#Bharatiya Janata Party Workers Assault

[absartakespictures]

How social media is being used to build political communities.

Building political communities has benefited greatly from the use of social media. Regardless of where they live, it enables people to connect with others who share their political opinions. Additionally, it makes it simpler for people to band together and support political issues.

Social media is being utilised in a variety of ways to create political communities. Using groups and forums is one popular method. People may organise events, share information, and discuss politics in these groups and forums. For instance, there are Facebook groups for people who support certain political issues as well as groups for fans of each of the main political parties.

Utilising hashtags is just another way that social media is being utilised to create political communities. People may use hashtags to search for and connect with others who are discussing similar political concerns. For instance, the #MeToo hashtag has been utilised to create a community of those who have been the victims of sexual harassment or assault.

Social media is also being used to create political communities by giving political figures and activists a forum to communicate with their followers. Political leaders may mobilise their fans, offer their opinions, and make announcements on social media. Social media may be used by activists to organise protests, gather money, and spread awareness of vital topics.

The development and organisation of political communities has been significantly impacted by social media. It has made it simpler for individuals to interact with political leaders and activists, organise and mobilise around political issues, and connect with those who share their political beliefs.

Here are some concrete instances of how political communities are being formed through the usage of social media:

Social media has been utilised by the Black Lives Matter movement in the US to create a network of activists opposing racial injustice. The campaign spreads awareness of police brutality and violence against Black people using hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter and #SayHerName. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India has amassed a sizable following among young people thanks to social media. The party mobilises its members through social media to propagate its message of Hindu nationalism. The Workers' Party (PT) in Brazil has reached out to its followers in rural regions through social media. The party posts information about its initiatives on social media and also share information about its programs.

Benefits of building political communities on social media

Building political networks on social media has several advantages. First, social media facilitates communication amongst people who hold similar political beliefs. People may feel less alone and more a part of a larger community as a result of this.

Second, social media facilitates the organisation and mobilisation of individuals behind political issues. This is so that individuals may more quickly exchange information, plan activities, and find supporters thanks to social media networks.

Third, social media gives political figures and activists a way to communicate with their followers. This might encourage people to take action and raise public knowledge of political concerns.

Challenges of building political communities on social media

Even while there are numerous advantages, creating political communities on social media has certain drawbacks. The transmission of false information and disinformation via social media is a problem. This can lead to polarisation and conflict within political communities and make it difficult for individuals to determine which information to believe.

The potential for echo chambers in social media is another issue. People in this situation are only given information and viewpoints that support their preexisting ideas. This may cause people to solidify their opinions and become less receptive to novel concepts.

[warningsine]

KOLKATA, India (AP) — Police in India fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse thousands of protesters demanding the resignation of a top elected official in the country’s east, accusing her of mishandling an investigation into a rape and killing of a resident doctor earlier this month.

The Aug. 9 killing of the 31-year-old physician while on duty at Kolkata city’s R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital triggered protests across India, focusing on the chronic issue of violence against women in the country. Kolkata is the capital of West Bengal state.

The protesters say the assault highlights the vulnerability of health care workers in hospitals across India.

Protesters from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party tried to break the police cordon and march to the office of Mamta Banerjee, whose Trinamool Congress party rules the West Bengal state, and demanded her resignation.

Modi’s party is the main opposition party in West Bengal. Police had banned its rally and blocked the roads.

Police officers wielding batons pushed back the demonstrators and fired tear gas and water cannons. Four student activists were arrested ahead of the rally, police said, accusing them of trying to orchestrate large-scale violence.

India’s top court last week set up a national task force of doctors to make recommendations on the safety of health care workers at the workplace. The Supreme Court said the panel would frame guidelines for the protection of medical professionals and health care workers nationwide.

An autopsy of the killed doctor later confirmed sexual assault, and a police volunteer was detained in connection with the crime. The family of the victim alleged it was a case of a gang rape and more were involved.

In the days since, mounting anger has boiled over into nationwide outrage and stirred protests over violence against women. The protests have also led thousands of doctors and paramedics to walk out of some public hospitals across India and demand a safer working environment. The walkouts have affected thousands of patients across India.

Women in India continue to face rising violence despite tough laws that were implemented following the gang rape and murder of a 23-year-old student on a moving bus in Delhi in 2012.

That attack had inspired lawmakers to order harsher penalties for such crimes and set up fast-track courts dedicated to rape cases. The government also introduced the death penalty for repeat offenders.

