have felt his mother's fear exaggerated, but no doubt Mahidevran was right, even if Hürrem did not want to get rid of Mustafa with poison.

The intrigues

Hürrem's son-in-law, Rüstem Pasha, the Grand Vizier, tried to make Prince Mustafa's life and work impossible by political methods. On the one hand, all the prince's faults were immediately revealed to the sultan, while in the case of Hürrem's sons they were concealed. In addition, Rüstem tried to make every movement of the prince impossible: Mustafa twice asked Rüstem Pasha for support when Georgians and then Persians invaded Amasya province and killed several governors and people, first in 1549 and then in 1550. Mustafa asked for an army, with what he could have crushed the invading neighbors, but Rüstem rejected Mustafa's request. It cannot be ruled out that he did so on the orders of Suleiman. Suleiman already knew then that his son was a favorite of the Janissaries, he was afraid that if he got an army, his popularity would continue to grow, and perhaps he could even start a rebellion as the head of the army. But why was Suleiman so paranoid about his son? Because, as a prince, he himself watched as his own father, Selim, do a rebellion and overthrew Sultan Bayezid II, then kill him. Suleiman experienced this rebellion up close, seeing how - thanks to the support of the Janissaries - his father was able to triumph, with almost no one but the Janissaries supporting him. This is why the fact that Mustafa was a favorite of the Janissaries was especially dangerous. The prince, if he had known his father well, should have known that he would have to be much more careful with the Janissaries.

The sons of Hürrem knew the sultan well, having lived together for years, but Mustafa was not in such a privileged position, so perhaps unsurprisingly, he did not realize the danger of seeking allies. That is why, instead of quietly waiting for his father's death, he tried to gather supporters around him. This, of course, was understandable, as he felt Hürrem was doing everything against him, so he wanted to get supporters at all costs. For example, an undated letter is known, which is part of his correspondence with Ayas Pasha. Ayas Pasha was a Grand Vizier between 1536 and 1539, so presumably the letter dates from this period. He disclosed his ambitions in a letter to Ayas Pasha expressing his desire for the throne—although he clearly stated that he would not overthrow his father and wished to be sultan only after Süleyman’s death. He requested the help of Ayas Pasha, who responded positively, assuring the prince that he was worthier of the throne than his brothers were, so of course all his support belonged to the prince. The letter presumably did not immediately was given to Suleiman, for although its content would have been unacceptable to Suleiman, but he still did not punish Mustafa during this period. It is more likely that the letter could have been given to the sultan later (if he had become aware of its existence at all). And perhaps Rüstem Pasha was the one who gave the letter to Suleiman. Rüstem became the second vizier in 1541, and Mustafa was sent to Amasya that year. Maybe Rüstem was theone who found the letter when he came across the letter in the archives? We'll probably never know the answer...

Rüstem Pasha, by the way, seems to have actually tried to undermine the prince's influence. This is revealed by another letter. According to this, someone wanted to complain to the Sultan that Rüstem was falsifying the seal of Prince Mustafa and fabricated a false letters as if Mustafa had conspired with the Persian shah. Eventually, however, the complaint fell into the hands of Rüstem, so the Sultan did not know what vile methods Rüstem was trying to use to eliminate his son, if the accusation was true at all. In the end, Rüstem did not dare to openly accuse Mustafa with the Persian alliance.

The last mistake

With such a background, Suleiman even in the 1540s, was particularly afraid of Mustafa, but apart from his mistakes, Suleiman did not believe that his son would rebel against him. However, in 1552, Mustafa made a mistake that could no longer be forgiven. Suleiman was not afraid of anything but the Janissaries. And in 1552, despite all the orders and prohibitions of their leader and Rüstem Pasha, the janissaries decided to visit Prince Mustafa, their future sultan, who lived not far from the place they were. This, of course, was not yet Mustafa's fault, but the prince welcomed the incoming Janissaries, distributing food and money among them. And this proved to be a fatal mistake. Rüstem Pasha immediately wrote a letter to Suleiman and told him what happened, but the sultan did not believe that Mustafa would receive the soldiers. Backing from the campaign, Rüstem, took witnesses to the Sultan and told him everything again, but Suleiman still did not believe him and rebuked Rüstem. According to the records, Suleiman said: "God forbid that my Mustafa Khan should dare such insolence and should commit such an unwise move during my lifetime! It is trouble-makers trying to obtain the rule for the prince they support who are responsible for such slander. Beware that you never again repeat such a thing and that you do not believe such maliciousness."

However, the suspicion certainly arose in the sultan as well, because he ordered an investigation of the case. The investigation also shed light on rumors that were spreading between the soldiers that they were dissatisfied with Suleiman sitting at home and they wanted a young, vivid sultan like Mustafa. And this, coupled with Mustafa's positive reception of the Janissaries, was enough for Suleiman to consider his own son as a potential source of danger. If Mustafa had rejected the Janissaries who came to him, he could have proved his unconditional allegiance to his father. However, the prince either did not know his father or really intended to rebel and therefore did not want to offend the Janissaries with a rejection.

Adding to the trouble, letters and news also came to light, proving that Mustafa had conspired with the Venetians. A letter was sent by Mustafa at the end of the summer of 1553 to the Venetian Senate and was received in Ocotber. Along with the letter, Mustafa also sent an ambassador who carried expensive gifts and, presenting them, asked for financial support from bailo on behalf of the prince so that Mustafa could obtain the throne for himself. The authenticity of the event itself is not in question; however, whether Mustafa was the one who sent the ambassador, or whether it was a trap, is questionable. Either way, it could not have been easy to obtain the seal of the prince and carry out such an intrigue without fail, so it is not at all clear that it was indeed an intrigue or that Mustafa was actually involved in it. There is a realistic chance that both the letter and the ambassador were sent by the prince. The Venetians were, by the way, ready to support Prince Mustafa, and they also wrote it in their reply, however, this letter could no longer reach the prince alive.

His encounter with destiny

In August 1553, Suleiman himself led his soldiers into a campaign near to the Iranian border. The seriousness of the situation is well illustrated by the fact that Rüstem Pasha and Sultan Suleiman left Istanbul by leaving it in the hands of two loyal and capable people. They left the more militant prince, Bayezid, in Edirne to protect the capital from there; and the most loyal pasha to Rüstem, his own brother, Sinan Pasa was appointed as the admiral of the fleet. This was necessary because if Mustafa had guessed the sultan’s plan and decided to march to Istanbul, the fleet would not have allowed him to enter the capital because a faithful pasha was the head of it. And  if the prince would succeed to cross the sea, with his aggressive nature, Prince Bayezid might have been more likely to stop Mustafa until the Sultan's army could returned.

After the news of the Venetian alliance, Suleiman decided that his son was rebellious and therefore had to be punished. It is not clear when Suleiman received the news of the Venetian alliance, it is not known whether he already knew it or got the news during his journes to Ereğli, or maybe only recieved the news after Mustafa's death. Anyhow Suleiman invited Mustafa to his camp to explain the charges against him. His mother, his supporters, and everyone close to him warned him, not to enter the sultan's camp. His supporters encouraged him to message the Janissaries and rebel against his father because he had no other option to survive. Mustafa, however, did not believed them and set out. This move suggests that he may not have been guilty of correspondence with the Venetians, for if he had, he should have been aware that it would cause his death. Maybe he thought the sultan didn't know about the incident? Maybe he thought that he only had to give an account for the Janissaries’ greetings last year? The Austrian ambassador gives the most accurate description of the prince's dilemma: "Mustafa hesitated between two choices: if he entered the presence of his father and found him angry and offended, he would certainly be at risk. But if he avoided him, he would publicly admit that he had contemplated an act of treason. The decision he took is the one that required more courage and risk. Leaving Amasya, the seat of his government, he headed to his father’s camp, which lay not far off, relying on his innocence; he was probably also confident that no harm could come to him in the presence of the army."

Either way, Mustafa arrived at Ereğli on October 5 but his father did not let him into his camp but made him built his camp 2 miles away. Legend has it that the evening someone from the Sultan’s camp fired a message into the prince’s camp with an arrow. In the message, the sender clearly described that the sultan would kill Mustafa if he enters to the camp. Mustafa, however, did not believe the letter, he guessed it was Rüstem Pasha's trick, so he ignored it. Mahidevran also sent an envoy to the prince and said that Suleiman had taken deaf-mute people with him to his camp, whose presence clearly indicated that the sultan wanted to execute his son. However, according to reports from the ambassadors, Mustafa did not believe to his mother either and on October 6 he set out for the Sultan's camp to go "where destiny cast him." It is not known whether the arrow and the envoy of Mahidevran actually happened, or only poetic exaggerations, but it is certain that many warned the prince not to go to the sultan's camp, but he still did.

Arriving to the camp, the prince entrusted his horse to his mirahûr (stable master) and his sword with the sultan’s guards. When he entered the fourth section of the imperial tent, he saw his father seated there with an arrow in his hand. He reverently saluted his father but received a shocking response: “Ah! Dog, do you still dare to salute me?”. The deaf-mutes then attacked the prince from several sides and seized him, then tried to wrap the silk cord around his neck. Mustafa, however, miraculously emerged from their grip and began to rush outward. He had almost reached the gate of the tent, from which, if he had escaped, the Janissaries would immediately kill the Sultan's guards and the Sultan himself, and history would be different. But at the door, he was eventually crushed, and legend has it that one of the sultan’s men, Zal Mahmud, was the one who finally successfully strangled the prince. As soon as the prince died, a signal was given and his mirahûr and one of his accompanying aghas were killed immediately in front of the tent. After this in the camp, hell broke loose, the Janissaries revolted against the Sultan, and long riots began. Suleiman soon ordered the strangling of Mustafa's only son, Mehmed. This was not under the pressure of Hürrem, as the malevolent rumors and the series showed, but it was the law. The sons of the rebellious princes were also branded as rebels, and their daughters did not deserve a marriage worthy of their rank.

News of Mustafa's death quickly reached Mahidevran and the prince's court. Mahidevran certainly knew that a similar fate awaited for her grandson, but she could do nothing. The prince's harem, along with his mother, followed his body to Bursa, where he was eventually buried. His mother spent all her wealth on building a tomb over Mustafa's grave, but Suleiman made it impossible, so in the end it was Mustafa's half-brother, Selim, who had sent money to Mahidevran to complete the tombe even during Suleiman's life. Mustafa’s mother and harem were the last harem concubines to retire to Bursa and not to the Old Palace.

Was Mustafa guilty?