[tfgadgets]

Bengal BJP leaders allege female worker was assaulted in ‘post poll violence’

The West Bengal unit of BJP alleged that a female leader of the party’s Minority Morcha was beaten up by TMC supporters in the Cooch Behar district. | Photo Credit: DIBYANGSHU SARKAR The West Bengal unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) alleged on Friday that a female leader of the party’s Minority Morcha was beaten up by Trinamool Congress supporters in the Cooch Behar district. Leader…

[sonita0526]

सरकार के खिलाफ प्रदर्शन और कलेक्टरेट घेरने पर पुलिस ने सुमित्रा महाजन, राकेश सिंह समेत एक सैकड़ा भाजपाइयों को हिरासत में लिया

सरकार के खिलाफ प्रदर्शन और कलेक्टरेट घेरने पर पुलिस ने सुमित्रा महाजन, राकेश सिंह समेत एक सैकड़ा भाजपाइयों को हिरासत में लिया

इंदौर.भू-माफिया की आड़ में भाजपा कार्यकर्ताओं को प्रताड़ित करने और सरकार की वादाखिलाफी के खिलाफ भाजपाइयों ने शुक्रवार को कलेक्ट्रेट का घेराव करते हुए उग्र प्रदर्शन किया। इस दौरान भाजपाइयों ने कमलनाथ सरकार के खिलाफनारेबाजी की। भाजपाकोप्रशासन ने केवल सभा करने कीअनुमति दी थी, लेकिन प्रदर्शन और कलेक्ट्रेट का घेराव करने पर पुलिस ने पूर्व लोक सभास्पीकर सुमित्रा महाजन,महापौर मालिनी गौड,प्रदेश अध्यक्ष…

[bountyofbeads]

Four Million Indians in One State Risk Being Denied Citizenship. Most Are Muslims. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/17/world/asia/india-muslims-narendra-modi.html

Donald Trump’s and Stephen Miller’s "nativist" policies are reverberating around the the world. 😢😢😭😭

Four Million Indians Risk Being Denied Citizenship. Most Are Muslims.

By Jeffrey Gettleman and Hari Kumar

Aug. 17, 2019

NEW DELHI — More than four million people in India, mostly Muslims, are at risk of being declared foreign migrants as the government pushes a hard-line Hindu nationalist agenda that has challenged the country’s pluralist traditions and aims to redefine what it means to be Indian.

The hunt for migrants is unfolding in Assam, a poor, hilly state near the borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh. Many of the people whose citizenship is now being questioned were born in India and have enjoyed all the rights of citizens, such as voting in elections.

State authorities are rapidly expanding foreigner tribunals and planning to build huge new detention camps. Hundreds of people have been arrested on suspicion of being a foreign migrant — including a Muslim veteran of the Indian Army. Local activists and lawyers say the pain of being left off a preliminary list of citizens and the prospect of being thrown into jail have driven dozens to suicide.

But the governing party of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is not backing down.

Instead, it is vowing to bring this campaign to force people to prove they are citizens to other parts of India, part of a far-reaching Hindu nationalist program fueled by Mr. Modi’s sweeping re-election victory in May and his stratospheric popularity.

Members of India’s Muslim minority are growing more fearful by the day. Assam’s anxiously watched documentation of citizenship — a drive that began years ago and is scheduled to wrap up on Aug. 31 — coincides with another setback for Muslims, this one transpiring more than a thousand miles away.

Less than two weeks ago, Mr. Modi unilaterally wiped out the statehood of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Jammu and Kashmir, removing its special autonomy and turning it into a federal territory without any consultation with local leaders — many of whom have since been arrested.

Among Mr. Modi’s critics, events in Assam and Kashmir are Exhibits A and B in their conviction that the prime minister is using the early months of his second term to push the most forceful and divisive Hindu nationalist agenda  ever attempted in India and to fundamentally reconfigure the concept of Indian identity to be synonymous with being Hindu. Many Indians, on both sides of the political divide, see Assam and Kashmir as harbingers of the direction Mr. Modi will take this nation of 1.3 billion people in the coming years.

The stated purpose of the citizenship dragnet in Assam is to find undocumented immigrants from Bangladesh — a predominantly Muslim country to its south. Amit Shah, India’s powerful home minister, has repeatedly referred to those immigrants as “termites.’’

All of the 33 million residents of Assam have had to prove, with documentary evidence, that they or their ancestors were Indian citizens before early 1971, when Bangladesh was established after breaking away from Pakistan. That is not easy. Many families are racing to get their hands on a decades-old property deed or fraying birth certificate with an ancestor’s name on it.

Beyond this, Mr. Modi’s government has tried to pass a bill in Parliament that carves out exemptions for Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and people from other religions — but leaves out Muslims.

Mr. Modi’s critics say he is playing a dangerous game and pulling apart the diverse, delicate social fabric that has existed in India for centuries.

The prime minister’s political roots lie in a Hindu nationalist movement that emphasizes the religion’s supremacy. This worldview has a long history of sowing division between the country’s Hindu majority and Muslim minority, at times exploding in violence.

Assam has been hit by its own troubles and ethnic bloodshed. But the violence being reported now is self-inflicted.

Noor Begum, who lived in a small hamlet in a flood-soaked district, spiraled into depression after finding out that she and her mother had been excluded from the citizenship lists. Her father and seven siblings had made it.

It didn’t make any sense to the family: Why, if they all lived together and were born in the same place, would some be considered Indian while others illegal foreigners?

“Of course she was Indian,” said her father, Abdul Kalam, a retired laborer. “She used to sing Indian national songs at school. She felt very Indian.”

On a bright morning in June, Noor hanged herself from a rafter. She was 14.

Many Muslims in Kashmir are despondent as well. After Mr. Modi’s government erased Kashmir’s autonomy, thousands of outraged Kashmiris took to the streets, only to be locked down by a heavy deployment of security forces and a smothering communications blackout.

Kashmir has long been a flash point. Both India and Pakistan control different parts of it and several times, the tensions have driven the two nuclear armed rivals to war or dangerously close to it.

Though the Indian government has eased some of the communication restrictions in the past few days, hundreds of Kashmiri intellectuals are still under arrest and Pakistan is seething.

The tension with Pakistan tends to lift Mr. Modi’s political fortunes. His forceful stand against India’s No. 1 enemy just adds to his image as an unswerving patriot and one of the most decisive and powerful prime ministers India has produced in decades.

Many in India’s Hindu majority don’t object to Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalist policies or even seem to think too much about them. They praise what they see as the strides he has made in fighting poverty and projecting a more muscular image of India on the world stage.

But critics say his Hindu nationalist beliefs are central to who he is and intentionally divisive, engineered to win votes from the Hindu majority. India is about 80 percent Hindu and 14 percent Muslim. (Christians, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists make up most of the rest of the population.)

A small but vocal minority of left-leaning intellectuals, Muslim leaders and opposition politicians has tried to turn public opinion against Mr. Modi’s policies without much success.

What is happening in Assam and Kashmir “is an assault on the very imagination of India, of the freedom struggle, of the Constitution, of the idea of a country in which everyone belongs equally,” said Harsh Mander, a former civil servant turned human rights activist.

“Muslims are the enemy,” he said. “It’s a war on the Indian Constitution.”

Ashutosh Varshney, the head of Brown University’s South Asia program, said that India “in all probability and unless checked is headed toward a Hindu nationalist, majoritarian state.”

With the political opposition in total disarray and all government agencies — especially the bureaucracy and the security apparatus — firmly in Mr. Modi’s hands, Mr. Varshney said the only hope for India’s secular democracy is in the courts.

But, he cautioned, “The judiciary might well surrender.”

Even a streak of alarming headlines in recent weeks, including big job losses in the auto sector, deadly flooding across the country and a new outbreak of violence by Hindu mobs against Muslims, hasn’t dented Mr. Modi’s popularity.

Outsiders may wonder how any political movement in India could question Muslims’ contribution to society. India is a thoroughly multicultural place, and Muslims have contributed for centuries, even ruling the country at times. Muslim emperors built some of India’s brightest cultural treasures, including the Taj Mahal.

But since Mr. Modi took office in 2014, government bodies have rewritten history books, lopping out sections on Muslim rulers, and changed official place names to Hindu from Muslim. Hindu mobs have lynched dozens of Muslims; participants are rarely punished.

Mr. Modi and allies in his Bharatiya Janata Party, known as the B.J.P., have denied any anti-Muslim bias and rejected criticism that the way they have handled the mass citizenship check in Assam has been harsh or discriminatory. State level officials in Assam said this was purely an administrative exercise to ferret out people who have no legal right to stay in India.

Rupam Goswami, a spokesman for the state B.J.P. party, said the registry “is only a process of documentation.”

Like much of India, Assam has reflected a tapestry of different ethnic groups and religions for as long as anyone can remember. Its beautiful tea estates have attracted flocks of migrant workers.

But many indigenous Assamese, who are mostly Hindu, have resented immigrants from Bangladesh, saying that the ethnic Bengalis were coming into their state and taking away their jobs and their land. In 1983, this locals-versus-outsider enmity blew up.

Assamese villagers slaughtered more than 1,000 ethnic Bengalis, many of them Muslim — scholars say that most ethnic Bengalis in Assam are Muslim. In 2012, another smaller wave of violence erupted.

The next year, India’s Supreme Court set in motion a process for a large-scale registration of citizens to be updated in Assam. This would determine who was an Indian and who was not. The deadline for residents to provide documentary proof that they or their ancestors have a legacy as Indian citizens, going back to March 1971 or earlier, has been extended several times.

Though this issue predates Mr. Modi’s taking India’s reins in 2014, the B.J.P. has aggressively backed the process, with Mr. Shah vowing to clear out all the “termites.’’

When a preliminary Assam citizenship list was published in 2018, leaving off four million people, scholars said the majority were Muslim but large numbers of Bengali-speaking Hindus were also excluded.

The B.J.P. then had to regroup. Its response was to push a new citizenship bill that said migrants from neighboring countries who were Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsees or Jains would be eligible for Indian citizenship. One of South Asia’s biggest religious groups was conspicuously left off: Muslims.

The government said it was trying to help religious minorities from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. To critics, it looked like another anti-Muslim campaign, plain and simple.

The bill sailed through the lower house of Parliament but stalled after many Assamese politicians said they didn’t like the religious dimension the B.J.P. was injecting — or the possibility that the large number of Hindu Bengalis would be given an exception. Some B.J.P. politicians say they want to revive it.

Many of the people whose names were left off the list were born in India, lived here all their lives and were considered citizens in every right.