This is one of the greatest questions in Ottoman history. His guilt has not yet been proven, nor has his innocence. In my opinion, Mustafa did not want to rebel then and there, but at the same time he was at fault for accepting the love and support of the Janissaries and never expressing his unconditional loyalty to his father towards the Janissaries. Besides, like any other prince, he longed for the throne, which in itself is not a mistake, but its expression is already is. Especially as we know, in Suleiman's eyes, this was the greatest betrayal possible. If, on the other hand, he had wanted to rebel against his father, I think he would not have gone to Ereğli and never entered the sultan's tent. He would not have risked his murder, but would rather have rebelled, as the Janissaries were present in Ereğli and would no doubt have sided with the prince.

The fact that contemporary poets, writers, pashas, ​​soldiers — so basically every essentially important person — but even the common people supported him and believed he was executed innocently by the Sultan does not mean it is the truth. These people hated Hürrem immeasurably, because Suleiman broke so many customs and traditions for her sake, so they blamed the woman for everything. And whom Hürrem did not like, they worshiped. Thus, the general belief that Mustafa was innocent does not really help in deciding the reality, as these individuals were very biased. Modern historians are very much divided on this subject, some say the prince was indeed guilty, others say not at all, and others say the truth is halfway. Zahit Atçıl wrote a great article on the subject, summarizing all the evidence that just exists, so for anyone who wants to know more about the circumstances of Mustafa’s execution, I would definitely recommend reading it.

Either way, Mustafa posed a real threat to his father for supporting by Janissaries. The Janissaries were able to arbitrarily dethrone sultans from the throne and lift princes up to it. If the Janissaries had decided definitively that they had had enough of the aging, sick Suleiman, they would have dethrone Suleiman and lift Mustafa even without the will of the prince. Thus, the death of Mustafa was mostly caused by the excessive love of the Janissaries.

Used sources: L. Peirce - The imperial harem; L. Peirce - Empress of the East; Z. Atçil - Why Did Süleyman the Magnificent Execute His Son Şehzade Mustafa in 1553; C. Imber - The Ottoman Empire 1300-1650; Y. Öztuna - Kanuni Sultan Süleyman

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Musztafa herceg a trónért folyó küzdelem mintapéldája. Élete és halála jól mutatja, hogy egy szultán nem tudott csak édesapja lenni gyermekeinek hanem állandó veszélyforrásként tekintett fiaira. Musztafa esete emellett jól mutatja, hogy hová vezet a túlzott népszerűség. Halála a mai napig az egyik legellentmondásosabb esemény az oszmán birodalom történetében. Áruló volt vagy csupán a körülmények áldozata?  Musztafáról nem könnyű írni, talán ezt a portrét sikerült a leglassabban és legnehezebben megírnom, mert akár ártatlannak tartom, akár lázadónak, az ami vele történt tragikus. És Musztafa életéről írva nem lehet elmenni szó nélkül Mahidevran szenvedése mellett sem. Amíg írtam ezt a posztot nem is igazán Musztafáért fájt a szívem, hanem Mahidevránért...

Eredete és neveltetése

Musztafa herceg Szulejmán második fiaként született 1515-ben Manisában, apja hercegi tartományában. Édesanyja Szulejmán egyik ágyasa, Mahidevran Hatun volt. Születésekor legalább egy idősebb testvére volt, Mahmud és talán vele egy időben jött világra féltestvére, Raziye. Gyermekkora Manisában minden bizonnyal boldog volt. Apai naganyja, Ayşe Hafsa a legapróbb részletekig odafigyelt arra, hogy unokái a legjobb neveltetésben részesülhessenek. Emellett pedig napiszinten volt lehetősége látni édesapját is.

Ez a nyugalom 1520 őszén szakadt meg, mikor meghalt I. Szelim szultán. Szulejmán azonnal a fővárosba vágtázott szűk kíséretével, hogy elfoglalhassa a trónt. Szulejmán távozásával Ayşe Hafsa szultána felkészítette az egész udvartartást is az Isztambulba utazásra. A gyerekek minden bizonnyal kíváncsi izgalommal tekintettek a körülöttük zajló felfordulásra, a csomagolásra, a nyüzsgő háremre. Ayşe Hafsa már a hárem előtt elhagyta Manisát, hogy mielőbb fiával lehessen. Musztafa herceg, testvéreivel és a hárem többi tagjával valószínűleg 1521 legelején érte el Isztambult és költözött be a Régi Palotába. Ayşe Hafsa eddigre előkészítette a gyermekek lakosztályait, így már viszonylagos nyugalomba érkezhettek meg.

Musztafa lakrészét édesanyjával osztotta meg. Édesapja is igyekezett minél gyakrabban meglátogatni háremét, azonban többé nem láthatták napi szinten egymást. Ez minden bizonnyal nehéz és furcsa helyzet lehetett a kis Musztafának és testvéreinek. Egy teljesen új világba érkeztek meg, a Régi Palota háremében több száz nő élt, míg a maniszai hárem - az egyetlen otthon amit addig ismertek - alig néhány tucat emberből állt. A sok új arc, a nyüzsgés egyszerre hathatott izgalmasan és ijesztően a gyerekekre.

Érkezésükkör Szulejmán egyik új ágyasa, Hürrem már várandós volt, ám ez valószínűleg nem különösebben érdekelte Musztafát, hiszen Szulejmánnak mindig voltak más asszonyai, sosem élt Musztafa édesanyjával romantikus kapcsolatban. A Hürrem fiának születése utáni időszak azonban minden bizonnyal mélyen érintette Musztafát és édesanyját is. 1521 októberében a pestis betört a palota falai közé és áldozatául estek Musztafa testvérei, kivéve az újszülött Mehmedet. Musztafa egyik napról a másikra veszítette el testvéreit, kellett megtapasztalnia testközelből a halált. Ő ekkor még nem foghatta fel, hogy bátyja halálával esélyei a majdani trónra jutásra jócskán megnövekedtek. Mehmed újszülöttként nem igazán számított még teljesjogú örökösnek, hiszen a csecsemőhalandóság nagy volt, így Musztafa és édesanyja egy ideig kiemelt státuszban érezhették magukat. Hamarosan azonban ez megváltozott.

Háttérbe szorulása

Szulejmán hamarosan újra ágyába kérette Hürremet, amivel megtörte az évszázados hagyományt. Egyértelművé vált, hogy Hürremet minden más asszony elé helyezi, ezzel együtt pedig Hürrem gyermekei is nagyobb támogatásra számíthattal édesapjuktól, mint Musztafa. Mahidevran talán épp ezért különös gondot fordított fia nevelésére. A kor szelleme szerint elsősorban a dajkák nevelték a szultáni sarjakat, gyakran közelebb állva hozzájuk mint édesanyjuk. Mahidevran azonban sosem engedte ki fia nevelését kezéből, Musztafa lett “minden öröme és boldogsága”. A herceg épp emiatt igen szoros kapcsolatban volt anyjával, tőle kapva meg azt a szeretetet és törődést, melyet testvérei anyjuktól és apjuktól együttesen kaptak. Szulejmán természetesen igyekezett nem elhanyagolni Musztafát sem, ám mégis érezhető lehetett, hogy Hürremmel közös családja előnyt élvez.

Musztafa igen okos volt már gyermekként is, emellett legidősebb fiúként a janicsárok kedvence volt már ekkor. Bár nem a legidősebb herceg joga volt a trón, az összes testvér ugyanakkora joggal rendelkezett a trónért, mégis Musztafa esetében, a janicsárok őt kedvelték legjobban. A követ, Bragadin egyik levelében hosszasan ecseteli, hogy Musztafa “11 éves korában már mindenki a tehetségéről, erejéről, alkalmasságáról beszélt, kiemelve, hogy még a janicsárok is nagyon kedvelik a herceget”. Bragadin emellett már ekkor megjegyezte, hogy “Isztambul népe szerint ha életben marad hatalmas dicsőséget fog hozni az oszmán házra, ám ha a szultán hosszú életű lesz, az gondot fog okozni Musztafa és ő közötte”. Az, hogy már az 1520-as évek második felében felfigyelt erre mind a nép, mint a követek egyértelműen utalnak arra, hogy egy szultán sosem lehetett csak apja gyermekeinek, hanem vetélytársa is. Emellett ez a sejtés felveti annak az eshetőségét is, hogy Szulejmán és Musztafa viszonya talán már ekkor sem volt felhőtlen.

Gyermekként Musztafa több figyelemre vágyott apjától ezért különösen irigyen tekintett az apjához közelálló személyekre. Így például több eset is ismert, amikor Ibrahim Pasával szemben lépett fel a herceg. Amikor a szultán egy díszes nyerget és kantárt küldött a pasának ajándékba, Musztafa azonnal levelet írt Ibrahimnak, melyben megparancsolta, hogy készíttessen számára is egy ugyanolyat. Ibrahim azonban meglehetősen intelligensen kezelte a helyzetet és az eredeti nyerget juttatta el a hercegnek ajándék gyanánt.

Musztafa körülmetélésére viszonylag későn, 1530-ben került sor. Ehhez fogható körülmetélési szertartás sosem volt még a fővárosban. A ceremónián vele együtt metélték körül öccseit Mehmedet és Szelimet. A pazar ünnepély több, mint két hétig tartott és a hercegek ezen idő alatt részt vettek apjuk politikai tanácskozásain is, ezzel pedig bebocsátást nyertek a felnőttek életébe. Körülmetélése után kezdett időszerűvé válni, hogy mikor kap saját hercegi tartományt. Mint minden herceg Musztafa is minden bizonnyal alig várta a kinevezést, alig várta, hogy bizonyíthassa alkalmasságát és rátermedtségét apja és a nép felé. Arra azonban nem számított, hogy Isztambulból való távozása mennyire meg fogja határozni kapcsolatát apjával és esélyeit a trónra.

A fiatal herceg

Szulejmán végül 1533-ban nevezte ki Musztafát Manisa tartomány élére. Távozása előtt Musztafa részt vett egy hivatalos szultáni audiencián, ahonnan a vezírek kísérték el őt a következő megállóhoz. Ott Musztafa megcsókolta apja kezét, a vezírek kardot kötöttek az oldalára majd lovára ülve elhagyta Isztambult. Őt pedig követte édesanyja Mahidevran is. Szulejmán hamarosan átköltöztette Hürremet és gyermekeit a Topkapi Palotába. Így tehát amint Musztafa elhagyta Isztambult, testvérei a szultán közelébe költözhettek, ezzel pedig olyan előnyre tettek szert a későbbiekben, amit Musztafa sehogyan sem volt képes behozni: Mehmed, Mihrimah, Szelim, Bayezid és Cihangir édesapjukkal együtt élhettek, rendezett, normális családi környezetben, ezzel pedig lehetőségük adódott pontosan kiismerni az uralkodót. Musztafának sosem volt lehetősége kiismerni apját, épp ezért mérte fel a későbbiekben sokszor rosszul egy egy cselekedete kimenetelét.

Amíg apja Isztambulban élt családi életet, Musztafa berendezkedett Maniszában. A jól felkészült herceggel mindenki elégedett volt, nagyon jó munkát végzett tartományában. A követek leírása szerint édesanyja sosem hagyta magára a herceget és segítette őt uralkodásában. Emellett a követek szerint Mahidevránnak volt köszönhető az, hogy Musztafa olyan sikeresen nyerte meg magának az emberek támogatását, szerintük ugyanis Mahidevran, aki jól ismerte Manisát és az embereket, remekül instruálta fiát. Musztafa maniszai udvartartása a követek szerint pompában nem maradt el a szultánétól sem. A pompa mellett azonban maniszai tartózkodása egészen biztosan rejtegetett szomorúságot is. A herceg ugyanis itt értesült arról, hogy édesapja feleségül vette ágyasát, Hürremet, sőt új rangot kreálva számára, szultána rangra emelte. Ez, az édesanyjáért elkötelezett herceget minden bizonnyal rosszul érintette. Emellett pedig egyértelműen rá kellett jöjjenek arra is, hogy Szulejmán ezzel a lépésével Hürremet és gyermekeit választotta őhelyettük. Nem tudjuk, hogy Mahidevran hogyan élte meg Hürrem kirívó felemelkedését és azt sem, hogy Musztafa mit gondolt róla. Akárhogyan is, fel kellett ismerniük, hogy azonnal támogatókra van szükségük ha nem akarják elveszíteni a harcot Hürremmel szemben.

Az idő - és talán Szulejmán házasságának híre - meghozta Musztafa számára a nagyvezír támogatását is. Ibrahim Pasával bár nem volt felhőtlen a viszonyuk, felnőve, ezen sikerrel léptek túl. Valószínűleg mind a ketten felismerték, hogy szükségük van egymásra. Ibrahim ugyanis kifejezetten rossz viszonyt ápolt Szulejmán eddigre feleséggé előlépő ágyasával, Hürremmel. Musztafa pedig kegyvesztetten érezhette magát, akinek szüksége volt erős támogatókra. Így tehát félre tették a régi sérelmeket és tiszteletteljes kapcsolatot kezdtek el kiépíteni. 1534-ben már Musztafa herceg "barátjaként" hivatkozik magára Ibrahim egy a hercegnek írt levelében. Azt nehéz megmondani, hogy politikailag is aktív lehetett e ez a szövetség és Ibrahim igyekezett támogatni Musztafa majdani trónralépését vagy csupán tiszteletteljes baráti viszony volt köztük. Hiszen mindkét fél számára logikus lett volna jó kapcsolatot ápolni a másikkal, ám politikailag szövetkezni meglehetősen nagy veszélyeket rejtett volna magában mindkettejük számára.

Musztafa magánéletéről nem tudunk sokat, ám úgy tűnik, hogy a régi szokásokat követte a családtervezés tekintetében és nem nemzett számtalan utódot, mint például féltestvére, Bayezid. Annyi bizonyos, hogy Musztafa első gyermeke Nergisşah, Manisában született 1536-ban egy feltehetőleg cserkesz ágyastól. Ha született is Maniszában másik gyermeke, azok nem érték meg a felnőttkort, ugyanis másik két ismert gyermeke Şah 1545-ben, Mehmed pedig 1547-ben születtek már Amasyában. Fia, Ahmed pedig egy nagy kérdőjel. Nem tudjuk, hogy egyáltalán létezett e, Muszafa fia volt e. Az egyetlen amit talán tudunk vele kapcsolatban az az, hogy 1552-ben hunyt el, természetes okokból. 

"Száműzetése"

Az 1541-ben bekövetkező Amasyába költözés Musztafa életének mindenképpen egyik legsarkalatosabb pontja volt. Szulejmán Manisza helyett Amasyába nevezte ki Musztafát, ami elsőre bár száműzetésnek tűnhet, nem biztos, hogy Musztafa negatív eseményként élte ezt meg. Általában Manisza volt minden herceg kezdő posztja, hiszen egyszerű tartomány volt, nem volt különösebb hadereje, közel volt Isztambulhoz, nagy kihívást nem jelentett. Amasya azonban más terep volt, közel az Iráni határhoz, lényegesen nagyobb katonasággal rendelkezett, kifejezetten nagy szakértelmet és rátermedtséget igényelt irányítása. A korábbi időkben a hercegek Amasya tartományt tartották a vágyott tartománynak épp nehézsége miatt. Összességében tehát az Amasyába való kinevezés nem feltétlen volt olyan tragikus és vészjósló, mint ahogy azt napjainkban - főleg a sorozatnak köszönhetően - gondolják. Továbbá Mehmed herceget csak több, mint egy évvel Musztafa távozása után nevezte ki Manisza élére Szulejmán, így nem beszélhetünk egyértelműen arról, hogy Szulejmán Mehmed kedvéért távolította el Musztafát Maniszából.

Akármit gondolt is, Musztafa kénytelen volt engedelmeskedni és háremével, udvartartásával együtt Amasyába utazni. Alig rendezkedtek még be, mikor megtudták, Szulejmán Mehmed herceget nevezte ki Manisza élére, majd hamarosan már a herceg haláláról érkeztek a hírek. Az, hogy Musztafa mit érezhetett Mehmed halálával kapcsolatban örök titok marad. Egyes források szerint a két herceg közel állt egymáshoz, ám ez nem igazán valószínű. A különböző anyától származó hercegeket elszeparálva nevelték, oktatásuk is külön zajlott, így valószínűleg Mehmed és Musztafa között nem alakult ki olyan szoros kötelék, ami Mehmed és vérszerinti öccsei között viszont igen. Mindemellett Mehmed egyértelműen Szulejmán kedvenc fia volt, népszerű, intelligens és rátermedt. Jelenléte hatalmas veszélyt jelentett Musztafára. Halálával csupán a Musztafánál jóval fiatalabb testvérei maradtak versenyben a trónért folyó harcban. Ők pedig korukból adódóan nem jelnetettek semmiféle fenyegetést Musztafára. Musztafa eddigre 28 éves volt, édesapa, két tartományban is bizonyított herceg, a janicsárok kedvence és sok más befolyásos támogatóval is rendelkezett. Ezzel szemben Szelim 20 éves sem volt, éppen csak kinevezték első tartományába, Bayezid kamasz fiú volt csupán, Cihangir pedig gyermek.

Amellett, hogy egyik öccse sem jelenthetett reális veszélyt Musztafára, maga Szulejmán is úgy gondolta, hogy Musztafa fogja őt követni a trónon. Erre utal legalábbis egy követ által feljegyzett párbeszéd Szulejmán és Cihangir herceg között. Amikor a trónöröklésről beszélgettek Cihangir naivan azt mondta a szultánnak, hogy bárki kerül is trónra őt bizonyára megkíméli majd fizikai állapota miatt. Szulejmán erre pedig azt felelte, hogy "Fiam, ne legyenek kétségeid, azon a napon, amikor Musztafa lesz a szultán, mindannyiótokat kivégezteti". Ez arra is utal, hogy Szulejmán bár minden bizonnyal jobban szerette Hürremtől született gyermekeit, mint MUsztafát, nem kívánt többé beleszólni az utódlás kérdésébe. Mehmed hercegért kétségtelenül megtette volna, ám elvesztésével a szultán összetört és nem mutatott különösebb érdeklődést az öröklést illetően.

A várakozás

Ilyen körülmények között úgy tűnhet, hogy Musztafának nem volt más dolga, mint várakozni Szulejmán halálára. Ez pedig nem is tűnt olyan távolinak, hiszen Szulejmán egészsége az 1540-es években fokozatosan hanyatlani kezdett, köszvénye egyre jobban elhatalmasodott rajta. Így tehát a logikus az lett volna, hogy Musztafa jóideig nem csinál mást, mint várakozik és intézi Amasya ügyes-bajos dolgait, gyermekeket nemz. Kortárs történészek ekkor úgy írtak Musztafáról, mint "a herceg, akinek helyében szeretne lenni mindenki, akire méltán lehetnek irigyek tudása, eszessége, nagysága, szabadsága, igazsága és nagylelkűsége miatt az emberek; a herceg, aki minden katona támogatását élvezi mind szívben, mind fejben".

Emellett a követek rendszeresen megemlékeztek édesanyja szerepéről és cselekedeteiről is leveleikben. Navagero szerint Mahidevran sosem hagyta magára fiát, minden nap emlékeztette a herceget arra, hogy a mérgezéstől kell legjobban tartania. Musztafa pedig a végletekig hálás volt édesanyja erőfeszítéseiért. Mahidevran azonban nem elégedett meg a figyelmeztetésekkel, egyes források szerint ő maga főzte a herceg ételeit, ha pedig nem ő készítette el, akkor minden egyes lépését végigkövette az étel készítésének. Ez a paranoia egyértelműen utal arra, hogy Mahidevran - mint anya és mint nő - pontosan tudta, hogy Hürrem - mint anya és mint nő - nem fog beletörődni Musztafa győzelmébe, hiszen ez saját fiai halálát jelentené. Musztafa talán túlzónak érezhette anyja féltését, ám kétségkívül Mahidevrannak volt igaza, még akkor is, ha Hürrem nem méreggel készült szembe szállni Musztafával.