One of them was Mohammed Sanaullah, a retired army captain. In May, he was picked up on suspicion of being an illegal migrant and jailed for nearly two weeks.

Mr. Sanaullah said he was totally demoralized.

“I am an Indian, my father is an Indian, my grandfather was an Indian, my forefathers were Indian. They were all born in India. We will be Indian forever,” he said.

The Assam state government sends suspected foreign migrants to foreigner tribunals, a growing network of more than 100 small courts where the onus is on the suspects to provide the proof that the government is demanding. Human rights observers have complained that the proceedings often discriminate against Muslims and are the equivalent of sham trials.

The B.J.P. doesn’t want to stop at Assam.

Mr. Shah and other party leaders have promised their supporters that they will bring mass citizenship reviews across the country. Human rights activists fear these could be used to discriminate against minorities and this will be made easier because, under Supreme Court rules, individuals are allowed to legally challenge another’s citizenship.

More than 3.5 million people who have so far been left off the Assam citizenship list have filed challenges to their exclusion, and state-level officials are reviewing these claims.

But Assam is not waiting. The state government, which is controlled by an arm of the B.J.P., is planning to build 10 new detention camps with the capacity to hold thousands of people.

Bangladesh has not been eager to accept the ethnic Bengalis in Assam as citizens either. That could leave many languishing in a legal no-man’s land without many rights.

Critics say what is happening in both Kashmir and Assam are attempts to change the demographics in these areas in favor of Hindus. Kashmiris fear the government’s real plan in wiping out their autonomy is to pave the way to resettle large numbers of Hindu Indians in Kashmir and end its status as the one Muslim-majority territory in India.

Under the changes, Kashmiris will lose the special land rights they used to hold that made it difficult for non-Kashmiris to buy land in their state. Mr. Modi has argued that the new arrangement will bring outside investment, better governance and a “new dawn.”

But other Indian states have similar protections for local residents and Mr. Modi’s party is not trying to change those.

Critics say the difference is obvious: Those states are not Muslim.

Suhasini Raj contributed reporting from New Delhi, and Shajid Khan from Rowmari Chapari, Assam.

[bharatlivenewsmedia]

MP: Mentally Ill Man Dies After BJP Worker Assaults Him, 'Mistaking Him for Muslim'

MP: Mentally Ill Man Dies After BJP Worker Assaults Him, ‘Mistaking Him for Muslim’

MP: Mentally Ill Man Dies After BJP Worker Assaults Him, ‘Mistaking Him for Muslim’ Bhopal: A 65-year-old man in Madhya Pradesh, with mental illness, succumbed to injuries after having been allegedly assaulted by a Bharatiya Janata Party worker who had assumed he was Muslim. Accused BJP worker from Neemuch Dinesh Kushwaha’s wife Bina is a former councillor of Manasa Municipal Corporation ward…

[harpianews]

'He abused PM': Jharkhand BJP wants action against man who licks his own spit

‘He abused PM’: Jharkhand BJP wants action against man who licks his own spit

A day after 32-year-old Zeeshan Khan was assaulted and forced to lick his spit in Jharkhand’s Dhanbad city, the state Bharatiya Janata Party unit on Saturday said the accused in the incident were its own workers and demanded action against the victim. Of. , Khan, who is suffering from bipolar disorder, was passing through a BJP protest site over a security lapse in the prime minister’s convoy…

[eagle-eyez]

The state of Maharashtra witnessed high drama on 24 August when Union Minister Narayan Rane was arrested and granted bail in Maharashtra over his “slap Uddhav Thackeray” comment.

With his arrest, Rane, who holds the micro, small and medium enterprises portfolio in the Modi Cabinet, joins Murasoli Maran and TR Baalu to be the only Central ministers to be arrested in the past two decades.

Rane’s arrest

Union Minister Narayan Rane was arrested on Tuesday by the state police in the coastal district of Ratnagiri where he is travelling as part of the Jan Ashirwad Yatra. The Union minister was arrested over his remarks about slapping Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray for what he called Thackeray's "ignorance of the year India won Independence".

Rane had claimed Thackeray forgot the year of Independence during his 15 August address and had to check with his aides mid-speech.

"It is shameful that the chief minister does not know the year of independence. He leaned back to ask about the count of years of independence during his speech. Had I been there, I would have given him a tight slap," Rane said in the public meeting at Raigad.

The 69-year-old was later produced in a court in Mahad in Raigad in the night where he was granted bail on the Rs 15,000 surety with four conditions -- he will have to appear twice before Mahad police and he will have to ensure that the act will not be repeated. The Union minister will have to cooperate with the police for the collection of voice samples. The Union minister will have to ensure that the evidence is not tampered with.

The events also led to tense moments in the state with Shiv Sena and the Bharatiya Janata Party workers agitating against one another.

Initially, Sena workers in Pune hit the streets, putting up posters against the minister and slapping photos of him with shoes. They also vandalised an office in Amravati.

#WATCH | Maharashtra: A group of Shiv Sena workers pelt stones at BJP party office in Nashik & raise slogans against Union Minister Narayan Rane.