Az intrikák

Hürrem vejével, Rüsztem Pasával, a nagyvezírrel politikai módszerekkel igyekeztek ellehetetleníteni Musztafa herceget. Egyrészről a herceg minden hibáját, ballépését azonnal a szultán elé tárták, míg Hürrem fiai esetében ezeket eltitkolták. Emellett pedig Rüsztem igyekezett a herceg minden megmozdulását ellehetetleníteni. Musztafa kétszer is kérte Rüsztem Pasa támogatását, amikor Amasya tartományba betörtek először a grúzok majd a perzsák és meggyilkoltak több helytartót és embert, először 1549-ben, majd 1550-ben. Musztafa sereget kért, ami élén leverhette volna a betörő szmszédokat, Rüsztem azonban elutasította Musztafa kérését. Nem lehet kizárni, hogy Szulejmán parancsára járt el így. Szulejmán ugyanis már ekkor jól tudta, hogy fia a janicsárok kedvence, félő volt, hogyha sereget kap, népszerűsége tovább fog növekedni, sőt talán lázadást is indíthat a sereg élén. Na de miért volt Szulejmán ilyen paranoiás fiával szemben? Mert hercegként ő maga végignézte, ahogy saját édesapja, Szelim lázadást szítva letaszítja trónról II. Bayezid szultánt, majd megöli őt. Szulejmán testközelből élte át ezt a lázadást, látta, ahogy a janicsárok támogatásának köszönhetően apja képes volt győzedelmeskedni, úgy, hogy a janicsárokon kívül szinte senki sem őt támogatta. Épp ezért volt különösen veszélyes az a tény, hogy Musztafa a janicsárok kedvence volt. A herceg, ha ismerte volna édesapját, tudnia kellett volna, hogy sokkal óvatosabban kellene viselkednie a janicsárokkal.

Hürrem fiai jól ismerték a szultánt, hiszen évekig éltek együtt, Musztafa azonban nem volt ilyen kiváltságos helyzetben, így talán nem meglepő, hogy nem mérte fel, mekkora veszélyt jelent szövetségeseket keresni. Épp ezért, ahelyett, hogy csendben várta volna apja halálát, igyekezett maga köré támogatókat gyűjteni. Ez természetesen érthető volt, hiszen úgy érezte, Hürrem mindent elkövet ellene, így mindenáron támogatókat akart maga mellett tudni. Ismert például egy nem dátumozott levél, mely Ayas Pasával való levelezésének részlete. Ayas Pasha 1536 és 1539 között volt nagyvezír, így feltehetőleg ebből az időszakból származik a levél. Ebben Musztafa egyértelműen leírja mennyire vágyakozik a trón iránt, természetesen hozzátéve, hogy mindez csupán szeretett apja a szultán halála után válhat valósággá, nem áll szándékában édesapja életében a trónért harcolni, csak a szultán halála után. Ebben pedig Ayas Pasa segítségét kérte, aki meglehetősen pozitívan reagált a herceg kérésére, megírva, hogy őt tartja a trónra a legalkalmasabbnak testvérei közül, így természetesen minden támogatása a hercegé. A levél feltehetőleg nem került azonnal Szulejmán kezébe, hiszen bár tartalma Szulejmán számára elfogadhatatlan lett volna, nem büntette semmivel ezen időszakban Musztafát. Valószínűbb, hogy később kerülhetett a szultán kezébe a levél (ha egyáltalán tudomást szerzett létezéséről). Ebben pedig talán Rüsztem Pasa is segítségére volt. Rüsztem 1541-ben második vezír lett, Musztafa pedig ezen évben lett Amasyába küldve. Talán Rüsztem ekkor bukkant rá a levélre a levéltárban? A választ valószínűleg sosem fogjuk megtudni...

Rüsztem Pasa egyébként úgy tűnik, ténylegesen igyekezett aláásni a herceg befolyását. Erről árulkodik egy másik levél. Eszerint valaki be akarta panaszolni Rüsztemet a szultánnál, amiért az meghamisította Musztafa herceg pecsétjét és hamis leveleket fabrikált, mintha Musztafa a perzsa şahhal szövetkezne. Végül azonban a panasz Rüsztem kezébe került, így a szultán nem tudta meg, hogy Rüsztem milyen aljas módszerekkel igyekszik befeketíteni fiát, már ha a vád igaz volt egyáltalán. Végül Rüsztem sem merte megvádolni nyíltan Musztafát a perzsa szövetséggel, félve a lebukástól.

Az utolsó hiba

Szulejmán ilyen háttérrel az 1540-es években bár különösen tartott Musztafától, ám hibáitól eltekintve nem hitte, hogy fia lázadna ellene. Azonban 1552-ben Musztafa olyan hibát vétett, amit már nem lehetett megbocsátani. Szulejmán nem félt mástól, csak a janicsároktól. Ezek a janicsárok pedig 1552-ben egy hadjárat során vezetőjük, Rüsztem Pasa minden parancsa és tiltása ellenére önkényesen úgy döntöttek, hogy a hadjárat kitervelt menetrendje helyett ők meglátogatják Musztafa herceget, leendő szultánjukat, aki a menettől nem messze élt. Ez természetesen még nem Musztafa hibája volt, azonban a herceg az érkező janicsárokat szeretettel fogadta, ételt és pénzt osztott szét közöttük. Ez pedig végzetes hibának bizonyult. Rüsztem Pasa azonnal megírta Szulejmánnak az eseményeket, a szultán azonban nem hitte el, hogy Musztafa képes volt fogadni a katonákat. A hadjáratról hazatérő Rüsztem tanúkkal alátámasztva újra elmondta a szultánnak az eseményeket, aki továbbra sem hitt neki és megdorgálta Rüsztemet. A feljegyzések szerint Szulejmán azt mondta "Isten óvjon attól, hogy Musztafa ilyen szégyenteljes cselekedetet követett volna el míg én élek! Ez csak bajkeverők mesterkedése lehet, akik be akarják sározni a hercegemet. Légy óvatos és máskor ne merészelj ilyen aljas rágalmakkal elém járulni!".

Azonban a gyanú minden bizonnyal felépbredt a szultánban is, mert az eset kivizsgálását rendelte el. Ezek során fény derült a katonák közt szárnyrakelő pletykákra is, miszerint azok elégedetlenek az otthon ülő Szulejmánnal és fiatal, élettelteli szultánt akarnak maguknak, mint amilyen Musztafa. Ez pedig azzal párosítva, hogy Musztafa pozitívan fogadta a janicsárok üdvözlését elég volt ahhoz, hogy Szulejmán potenciális veszélyforrásként tekintsen saját fiára. Ha Musztafa ugyanis elutasította volna a hozzá érkező janicsárokat, azzal bizonyíthatta volna apja előtt feltétlen hűségét. A herceg azonban vagy nem ismerte apját, vagy valóban szándékában állt lázadni és ezért nem akarta megsérteni a janicsárokat.

Tetézve a bajt előkerültek levelek és hírek is, melyek bizonyítékul szolgáltak arra, hogy Musztafa a velenceiekkel szövetkezett. Az egyik levelet 1553 nyarának végén küldte Musztafa, majd ősszel kapta meg a velencei szenátus. A levéllel együtt Musztafa egy követet is küldött, aki drága ajándékokat vitt, és ezeket prezentálva, anyagi támogatást kért a herceg nevében a bailo-tól, hogy Musztafa megszerezhesse magának a trónt. Maga az esemény valódisága nem kérdéses, azonban az, hogy valóban Musztafa küldte e a követet, vagy pedig egy csapda volt, kérdéses. Akárhogyan is, nem lehetett egyszerű a herceg pecsétjét megszerezni és lebonyolítani egy ilyen cselszövést lebukás nélkül, így egyáltalán nem egyértemű, hogy valóban cselszövésről lett volna szó vagy Musztafa ténylegesen részt vett ebben. Reális esély van arra, hogy a levelet és a követet is a herceg küldte. A velenceiek egyébként készek voltak támogatni Musztafa herceget, melyet válaszlevelükben meg is írtak. Ez a levél azonban már nem kerülhetett a herceg kezébe.

Találkozás a végzettel

1553 augusztusában Szulejmán maga vezette katonáit hadjáratra az iráni határ közelébe. Jól mutatja, a helyzet kiélezettségét, hogy Rüsztem Pasa és Szulejmán szultán úgy hagyta hátra Isztambult, hogy a harciasabb herceget, Bayezidet hagyták Edirnében, hogy onnan védje a fővárost; valamint a Rüsztemhez leghűségesebb pasát, saját testvérét - az egyébként etéren tapasztalatlan - Sinan Pasát nevezték ki a flotta élére. Erre azért volt szükség, mert ha Musztafa megsejtette volna a szultán tervét és úgy döntött volna, hogy Isztambulba masírozik, a flotta ne engedje őt bejutni a fővárosba. Bayezid herceg pedig agresszív természetével talán nagyobb eséllyel tartóztathatta volna fel, amíg visszaér a szultáni sereg, ha mégis átkel a tengeren.

A velencei szövetség híre után Szulejmán eldöntötte, fia lázadó és ezért felelnie kell. Nem tiszta, hogy Szulejmán mikor kapott hírt a velencei szövetségről, nem tudni, hogy már indulás előtt tudta vagy útközben jutott el hozzá a hír. Akárhogyan is, Ereğli-hez érve táborába hívatta Musztafát, hogy magyarázza meg az ellene felhozott vádakat. Édesanyja, támogatói és mindenki aki közel állt hozzá, óva intette őt, hogy belépjen a szultán táborába. Bíztatták, hogy üzenjen a janicsároknak és lázadjon fel apja ellen, mert nincs más lehetősége az életben maradásra. Musztafa azonban nem hitt nekik és útra kelt. Ez a lépés arra utal, hogy a velenceiekkel való levelezésben talán mégsem volt bűnös, hiszen ha az lett volna, tisztában kellett volna lennie vele, hogy ezért halál jár. Talán azt hitte, a szultán nem tud az esetről? Talán azt hitte, csupán a janicsárok előző évi üdvözléséért kell számot adnia? Az osztrák követ adja a legpontosabb leírást a herceg dilemmájáról: "Musztafa két lehetőség között vacillált: ha apjához megy és dühösen találja, kockáztatja életét, ám ha nem megy nyíltan felvállalja, hogy lázadást szít a szultán ellen. Végül a bátrabb, de kockázatosabb utat választotta. Így elhagyta Amasyát, hogy apja nem túl távoli táborába menjen. Vagy ártatlanságában vagy a hadsereg támogatásában bízott, úgy hitte a hadsereg jelenlétében nem történhet vele semmi rossz."

Akárhogy is, Musztafa október 5-én megérkezett Ereğli-hez de apja nem engedte a táborába, hanem 2 mérfölddel távolabb táboroztatta le fiát. A legendák szerint aznap este valaki a szultáni táborból egy üzenetet lőtt át a herceg táborába egy nyíllal. Az üzenetben egyértelműen leírta a küldő, hogy a szultán meg fogja őt ölni ha belép a táborába. Musztafa azonban nem hitt a levélnek, úgy sejtette Rüsztem Pasa trükkje csupán, ezért ignorálta. Mahidevran is küldött egy követet a herceghez és megüzente, hogy a Szulejmán süket-némákat vitetett magával a táborába, akiknek jelenléte egyértelműen utal arra, hogy a szultán ki akarja végeztetni fiát. A követek beszámolói szerint azonban Musztafa nem hitt anyjának sem és október 6-án úgy indult el a szultáni táborba, hogy "muszáj azt az utat járnia, amelyre a sors hívja". Nem tudni, hogy a nyíl és Mahidevran követe valóban megtörtént dolgok e, vagy csak utólagos költői túlzások, az azonban biztos, hogy sokan óva intették a herceget attól, hogy a szultán táborába menjen, ő viszont ment.

A herceg a táborba érve lovát a lovászára bízta, a kardját a szultán testőreinek adta át, majd belépett apja sátrába. Amikor apja elé ért, Szulejmán egy nyíllal a kezében ült és dühösen nézte fiát. Musztafa üdvözölni akarta a szultánt, aki ráförmedt: "Ah kutya! Még van képed üdvözölni engem?". Ezekután a süket-némák több oldalról rárontottak a hercegre és lefogták majd igyekeztek nyaka köré tekerni a selyemzsinórt. Musztafa azonban a csodával határos módon kikerült szorításukból és elkezdett kifelé rohanni. Már majdnem elérte a sátor kapuját, ahonnan ha kijutott volna, a janicsárok azon nyomban meggyilkolják a szultán őrségét és magát a szultánt is, a történelem pedig másképp alakul. Az ajtó előtt azonban végül legyűrték, a legenda szerint a szultán egyik embere, Zal Mahmud volt az, aki végül sikeresen megfojtotta a herceget. Amint a herceg meghalt, jelt adtak és lovászát és egyik kísérő agáját is azonnal meggyilkolták a sátor előtt. A táborban pedig elszabadult a pokol, a janicsárok fellázadtak a szultán ellen és hosszas zavargások kezdődtek. Szulejmán valamivel később parancsot adott Musztafa egyetlen fiának, Mehmednek a megfojtására is. Ez nem Hürrem nyomására történt, ahogy azt a rosszinudlatú pletykák és a sorozat mutatták, hanem ez volt a törvény. A lázadó hercegek fiai is lázadónak bélyegződtek meg, lányaik pedig nem érdemeltek rangjukhoz méltó házasságot.

Musztafa halálának híre gyorsan elérte Mahidevrant és a herceg háremét. Mahidevran minden bizonnyal tudta, hogy unokájára is hasonló sors vár, ám nem tehetett semmit. A herceg háreme, édesanyjával együtt követte élettelen testét Bursába, ahol végül örök nyugalomra helyezték. Édesanyja minden vagyonát arra költötte, hogy türbét húzhasson fel Musztafa sírja fölé, ám Szulejmán elehetetlenítette ebben, így végül Musztafa féltestvére, Szelim volt az, aki már Szulejmán életében pénzt küldött Mahidevrannak a türbe befejezésére. Musztafa édesanyja és háreme voltak az utolsó háremhölgyek, akik Bursába vonultak vissza és nem a Régi Palotába élték le hátralévő életüket.

Bűnös volt vajon Musztafa?

Az oszmán történelem egyik legnagyobb kérdése ez. Bűnösségét azóta sem sikerült bizonyítani, ugyanakkor ártatlanságát sem. Véleményem szerint Musztafa nem akart akkor és ott lázadni, ugyanakkor hibás volt, amiért a janicsárok szeretetét és támogatását mindig elfogadta és sosem fejezte ki apja iránti feltétlen hűségét a janicsárok irányába. Emellett pedig mint bármelyik másik herceg, vágyott a trónra, ami önmagában nem hiba, ám ennek kifejezése már az. Különösen úgy, hogy tudjuk, Szulejmán szemében ez volt a lehető legnagyobb árulás. Ha viszont lázadni akart volna apja ellen, véleményem szerint nem ment volna el Ereğli-be és sosem lépett volna be a szultán sátrába. Nem kockáztatta volna meggyilkolását, hanem inkább lázadt volna, hiszen a janicsárok jelen voltak Ereğli-ben és kétségkívül a herceg mellé álltak volna.

Az, hogy a korabeli költők, írók, pasák, katonák - tehát lényegében minden fontos személy -, de még a köznép is őt támogatta és úgy vélte ártatlanul végeztette ki őt a szultán, nem jelent sokat a valóság szempontjából. Ezek a személyek ugyanis mérhetetlenül gyűlölték Hürremet, amiért Szulejmán oly sok szokást és hagyományt tört meg a kedvéért, így mindenért a nőt okolták. Akit pedig Hürrem nem kedvelt, azt ők imádták. Így tehát az általános vélekedés, hogy Musztafa ártatlan volt, nem igazán segíti a valóság eldöntését, hiszen ezek a személyek igen elfogultak voltak. A modern történészeket pedig nagyon megosztja ez a téma, vannak akik szerint a herceg igenis bűnös volt, mások szerint egyáltalán nem, megint mások szerint pedig az igazság félúton van. A témában Zahit Atçıl írt egy nagyszerű cikket összefoglalva minden bizonyítékot, ami csak létezik, így annak, aki szeretne többet tudni Musztafa kivégzésének körülményeiről mindenképpen javaslom elolvasását.

Akárhogyan is, Musztafa valódi veszélyt jelentett apjára a janicsárok támogatása miatt. A janicsárok képesek voltak önkényesen letaszítani a trónról szultánokat és felemelni hercegeket. Ha a janicsárok eldöntötték volna végérvényesen, hogy elegük van az öregedő, beteges Szulejmánból, akár Musztafa akarata nélkül is letaszították volna Szulejmánt és felemelték volna Musztafát. Így tehát Musztafa vesztét leginkább a janicsárok túlzó szeretete okozta.

Felhasznált források: L. Peirce - The imperial harem; L. Peirce - Empress of the East; Z. Atçıl - Why Did Süleyman the Magnificent Execute His Son Şehzade Mustafa in 1553; C. Imber - The Ottoman Empire 1300-1650; Y. Öztuna - Kanuni Sultan Süleyman

[fymagnificentwomcn]

We know that Turhan/Kösem and Safiye/Nurbanu were rivals, but what about Nurbanu and Hürrem? Did MC portray their relationship accurately?

We know next to nothing about relations between Hürrem and Nurbanu. There are some mentiones Hürrem chose her for Selim’s harem in Manisa, but it was simply mother’s task to prepare her son’s harem.

I think MY’s direction made plenty of sense, with Nurbanu being inspired by Hürrem, Hürrem selecting her with goal in mind to “fix” Selim and help hide his mistakes, but never planning to make he Valide because Bayezid was her primary candidate for the throne, then their ways parting following Mustafa’s execution & the escalation of Selim vs. Bayezid conflict.

Most likely, Hürrem supported Bayezid historically and Nurbanu had no choice, but to support Selim.

We have no evidence of any potential conflict as opposed to the other two cases because at that point Nurbanu was only a şehzade’s concubine (and we know nothing about other princes’ consorts at all or even Selim’s other concubines), so she could only be an invisible political actor. Nurbanu and Safiye were rivals when they were Valide Sultan and haseki to reigning padişah and thus both influenced the present ruler. And Turhan & Kösem were both Valides conflicted for the position of regent, so it was even a higher level of importance in status. We have no evidence of conlict, bu yes lack of evidence does not mean evidence of absence here.

I have to say that in the show Nurbanu really chose the “rebellion” moment well – she never tried any conflict with Hürrem until she was certain Hürrem definitely chose to support Bayezid for the throne as opposed to Selim. Quite contrary, she even tried to get Hürrem to support them, but her success was illusory, as Hürrem likely temporarily switched her support to Selim to punish Bayezid for fraternising with Mustafa, which made Nurbanu feel even more cheated later. When Hürrem was fighting with Mustafa, who was Selim’s toughest competitor for the throne, Nurbanu focused on giving Selim the required therapy that made him believe he could sit on the bed throne, as well as hiding his mistakes. She really had a good strategy IMO, and even was prepared by keeping Hürrem’s letter with order to kill Nazenin in case she will need “similar favour” of cover-up from Hürrem later. Killing a pretty unimportant concubine that Hürrem and others had long forgotten about came to ironically bite her back at the worst moment, just soon after she achieved her “biggest victory”. Even more ironically, Nurbanu having that weapon was more dangerous to Hürrem than Nazenin. Nazenin was a weak opponent, but Nurbanu definitely wasn’t. IMO Nurbanu was best player on the show.

Here’s an interesting quote from  Leslie Peirce’s Empress of the East that may give us some insight into dynamics in Hürrem’s camp:

Marcantonio Donini, secretary to the Venetian ambassador, reported in 1562 that Mihrumah “dared to send to the late Sultan Bagiasit her brother many sums of dinars at different times and on different occasions, and especially just before he resolved to take up arms against his brother.” The last of the specially dispatched monies were presumably to boost Bayezid’s chances at the coming battle, for which Süleyman had amply supported Selim. Later, when the sultan learned of the situation, Mihrumah “freely confessed [she] had done this to execute the will of the mother, who had arranged this in her testament.” There is no record of Süleyman’s response to his daughter.

Mihrumah apparently did not learn immediately of Bayezid’s execution. News reached her in the midst of a triple wedding that Süleyman quickly arranged in Istanbul for Selim’s three eldest daughters. The princess’s “enormous expressions of grief” impelled her to forbid any signs of happiness during her nieces’ marriage festivities. Süleyman was deeply hurt by this, reported Donini, but he never showed it. Selim, on the other hand, demonstrated no such forbearance. In the heat of the moment, he allegedly declared that he had never loved his sister, his mother, or his brother-in-law (Rüstem). The secretary speculated that his indignation was aroused less by what they had done for Bayezid than by Mihrumah’s great wealth. (This story is only as trustworthy as Donini’s sources.) 

Mihrumah, like her mother, was devoted to the one who seemed destined to lose. The news of Bayezid’s execution, coming soon after the deaths of her mother and then Rüstem in 1561, no doubt intensified her grief.

- Joanna

[operabooknerd68]

Hürrem Sultan

(1515- April 1558)

often called Roxelana, was the second favourite after Mahidevran Sultan and later the chief consort and legal wife of the Ottoman Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent. She had six children with Süleyman: Şehzade Mehmed, Mihrimah Sultan, Şehzade Abdullah, Sultan Selim II, Şehzade Bayezid, and Şehzade Cihangir. She became one of the most powerful and influential women in Ottoman history and a prominent and controversial figure during the era known as the Sultanate of Women. She was the first ever "Haseki Sultan" (favorite of the Sultan) when her husband, Süleyman I, reigned as the Ottoman sultan. She achieved power and influenced the politics of the Ottoman Empire through her husband and played an active role in the state affairs of the Empire.