The Union Minister and BJP leader had given a statement against CM Uddhav Thackeray yesterday. pic.twitter.com/Y3A3cWZbTa

— ANI (@ANI) August 24, 2021

In Mumbai itself, Sena workers demonstrated outside Rane's bungalow in Juhu, leading to clashes with BJP members.

Sena’s Ratanagiri-Sindhudurg MP Vinayak Raut even wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding Rane’s expulsion from the Cabinet. “Rane has belittled the constitutional framework by his statement. The Jan Ashirwad Yatra conceptualised by the PM was to seek the blessings of the people, instead of it, Rane has been issuing statements for the cheap publicity,” Raut was quoted as saying.

Can a Central minister be arrested? What’s the procedure?

Rane’s arrest has also triggered a debate on whether the state of Maharashtra carried out due protocol to arrest him. According to BJP Maharashtra president Chandrakant Patil, the minister’s arrest was “against protocol” and questioned how it could issue an arrest warrant against a Union Minister suo motu.

So, what does the rules say and what’s the process to be followed?

If Parliament is not in session, a cabinet minister can be arrested by a law enforcement agency in case of a criminal case registered against him.

As per Section 22 A of the Rules of Procedures and Conduct of Business of the Rajya Sabha, the Police, Judge or Magistrate would, however, have to intimate the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha about the reason for the arrest, the place of detention or imprisonment in an appropriate form.

As per Section 135 of the Code of Civil Procedure, a member of Parliament has freedom from arrest during the continuance of the House and 40 days before its commencement and 40 days after its conclusion in civil cases. However, the privilege doesn't extend to criminal cases.

In Rane's case, he has been charged under Indian Penal Code sections 189 (threat of injury to public servant), 504 (intentional insult to provoke breach of public peace), 505 (statements conducive to public mischief), 500 (defamation), 505(2) (circulation of defamatory material), 153-b (1)(c) (commits any act which is prejudicial to the maintenance of harmony between different religious, racial, language or regional groups or castes or communities) of the IPC.

Infamous league of 3

Narayan Rane's arrest, however, is not the first time that a serving Union minister has been arrested. Rane, in fact, is the third Union minister in India to court arrest.

The first two were the late Murasoli Maran and T R Baalu.

In a highly publicised event, the duo was picked up at midnight by Chennai Police along with former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi in connection with a Rs 12 crore ‘flyover scam’ in June 2001.

The arrests came on the complaint filed by then Greater Chennai Corporation Commissioner JCT Acharyalu on June 29, 2001.

In visuals, aired on Sun TV, which shocked one and all, the police was seen manhandling Karunanidhi (now deceased) along with then Union Minister for Industries Murasoli Maran (he passed away in 2003) and TR Balu, who was the Union Minister for Environment and Forests at the time.

Maran, who was Karunanidhi’s nephew, had sustained injuries in the scuffle with the police during his arrest and was admitted to a hospital. Baalu had also sustained minor injuries.

They were both released on bail the next day after then Union Defence Minister George Fernandes had visited Chennai.

The arrest of the two Union ministers had caused widespread condemnation.

"In spite of identifying me as the Union minister, they did not care to produce the warrant of arrest and moreover they ill-treated and assaulted me", Baalu had said in a statement, released to the press in Chennai at the time.

Notably, the BJP had also expressed shock over the manner in which the DMK leader and former Tamil Nadu chief Minister M Karunanidhi was arrested by the police at his residence.

Inputs from Agencies

from Firstpost Politics Latest News https://ift.tt/3BeTLP1

[net4news]

Haryana: After protest against BJP minister, case registered against 13 farmers in Jagadhri | Chandigarh News