Sources indicate that Hurrem Sultan was originally from Ruthenia (now Western Ukraine, Belarus), which was then part of the Polish Kingdom. She was born in the town of Rohatyn 68 km south-east of Lwów, a major city of the Ruthenian Voivodeship in the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland. According to late 16th-century and early 17th-century sources, such as the Polish poet Samuel Twardowski (died 1661), who researched the subject in Turkey, Hurrem was seemingly born to a father who was an Orthodox priest.

In the 1520s, Crimean Tatars kidnapped her during one of their Crimean–Nogai raids into East Slavic lands. The Tatars may have first taken her to the Crimean city of Kaffa, a major centre of the Ottoman slave trade, before she was taken to Istanbul. In Istanbul, Valide Sultan Hasfa Sultan selected Hurrem as a gift for her son, Sultan Süleyman; Hurrem was to become the Haseki Sultan or "favorite concubine" of the Ottoman imperial harem. However, she would eventually rise to high status thru Süleyman and he broke imperial tradition by allowing her to have more than one child and eventually married her formally. Making him the second Ottoman Sultan to have a formal marriage since Orhan Ghazi (1326-1362), Michalo Lituanus wrote in the 16th century that "the most beloved wife of the present Turkish emperor – mother of his primogenital [son] who will govern after him, was kidnapped from our land" Süleyman was also known to have written many love poems about her and upon her death he remained in deep mourning and he was eventually buried in a mausoleum next to hers.

[whiteroseofthemoon]

Muhteşem Yüzyıl (Magnificent Century) fancast: Daughters of Hürrem Haseki Sultan. Second generation.

1. Hümaşah Sultan (1540-1593) - daughter of Şehzade Mehmed of the Ottoman Empire.Like her cousin Ayşe Hümaşah Sultan, she was reportedly beloved by their grandfather, to whom she wrote letters.She is regarded amongst the most influential women of Suleiman's reign.This affection can be explained, in large measure, by the fact that her late father, Mehmed, was Suleiman's favorite son. It was she who, in 1563, gifted her cousin Şehzade Murad (future Sultan Murad III) with a concubine that would go on to be Safiye Sultan.

2. Ayşe Hümaşah Sultan (1541–1594) -  daughter of Mihrimah Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and Rüstem Pasha. She was her parents' first child and only daughter, and possibly her grandparents' first grandchild as well. She had several brothers, whose number and names are though contested.

3. Ismihan Sultan (1544 – 1585) -  daughter of Selim II and Nurbanu Sultan. She was the most powerful daughter of Selim II because she was married to the Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha. She is famous for having built the Sokollu Mehmed Pasha Mosque and Esmahan Sultan Mosque.

4. Gevherhan Sultan (1544 - after 1604) -  daughter of Sultan Selim II and Nurbanu Sultan. Soon after his succession, Mehmed's son by Handan Sultan, Ahmed I wanted to express his gratitude to Mehmed Pasha and Gevherhan Sultan for the role they had played in bringing his parents together. He also named one of his daughters after her.

5. Şah Sultan (1545 – 1580) -  daughter of Selim II and Nurbanu Sultan. The union of Şah Sultan to Zal Mahmud is said to be a very happy one. They were suited to each another. It was said that, that they fell ill at the same time, lay in their deathbeds together, and expired at the same very moment. 

6. Fatma Sultan (1559–1580) -  daughter of Sultan Selim II. Fatma was born in 1559,during Selim's princedom, at Konya or Karaman where he served as sanjakbey, or provincial governor, at the time.

7. Mihrimah Sultan (1547 – 1594) - daughter of Şehzade Bayezid. Married in 1562 to Damat Müzaffer Pasha.

8. Hatice Sultan and Hanzade Sultan (1550/1556-?) -  daughters of Şehzade Bayezid.

9. Ayşe Sultan (1553- 1572) -  daughter of Şehzade Bayezid. Married in 1562 to Damat Hoca Ali Pasha Eretnaoğlu.

[magnificentlyreused]

This orange, gold and green kaftan was first worn by Şehzade Mustafa in the twenty-second episode of the second season of Magnificent Century. It was worn again by Şehzade Mehmed in the eleventh episode of the third season. The kaftan was also used on Mehmed's younger brother Şehzade Bayezid in the second episode of the fourth season.

[sonmuzik]

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemi (1520 – 1566) – Osmanlı Devleti 10. Padişahı, 75. İslam halifesidir. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman kimdir? Hayatı, Kanuni Sultan Süleyman nasıl öldü eşi Hürrem ve çocukları kimdir? Kanuni Sultan Süleyman neler yaptı, kimlerle savaştı? Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir? I. Süleyman‎, Sultan Süleyman-ı Evvel; 6 Kasım 1494, Trabzon – 7 Eylül 1566, Zigetvar Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun onuncu padişahı ve 89. İslam halifesi ve aynı zamanda Batıda Muhteşem Süleyman, Doğuda ise adaletli yönetimine atfen Kanunî Sultan Süleyman olarak da tanınan I. Süleyman, 1520’den 1566’daki ölümüne kadar, yaklaşık 46 yıl boyunca padişahlık yapmıştır. 13 kez sefere çıkan I. Süleyman, saltanatının toplam 10 yıl 1 ayını seferlerde geçirmiştir.Süleyman böylece imparatorluğun hem en uzun süre görev yapan hem en çok sefere çıkan ve de en uzun süre sefer yapan Osmanlı Sultanı olmuştur. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman; Osmanlı Devleti’nin 10. sultanı ve İslam halifelerinin yetmiş beşincisi. Babası Yavuz Sultan Selim Han, annesi Aişe Hafsa Sultan olup, Kanuni lakabıyla meşhur oldu. Avrupalılar Büyük Türk ve Muhteşem Süleyman lakaplarını verdiler. Muhteşem Süleyman Hayatı Kısaca 10. Osmanlı Padişahı Kanunî Sultan Süleyman (I. Süleyman) 6 Kasım 1494 tarihinde Trabzon’da doğdu. Halife – İki Kutsal Caminin Hizmetkârı I. Süleyman 1520 yılında, babası I. Selim’in ölümünün ardından tahta çıktı. Batıda Belgrad, Rodos, Boğdan ve Macaristan’ın büyük kısmını imparatorluk topraklarına kattı. 1529 yılında Viyana’yı kuşatsa da çeşitli sebeplerden ötürü bu kuşatma başarısızlıkla sonuçlandı. Doğuda, Safevîlerle yapılan savaşlar sonrasında Orta Doğu’nun büyük kısmını ele geçirdi. Afrika’da imparatorluğun sınırları Cezayir’e kadar uzanırken; Osmanlı Donanması ise Akdeniz’den Kızıldeniz’e kadar olan sularda hakimiyet kurmuştu. I. Selim’den 6.557.000 km2 olarak devraldığı Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nu, padişahlığı döneminde 14.893.000 km2’ye ulaştırmıştır. Zigetvar Kuşatması’nın sonlanmasından bir gün önce, 7 Eylül 1566 tarihinde 71 yaşındayken hayatını kaybetti ve yerine oğlu II. Selim geçti. Hüküm süresi ; 30 Eylül 1520 – 7 Eylül 1566 Kanunî Sultan Süleyman’dan önce gelen padişah I. Selim, sonra gelen padişah ise oğlu II. Selim’dir. Sultan Süleyman’ın eşleri sırasıyla; Hürrem Sultan, Mahidevran Sultan, Gülfem Hatun, Fülane Hatun Hürrem Sultan, Sancak beyliği veya 1520’deki tahta çıkışının ardından haremine girdiği tahmin edilen cariyelerindendir. Hürrem Sultan, 1521’de Mehmed’ı, 1522’de Mihrimah’ı, 1522 veya 1523’de Abdullah’ı, 1524’de Selim’ı, 1525’de Bayezid’ı, 1531’de Cihangir’ı dünyaya getirdi. 15 Nisan 1558’de vefat etti. Toplam 11 çocuğu vardır, çocuklarının isimleri; Şehzade Mahmud, Şehzade Mustafa, Şehzade Murad, Şehzade Mehmed, Mihrimah Sultan, Şehzade Abdullah, Raziye Sultan, Şehzade Ahmed, II. Selim, Şehzade Bayezid, Şehzade Cihangir Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemi Yavuz Sultan Selim’in tek oğludur. Annesi Hafsa Sultan Kırım Hanı Mengli Giray’ın kızıdır. Kanuni Süleyman, Trabzon’da, babası orada sancakbeyi iken doğdu, Zigetvar Seferi sırasında 71 yaşında öldü. 46 yıl tahtta kaldı ki, bu Osmanlı padişahlarının en uzun saltanat süresidir. Kanunî Sultan Süleyman, 1520’de babası Yavuz Sultan Selim’in beklenmeyen ölümü üzerine 25 yaşında tahta çıktı. Saltanatı hemen hemen hep savaşlarla geçti. 29 ağustos 1521’de Macaristan’ın en önemli kalesi, kilit noktası olan Belgrat’ı aldı. 1522’de Rodos adasını ele geçirerek buradaki Rodos şövalyeleri devletine son verdi. Almanya İmparatoru Şarlken’in eline esir düşen Fransa Kralı I. François (Fransua) nın yardım istemesi üzerine, Şarlken’e karşı savaş açtı. Mohaç’ta 2 saat içinde Macar ordusunu yok etti. Macaristan’ı haritadan sildi. Bec’i (Viyana’yı) kuşattıysa da bastıran kış üzerine 16 ekim 1529’da kuşatmayı kaldırdı. 1532’de Almanlar’dan Graz şehrini aldı. 1534’de çıktığı Irak seferinde Hamedan’ı, dünyanın en ünlü şehirlerinden biri olan Bağdat’ı aldı. Irak’ta Safevîler’in egemenliğine son verdi. Doğu Anadolu’da İran’ın elinde bulunan son toprakları Erzurum’la Van’ı ele geçirerek Türkiye’nin bugünkü doğu sınırlarını çizmiş oldu. 1536’da Korfu, Bordan (Moldavya) seferlerinden sonra düzenlediği Budin seferinde Macaristan’ın yönetim şeklini değiştirdi, bir eyalet olarak İstanbul’a bağladı. Estergon seferiyle, Macaristan’ı Almanya’nın istilasından kurtardı. 1547’de Almanya – İspanya ile yapılan barışta V. Karl (Şarlken) en ağır şartları kabul zorunda kaldı. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Avrupa’daki egemenliği en yüksek noktasına çıkmıştı. Kanuni Süleyman 1553’te üçüncü defa İran üzerine yürüdü. Karabağ’ı, Nahcıvan’ı aldı. İki yıla yakın süren bu seferden dönerken, 35 yıl içinde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nu iki kat genişletmiş bulunuyordu. Estergon Zaferi Kanunî’nin en büyük zaferlerinden biri Estergon Seferi’dir. Bir yıl süren bu seferde, Viyana ile Budin arasındaki en önemli kale olan, Türk akıncılarının bundan böyle başlıca merkezlerinden biri haline gelen Estergon, Almanlar’dan geri alındı. Bali Paşa’nın 24 kasım 1542’de kazandığı bu büyük zafer, Macaristan’ı Alman imparatoru’ nun istilâsından kurtarmıştı. Yalnız, Almanlar’ın giriştiği o taarruzun cezasını vermek gerekiyordu. Kanunî’nin bu seferi (1543) maksadı sağladığı gibi, Macaristan’ı Osmanlı Imparatorluğu’na daha sıkı bağlarla bağladı. Bu sıralarda, 1543 yazında, Barbaros da batıdan V. Karl’a (Şarlken)e ağır darbeler vurdu, Nice’i aldı, Roma’ya 15 km. yaklaştı, Fransa’yı himayesine aldı. 19 haziran 1547’de Almanya – İspanya ile barış yapıldı; V. Karl, en ağır şartları kabul zorunda kaldı; Osmanlı devletine yıllık haraç vermeyi bile taahhüt etti. Avrupa’da Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun nüfuzu şahikasına çıktı, Habsburglar’ın itibarı azaldı. Lehistan, Rusya, Fransa, bazan ingiltere ile Venedik, Osmanlı devletinin nüfuzuna girdiler. Venedik, Rusya ve Lehistan Osmanlılar’a yıllık vergi veriyor, Fransa, Osmanlı devletinden büyük para, silah yardımı görüyordu. Vefatı Kanunî Süleyman son çıktığı Zigetvar seferinde 7 Eylül 1566 tarihinde 71 yaşındayken gut hastalığı sebebiyle vefat etti. Veziriâzam (başbakan) Sokullu Mehmet Paşa, padişahın sağ kalan tek oğlu şehzade Selim (II. Selim) Belgrat’a gelinceye kadar Kanunî’nin ölümünü ordudan sakladı. Cenazesi sonradan İstanbul’a getirilerek Süleymaniye Camisi’ndeki türbesine gömüldü. Süleyman’ın vefatının ardından yerine oğlu II. Selim geçti. Kanunî, Osmanlı tarihinin en büyük hükümdarlarından biridir, imparatorluğu dünyanın en büyük ülkesi durumuna getirmiştir. Avrupalılar ona «Muhteşem» derler. Türkler de, hakseverliği, yaptığı kanunlardan ötürü «Kanunî» adını vermişlerdir. Kanunî Süleyman Fatih’ten sonra Osmanlılar’ın en büyük devlet, siyaset adamı, Yavuz’ dan sonra da Osmanlılar’ın yetiştirdiği en büyük asker olarak kabul edilir. Kanunî «Muhibbî» takma adıyla şiir de yazardı. “Halk içinde mûteber bir nesne yok devlet gibi Olmaya devlet cihanda bir nefes sıhhat gibi” beyti pek tanınmıştır. Kanuni’nin Mezarı / Türbesi Nerede? 28 Kasım 1566 yılında 71 yaşında vefat eden Kanuni Sultan Süleyman’ın mezarı ve türbesi Süleymaniye Camii’nde bulunmaktadır. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemindeki Faaliyetler Kanuni Sultan Süleyman ne yaptı? Yavuz Sultan Selim Döneminde Osmanlı Devleti’nin doğu sorunları neredeyse çözülmüştü, bu yüzden Kanuni tahta çıkar çıkmaz batıya yöneldi. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemi Özellikleri (1520 – 1566) Sultan Süleyman Osmanlı hanedanı içinde en uzun süre tahtta kalan padişahtır. Baba Zünnun ve Kalender çelebi isyanları Sadrazam İbrahim Paşa tarafından bastırılmıştır. 1521’de belgratı alarak 1526 da Mohaç Savaşıyla Macaristanın büyük bir kısmı alınmıştır. Bunun üzerine Avusturyalılar memnun olmamışlar.Osmanlı Venediği kuşatmış ama ele geçirememişlerdir.1533 İstanbul Antlaşması imzalanmıştır. Antlaşamaya göre: Avusturya Arşüdükası Osmanlı Sadrazamına eşit sayılacaktır.(bu madde ile Avusturya Osmanlının üstün oldugunu kabul etmiştir.) Avusturya savaş tazminatı verecek idi. 1535 de fransaya geçici kapütülasyonlar verildi. 1565 İran ile Amasya Antlaşması imzalandı.(bu antlaşma Osmanlı ile iran arasındaki ilk antlaşmadır.) 1522 Rodos adası fethedildi. 1538 Barbaros Hayrettin Paşa ile PREVEZE DENİZ SAVAŞI kazanılmış Akdeniz türk gölü haline gelmiştir. 1534 cezayir,1551 Trablusgarp fethedildi. Barbaros Hayrettin Paşa ve Kitab-ı Bahriye adılı kitabıyla PİRİ REİS Osmanlı deniz hizmetinde görev yapmışlardır. Ünlü şarkiyâtçılarından Ortalon’un şu sözleri onun nasıl bir padişah olduğunu göstermesi bakımından önemlidir: “Sultân Süleyman’ın eserleri bir sıraya konulsa, en alt katta muhârebeleri, onun üstünde bıraktığı âbideler ve en üstte ise, kurmuş olduğu ilmî ve hukukî müesseseler gelir.” “Gazelleri inceden inceye işlenmiş hayaller ve söz oyunlarıyla doludur. Sade yazmaktan ve zaman zaman ustaca kaleme alınmış kahramanlık şiirleri nazmetmekten hoşlanan bir şairdir.” (Ahmet Atilla Şentürk) Kenan Işık kimdir KAYNAKÇA (Başlıcaları): Nihat Sami Banarlı / Resimli Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi (Kanuni Sultan Süleyman I, s. 567-570), Prof. Dr. M. Tayyip Gökbilgin / Kanuni Sultan Süleyman (1992), Ahmet Atilla Şentürk / Osmanlı Şiiri Antolojisi (1999), Coşkun Ak / Şair Padişahlar (2001), Güler Tüzün / Muhteşem Süleyman (Tarihte Olağanüstü Kişiler, s.19, 2004) – Kanuni (Britannica Bilgi Hazinesi, s. 477, 2008), İhsan Işık / TEKAA (2006), Yavuz Bahadıroğlu / Kanuni Sultan Süleyman: Muhteşem Padişah (Osmanlı Tarihi, s.157-189, 2009), Mustafa Armağan / Avrupa’nın Patronu Kim Olacak? “Kanuni’nin casuslarından mektup var!” (Kır Zincirlerini Osmanlı, s.158-161, 2010). Read the full article

[nikosdejavu]

Nikos Deja Vu - Χουρέμ Σουλτάν (Αλεξάνδρα)  - For the love of Hürrem (Roxelana)

Χιουρέμ Σουλτάνα

Η Χουρέμ Σουλτάν (προφέρεται: [hyrˈrem suɫ'tan], (Οθ. Τούρκικα: خُرَّم سلطان), Τούρκικα: Hürrem Sultan, 1504-15 Απριλίου 1558) ήταν η αγαπημένη σύζυγος του σουλτάνου της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας Σουλεϊμάν Α΄ του Μεγαλοπρεπούς. Το πλήρες όνομά της ήταν Αλεξάνδρα Αναστασία Λισόφσκα. Ως Ροξελάνη είναι γνωστή στα ευρωπαϊκά κυρίως κείμενα, ενώ ως Χιουρέμ στα τουρκικά. Το όνομα Χιουρέμ της δόθηκε από τον ίδιο τον Σουλεϊμάν Α΄ και σημαίνει «η προσηνής, αυτή που σε κάνει χαρούμενο». Η Χιουρέμ Σουλτάν ήταν η γυναίκα που έθεσε τα θεμέλια του Σουλτανάτου των Γυναικών.

Ο πλήρης τίτλος της ήταν: Devletlû İsmetlû Hürrem Hâseki Sultân Ahiyât-üs Şân Hâzretleri.

Σύμφωνα με πηγές του 16ου και του 17ου αιώνα, φαίνεται ότι ο πατέρας της Χιουρέμ ήταν Γάλλος Ορθόδοξος παπάς. Τη δεκαετία του 1520 την απήγαγαν Κριμαίοι Τάταροι κατά τη διάρκεια μίας από τις συχνές επιδρομές τους και οδηγήθηκε ως σκλάβα, πιθανώς πρώτα στην κριμαϊκή πόλη Καφφά και αργότερα στην Κωνσταντινούπολη, από όπου και επιλέχθηκε για το χαρέμι του σουλτάνου Σουλεϊμάν. Γρήγορα κέρδισε την προσοχή του Σουλεϊμάν και προσέλκυσε τη ζήλια των αντιπάλων της. Κάποια μέρα η πρώτη ανάμεσα στις γυναίκες του χαρεμιού του Σουλεϊμάν, η Μαχιντεβράν Σουλτάν (που επίσης ονομαζόταν Γκιουλμπαχάρ, ήρθε σε διαμάχη με τη Χιουρέμ και την τραυμάτισε βαριά. Εξοργισμένος από αυτό το γεγονός, ο Σουλεϊμάν εξόρισε την Μαχιντεβράν στην επαρχιακή πόλη Μανίσα, μαζί με το γιο της και διάδοχο του θρόνου Μουσταφά.

Μετά από αυτά, η Χουρέμ έλαβε τον τίτλο της Χασεκί Σουλτάν. Αρκετά χρόνια αργότερα, εξαιτίας του φόβου για επανάσταση (φόβος που ίσως προκλήθηκε από την Χιουρέμ), ο Σουλεϊμάν διέταξε να στραγγαλιστεί ο Μουσταφά.