YAMUNANAGAR: The Yamunanagar district police on Saturday registered a case against 13 identified farmers and others who held a strong protest against Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) Haryana transport minister Mool Chand Sharma in Jagadhri. The farmers have been booked for allegedly using criminal force against the police, causing damage to public property and attempted to break the police barricades using tractors. On the complaint of Jagadhri City police station house officer (SHO) inspector Suresh Kumar, the police have registered a case against 13 identified farmers and other under Section 148 (rioting), 149 (unlawful assembly), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 332 (voluntarily causing hurt with intent to deter public servant from his duty), and 353 (assault or criminal force to deter public servant from discharge of his duty) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and 3 (mischief causing damage to public property) of the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act (PDP) Act at Jagadhri City police station on Saturday. Those booked have been identified as Sanju of Gundiana village, Sahib Singh, Subhash Gujjar of Daurang, Gurdeep Singh of Talakaur, Rupinder Kaur of Mandebar, Raj Kumar Sipiawala, Bittu of Tejli, Raman of Udhamgarh, Major Singh of Mehal Wali, Amrit Singh of Kathwala, Mohan Singh of Munda Kheri, Vijaypal of Galili, and Mandeep Singh of Rod Chappar. In his complaint, inspector Suresh said that he was deputed on VIP duty at Ram Leela Bhawan, Jagadhri with regards to the meeting of Haryana transport minister Mool Chand Sharma, education minister Kanwar Pal, and Yamunanagar MLA Ghanshyam Dass Arora and other workers of the party (BJP). "At about 12.15pm, a large number of people of Kisan Union carrying union flags reached to the spot. The farmers had spread the information about the visit of ministers in the WhatsApp groups of Charuni Group, Rakesh Tikait Group, and CPM Group and gathered a large number of people. The farmers gathered with their tractors and cars at Matka Chowk, Jagadhri", said inspector Suresh. "To stop them (farmers), the police had placed the barricading naka and the farmers were very furious. The farmers gathered in large number and attempted to break police barricades to move forward. The police were stopping them from moving forward. Among these farmers were Sanju, Sahib Singh, Subhash Gujjar, Gurdeep Singh, Rupinder Kaur, Raj Kumar, Bittu, Raman, Major Singh, Amrit Singh, Mohan Singh, Vijaypal and Mandeep Singh", said inspector Suresh. "One Sardar driver Mandeep Singh brought a blue colour tractor and stopped it near the naka and it was followed by one more tractor. They were stopped by the police for some time and later in a fit of anger, he (Mandeep) hit the barricades with the tractor and the police personnel saved themselves by getting aside. After protesting for a long time at the barricades with their flags, the farmers blocked the road near Matka Chowk. They obstructed the government duty of police and caused loss to government property. Government officials also received injuries", further added inspector Suresh. Deputy superintendent of police (DSP) Rajender Kumar said, "We have registered a case under relevant Sections of the law and the investigation will be carried forward and more sections could be added accordingly. The protestors had attempted to force their way by breaking the barricades with tractors and this would have been fatal for the on-duty staff. They were allowed to hold a peaceful protest at a distance of about 200 meters." "So far, no arrests have been made and action will be taken as per the investigation", added DSP Jagadhri. Source link Read the full article

[easyhairstylesbest]

India's Farmers Have Been Protesting New Agriculture Laws for Months—Here's Why

Content warning: Police brutality; suicide. Well into their sixth straight month of striking and protesting, farmers in India continue to demand the repeal of three recently passed agricultural bills that they believe prioritize corporate interests over their own. The protests began in August when the three bills were first unveiled and have continued to grow exponentially as the bills were passed in September. The government has repeatedly refused to grant the demands of farmers and agricultural unions in subsequent meetings.

The protest, at its core, reflects global issues of workers’ rights and labor regulations and the Indian government’s treatment of the protestors has begun to veer dangerously into human rights violation territory, but it still has not been covered widely outside of India (even as people around the world have hosted their own protests in solidarity). That changed, however, when the peaceful protests turned violent at the end of January. On Jan. 26, India’s Republic Day, farmers hosting a planned rally drove their tractors into Delhi’s city center and stormed the capital’s historic Red Fort, where they clashed with police armed with tear gas, batons, and assault rifles. According to the BBC, one protestor died and more than 300 police officers were injured in the clash; more than 200 protestors were subsequently detained, as were eight working journalists, per Human Rights Watch.

In early February, after the Indian government was reported to be restricting internet access in the areas around the ongoing protests, global activists like Rihanna began using their platforms to signal-boost the farmers’ cause.

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As the protest nears the six-month mark, the government shows no sign of accepting the protestors’ demands and therefore has all but ensured their continued civil disobedience. Here’s a primer on the ongoing conflict.

What sparked the farmers’ protest?

The farmers’ protest is centered around conflict over three pieces of agricultural legislation passed in September by India’s Parliament with support from Prime Minister Narendra Modi. According to PRS, a nonprofit Indian legislative research institute, the three bills decrease trade regulations on farmers’ goods, allow for online and interstate trading, enable farmers and buyers to enact exclusive contracts, and limit the government’s ability to regulate the supply of essential commodities.

The bills were presented by Modi and other legislative supporters as giving farmers more freedom to control their own trade and expand their own markets. The farmers, however, argue that the increased competition enabled by this deregulation will give corporate buyers, rather than agricultural workers—who make up nearly 60 percent of India’s population—all the power. Since the buyers will have access to a wider pool of suppliers, they’ll therefore be able to drive down prices, a phenomenon further compounded by the bills’ removal of government-imposed minimum prices for certain goods, which farmers say were already only barely helping them scrape by.

Since the protests started in August, ahead of the bills’ passage, dozens of protestors have died from severe weather conditions, health conditions such as heart attacks, car accidents while approaching the protests, and suicide, according to Al Jazeera.

What do the protestors want?

In short, a complete repeal of the three acts. Representatives from more than 30 agricultural unions that oppose the bills have met with government officials in 11 rounds of talks, to no avail. Officials have invited the farmers to participate in mediation, negotiation, and amendment of the laws, but the farmers have refused, citing their demand that the bills be repealed outright.

“The government has the sharpest of brains working for it. The fact that they’ve not been able to come up with a proposal which meets our demands means that our case is strong,” Kiran Vissa, a union member and a leader of the protests, told The Wire in December, noting that merely amending any of the bills would nullify the others. “So the only way the demands can be met is by a complete repeal of the laws. The government has refused to look into the nature of our demands in a substantive manner.”

The nation’s Supreme Court issued an order in mid-January suspending the bills and appointing a committee to oversee future negotiations, The Guardian reported. The protestors continued to stand by their request for a total cancellation of the legislation, rather than an unsatisfactory compromise, with leaders reportedly saying, “Now is not the time for a committee.”

In response to the suspension order, Bhog Singh Mansa, President of the Indian Farmers Union, echoed Vissa’s sentiments. “A stay is not a solution. We are here to get these laws scrapped completely,” he told the Business Standard. “The government has in a way already agreed to scrap the laws when it said it is willing to incorporate as many amendments as farmers want.”

What has the government said and done?

In the most recent round of talks on Jan. 22, the government said its best offer was a suspension of the bills for up to 18 months, which the farmers once again rejected, as it doesn’t meet their explicit demands. After hitting this roadblock, per The Print, the groups have yet to schedule their next round of talks.

In earlier talks, government officials said they had reached a consensus with the protestors on the issues of decriminalizing necessary controlled fires and dropping a provision that increased power tariffs—though, once again, they stopped far short of agreeing to completely repeal the laws. Officials have labeled this refusal to accept anything less than repeal a sign “that these leaders are not going for a solution—they are continuously wanting to create a movement against the government,” Gopal Krishna Agarwal, a spokesperson for Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, told The New York Times.

Throughout the months of protests, supporters of the laws have also claimed that the farmers simply do not understand their provisions, with Modi reportedly blaming the protests on a misinformation campaign by the opposition party. However, the lack of tangible results from the 11 rounds of talks, plus growing evidence of misinformation being spread by the bills’ supporters, prove that the protests are based not on a misunderstanding, but on a fundamental disagreement over the rights and treatment of agricultural workers.

Additionally, on Jan. 26, after the Republic Day violence, the interior ministry announced that it was suspending mobile internet services in several districts surrounding Delhi, where hundreds of thousands of farmers have been camped out for months, the BBC reported. The shutdown was supposed to last only for a few hours, but has been repeatedly extended each day, according to CNN, with officials claiming that the internet shutdowns—essentially cutting off the farmers’ ability to share and receive information—was “in the interest of maintaining public safety and averting public emergency.”

What’s next?

With the bills’ supporters continued refusal to accept the farmers’ demands of total repeal, and no further talks on the schedule, it seems likely that the protests will stretch on for weeks, if not months, though many of the farmers may choose to return to their farms when planting season begins in March.

“We are not going back—that is not in our genetic code,” Ringhu Yaspal, a protestor camped outside of Delhi, told The New York Times in the days after the Republic Day clash. “Agriculture has turned into a slow poison. It’s better to die fighting here.”

Also in the camps, Jagtar Singh Bajwa, a farm leader, told an assembled crowd, “We should not give a message that we are tired, that we are going home,” according to the Times, adding, “We will start over today, with full unity.”

Andrea Park Andrea Park is a Chicago-based writer and reporter with a near-encyclopedic knowledge of the extended Kardashian-Jenner kingdom, early 2000s rom-coms and celebrity book club selections.

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India's Farmers Have Been Protesting New Agriculture Laws for Months—Here's Why

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Engineer, political science postgraduate, law student — BJP’s three new faces in Kashmir

BJP leaders Ajjaz Raja (left) and Aijaz Hussain Quite, who’ve gained within the maiden DDC polls in Jammu & Kashmir | Picture by particular association

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Srinagar: Of the 75 seats that the Bharatiya Janata Occasion (BJP) has managed to win within the maiden District Improvement Council elections in Jammu and Kashmir, maybe essentially the most prized are the three it secured within the Valley.

Whereas the BJP was anticipated to carry out nicely in Jammu — the place it gained 72 seats, greater than half of the whole DDC seats within the area — in Kashmir, the three of its winners have supplied a gap for the social gathering that has by no means been in a position to domesticate its roots within the Valley.

These three leaders are Aijaz Hussain Quite, an engineer, Ajjaz Raja, a double postgraduate in English and political science, and Minha Lateef, a legislation pupil.

Additionally learn: ‘Backing farmers not anti-party’ — grandad’s legacy drives Jat dynast from BJP to join protest

‘Persuade folks by good work’

On Wednesday, Aijaz Hussain Quite, who labored as an engineer earlier than becoming a member of the social gathering in 2006, gained from one of many 14 constituencies in Srinagar. The 35-year-old nationwide vice chairman of the BJP’s youth wing is also referred to as Engineer Aijaz.

Quite’s profession trajectory as a politician and a BJP chief is, maybe, essentially the most natural among the many three who gained in Kashmir.

After finishing highschool from the Aligarh Muslim College, Quite moved to Chennai to review engineering. Son of a authorities worker, he had no ambitions of becoming a member of politics till then.

“However I made some mates outdoors who advised me what the BJP stands for. Once I got here again to Kashmir, I actually needed to search for BJP employees and leaders. I met some like-minded folks right here. We’d meet in parking heaps as there was no everlasting workplace of the BJP,” he stated.

Quite’s first designation within the social gathering — district secretary of Yuva Morcha Srinagar — got here in 2008.