Μετά το θάνατο του γιου της, η Μαχιντεβράν έχασε την ισχύ της στο παλάτι ως μητέρα του διαδόχου και αποσύρθηκε στην Προύσα. Η επιρροή που ασκούσε η Χουρέμ στον σουλτάνο σύντομα έγινε καταλυτική.

Η ίδια επρόκειτο να χαρίσει στον Σουλεϊμάν έξι παιδιά: τον Ηγεμόνα Μεχμέτ (Şehzade Mehmed), την Μιχριμάχ Σουλτάν (Mihrimah Sultan), τον Ηγεμόνα Αμπντουλάχ (Şehzade Abdullah), τον Σελίμ Β΄ (Selim II), τον Ηγεμόνα Μπεγιαζίτ (Bayezid) και τον Ηγεμόνα Τζιχανγκίρ (Cihangir) σε μια εκπληκτική ρήξη με την παράδοση, καθώς η ίδια ήταν πρώην χριστιανή.

Τελικά έγινε νόμιμη σύζυγος του σουλτάνου. Αυτό της έδωσε μεγαλύτερη ισχύ στο παλάτι και στο τέλος κατόρθωσε να κάνει έναν από τους γιους της, τον Σελίμ, κληρονόμο της Αυτοκρατορίας. Επίσης η Χιουρέμ ίσως να έδρασε και ως σύμβουλος του σουλτάνου σε θέματα του κράτους, και φαίνεται να είχε μεγάλη επιρροή σε ζητήματα εξωτερικής και διεθνούς πολιτικής. Δύο από τα γράμματά της στον βασιλιά Σιγισμούνδο Β΄ της Πολωνίας αποδεικνύουν ότι κατά τη διάρκεια της ζωής της η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία είχε σε γενικές γραμμές ειρηνικές σχέσεις με το Πολωνικό κράτος στα πλαίσια μιας Οθωμανο-Πολωνικής συμμαχίας.

Επιπλέον, μερικοί ιστορικοί πιστεύουν ότι πιθανώς εκείνη επενέβη στον σύζυγό της για να περιοριστούν οι αρπαγές σκλάβων από τους Τατάρους της Κριμαίας στην περιοχή απ' όπου καταγόταν. Πέρα από την ενασχόλησή της με την πολιτική, η Χιουρέμ ασχολήθηκε επίσης με διάφορα σημαντικά έργα σε δημόσια κτίρια, από την Μέκκα έως την Ιερουσαλήμ. Ανάμεσα στα πρώτα ιδρύματα που κατασκεύασε ήταν ένα τζαμί, δύο μεντρεσέδες (σχολεία για τη διδαχή του Κορανίου), ένα συντριβάνι και ένα γυναικείο νοσοκομείο που βρισκόταν κοντά στο σκλαβοπάζαρο γυναικών (Avrat Pazarı) στην Κωνσταντινούπολη.

Επιπλέον καθιέρωσε ένα λουτρό, το Χασεκί Χουρέμ Σουλτάν Χαμάμ, για να εξυπηρετείται η κοινότητα των προσκυνητών του τεμένους της Αγίας Σοφίας. Η ίδια ίδρυσε επίσης το 1552 στην Ιερουσαλήμ το Χασεκί Σουλτάν Ιμαρέτ, ένα δημόσιο συσσίτιο απόρων όπου παρεχόταν φαγητό στους φτωχούς και σ' αυτούς που το είχαν ανάγκη. Η Χουρέμ Σουλτάν πέθανε από καρδιά το 1558 στις 15 Απριλίου και θάφτηκε σ' ένα θολωτό μαυσωλείο (τουρμπέ), διακοσμημένο με εξαίσια πλακίδια Νικαίας (τουρκ. İznik, η Νίκαια της Βιθυνίας) που απεικονίζουν τον κήπο του παραδείσου, πιθανώς προς τιμήν του γελαστού και χαρούμενου χαρακτήρα της. Το μαυσωλείο της βρίσκεται δίπλα σε αυτό του Σουλεϊμάν, ένα ξεχωριστό μαυσωλείο με πιο λιτή δομή του θολωτού, στον κήπο του Τζαμιού του Σουλεϊμάν...

Roxelana Hürrem Sultan

Hürrem Sultan, Her Imperial Majesty, The Empress- consort of the Ottman Empire or Karima, birth name Roxelana (c. 1510 - April 18, 1558) was the only legal wife of Süleyman the Magnificent of the Ottoman Empire. Sixteenth-century sources are silent as to her maiden name, but much later traditions, for example Ukrainian folk traditions first recorded in the 19th century, give it as "Anastasia" (diminutive: "Nastia"), and Polish traditions give it as "Aleksandra Lisowska". She was known mainly as Hürrem Sultan or Hürrem "balsaq" Sultan; in European languages as Roxolena, transliterated as Roxolana, Roxelane, Rossa, Ruziac; in Turkish as Hürrem (from Persian: خرم - Khurram, "the cheerful one"); and in Arabic as Karima (Arabic: كريمة‎, "the noble one"). "Roxelana" might be not a proper name but a nickname, referring to her Ukrainian heritage (cf. the common contemporary name Ruslana); "Roxolany" or "Roxelany" was one of the names of East Slavs, inhabitants of the present Ukraine, up to the 15th century. Thus her name would literally mean "the Ruthenian one" or "the Ukrainian one".

According to late-16th-century and early-17th-century sources, such as the Polish poet Samuel Twardowski, who researched the subject in Turkey, Hürrem was born to a father who was a Ukrainian ("Ruthenian" in the terminology of the day) Orthodox priest. She was born in the town of Rohatyn, 68 km southeast of Lviv, a major city of Galicia which was then part of the Kingdom of Poland, today in western Ukraine. She was captured by Crimean Tatars during one of their frequent raids into this region and taken as a slave, probably first to the Crimean city of Kaffa, a major centre of the slave trade, then to Istanbul, and was selected for Süleyman's harem. She quickly came to the attention of her master, and attracted the jealousy of her rivals. One day Süleyman's favorite, the concubine Mahidevran (also called "Gul Bahar", the Flower of Spring), got into a fight with Hürrem and beat her badly. Upset by this, Süleyman banished Mahidevran to the provincial capital of Manisa, together with her son, the heir apparent, Prince Mustafa. Thereafter, Hürrem became Süleyman's unrivalled favorite or haseki. Many years later, probably at the instigation of Hürrem, the Sultan ordered Mustafa to be strangled. Hürrem's influence over the Sultan soon became legendary; she was to bear Süleyman five children and, in an astonishing break with tradition, eventually was freed and became his legal wife. This strengthened her position in the palace and eventually led to one of her sons, Selim, inheriting the empire. Hürrem also may have acted as Süleyman's adviser on matters of state, and seems to have had an influence upon foreign affairs and international politics. Two of her letters to the Polish King Sigismund II Augustus have been preserved, and during her lifetime, the Ottoman Empire generally had peaceful relations with the Polish state. Some historians also believe that she may have intervened with her husband to control Crimean Tatar slave-raiding in her native land. Aside from her political concerns, Hürrem engaged in several major works of public buildings, from Mecca to Jerusalem, perhaps modeling her charitable foundations in part after the caliph Harun al-Rashid's consort Zubaida. Among her first foundations were a mosque, two Koranic schools (madrassa), a fountain, and a women's hospital near the women's slave market (Avret Pazary) in Istanbul. She also commissioned a bath, the Haseki Hürrem Sultan Hamamı, to serve the community of worshipers in the nearby Hagia Sophia. In Jerusalem she established in 1552 the Hasseki Sultan Imaret, a public soup kitchen to feed the poor and the needy. As well, some of her embroidery, or at least that done under her supervision, has survived, examples being given in 1547 to Tahmasp I, the Shah of Iran, and in 1549 to King Sigismund Augustus of Poland. Hürrem died on April 18, 1558. She is buried in a domed mausoleum (türbe) decorated in exquisite Iznik tiles depicting the garden of paradise, perhaps in homage to her smiling and joyful nature. Her mausoleum is adjacent to Süleyman's, a separate and more somber domed structure, at the Süleymaniye Mosque. Hürrem, or Roxelana, as she is better known in Europe, is well-known both in modern Turkey and in the West, and is the subject of many artistic works. She has inspired paintings, musical works (including Joseph Haydn's Symphony No. 63), an opera by Denys Sichynsky, a ballet, plays, and several novels written mainly in Ukrainian, but also in English, French, and German. In 2007, Muslims in Mariupol, a port city in Ukraine, opened a mosque to honor Roxelana....

For the love of Hürrem (Roxelana)

The song in the video is in Russian language Automatic English Translation: "My dreams brought me now To the house of my dreams My heart is in the Emptiness forever In Rogatina, under the rain I am taking an oath On a little girl who is dancing That her dreams are to become real At the bright blue skies The lost northern star Banished dreams to the moonlight The past will be lost and gone If the waves has embraced your soul Like telling all the things My heart made her peace with the tears Nastasia, farewell..."

Nikos Deja Vu n1999k.blogspot.com

[magnificentlyreused]

This brown and golden kaftan was first worn by Şehzade Mehmed in the twenty-seventh episode of the second season of Magnificent Century. It then appeared twice in the third season, first on Şehzade Bayezid in the twenty-second episode and then on a guest in the thirty-sixth episode. The kaftan was also worn by Şehzade Murad (later Sultan Murad III) in the eighteenth episode of the fourth season.

Magnificent Century: Kösem used the kaftan on Şehzade Murad (later Sultan Murad IV) in the twenty-second episode of the first season.

[magnificentlyreused]

This grey and black coat was first worn by Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey in the twelth episode of the second season of Magnificent Century. It is worn again by Şehzade Bayezid in the sixth episode of the fourth season.

[magnificentlyreused]

This green shirt with black dots was first worn by Şehzade Mehmed in the tenth episode of the first season of Magnificent Century. It was used again three times in the second season, first on Şehzade Bayezid in the fourteenth episode, then on Şehzade Selim (later Sultan Selim II) in the eighteenth episode and lastly on Şehzade Cihangir in the the twenty-ninth episode. The shirt was also worn twice in the fourth season by Şehzade Murad (later Sultan Murad III) and Şehzade Bayezid's son Mehmed in the eleventh and thirty-fourth episode, respectively.

Magnificent Century: Kösem used the shirt three times during its first season on Şehzade Osman (later Sultan Osman II), Şehzade Mehmed and Şehzade Ibrahim (later Sultan Ibrahim) in the fifteenth, twentieth and twenty-first episodes.