“In 2012, I used to be made district secretary of BJP, then state vice chairman of BJP Yuva Morcha in 2013 and the nationwide vice chairman in 2016. The identical yr I used to be made in-charge of West Bengal BJP youth,” Quite advised ThePrint.

He’s fairly distinguished not solely in BJP circles in Jammu and Kashmir but in addition throughout India. Having labored with senior BJP chief Ram Madhav intently, Quite additionally served as understudy with a number of social gathering leaders, together with Avinash Rai Khanna and Kailash Vijayvargiya in West Bengal. He additionally labored underneath Union Residence Minister Amit Shah.

Now, he’s anticipated to play a job within the state elections in West Bengal subsequent yr.

It’s doubtless that his actions within the final 5 years have gotten Quite vital assignments to deal with.

“On 26 January 2016, I unfurled the tricolour on high of the EDI constructing the place our jawans had been martyred in a militant assault. I organised a significant signature marketing campaign in Kashmir in favour of the prime minister’s demonetisation transfer. An enormous convention was additionally organised by me on the advantages of Citizenship Modification Act,” he stated.

“After the abrogation of Article 370, I additionally organised the Tiranga rally in Lal Chowk. All these actions weren’t finished to strengthen the social gathering however out of affection for my nation,” stated Quite.

He added that he caught with the BJP regardless of hostilities and social boycott by his mates and family.

“However I do know that they are going to get satisfied about my decisions sooner or later and as we speak I’ve been confirmed proper. Aggression is just not the answer for something. My motto is to persuade folks by your good work,” Quite stated, including that the following large problem for him and the BJP would be the meeting polls.

Additionally learn: This 71-yr-old leader is reason no one’s surprised by Left’s good show in Kashmir DDC polls

‘PDP had been in decline’

Whereas Quite managed to attain a victory in his first ever election, his colleague Ajjaz Raja, who gained from Kashmir’s Gurez area, is just not new to success. That is his third electoral triumph in a row.

He had gained the sarpanch seat from his village in 2018 native physique elections and was elected as Block Improvement Council chairperson by panchs and sarpanchs final yr.

Raja, 35, holds double Masters in English and political science. He had been related to the Individuals’s Democratic Occasion (PDP) for nearly 4 years. Early this yr, nonetheless, Raja and his father Faqir Khan, an ex-MLA from the PDP, determined to affix the BJP.

“…the PDP had been in decline earlier than I left it. PDP additionally uncared for my area and BJP was the pure selection for me and my father. My father is the prabhari of the J&Okay ST Wing,” he stated, including that moreover improvement, he wish to see Gurez grow to be a tourism hub.

Early success for legislation pupil

The third BJP chief to win within the Valley is 21-year-old Minha Lateef, who gained a seat for herself within the Pulwama area of troubled south Kashmir.

Minha, like Raja, belongs to a political household. Her father Lateef Bhat is the vice chairman of Jammu and Kashmir BJP Minority Morcha.

Minha advised ThePrint that she is a legislation pupil and have become a part of the BJP owing to her father’s social gathering allegiance.

She added that she wouldn’t be capable of share extra particulars and even pictures of herself fearing reprisals. Nevertheless, she expressed her need to work for the event of the folks of the area.

Her father, who was previously with the Congress, advised ThePrint that every one of his members of the family are within the BJP. “The seat gained by Minha is reserved for ladies and that’s the reason I advised her to struggle the elections. I’m pleased to see her victorious,” stated Lateef Bhat.

Additionally learn: Win for democracy & development, says Shahnawaz Hussain who helped BJP open account in Kashmir

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Why No Outcry from BJP or TV Anchors When I Was Attacked, Asks This Hindu Sadhu

New Delhi: The recent mob lynching incident of Palghar led to a massive outcry on television and social media, particularly from Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, Hindutva activists and others associated with right-leaning ideologies. Their response has essentially revolved around the fact that two of three men killed were sadhus affiliated with an akhara in Varanasi. This fact was used by the BJP and a section of television anchors to communalise the incident, even though the attackers were adivasis – considered Hindus by the Sangh parivar – and there was not a single Muslim or Christian among those the police arrested. The two sadhus, who bear the name ‘Giri’, were initially claimed by Gosavi nomadic tribal leaders as members of their community but Dainik Bhaskar has reported from Bhadohi in Uttar Pradesh that the older sadhu was the son of a Brahmin named Chintamani Tiwari. The Palghar police told The Wire they have no information about the identity of the deceased other than their names. In July 2018, a horrific lynching incident of Gosavi tribals took place in Dhule, Maharashtra. But since the state was ruled by a BJP chief minister at the time, the Hindutva lobby did not make it a big issue. But now that a Shiv Sena-Congress-NCP coalition is ruling the state, the Palghar incident has been given not just a political colour but communal overtones too. On Wednesday, another saffron-robed person who was brutally attacked by a mob in Jharkhand in July 2018 – Swami Agnivesh – released a video condemning the Palghar murders. He also drew attention to the system’s failure to punish those who had lynched Muslims like Akhlaq, Pehlu Khan and Junaid and then spoke about his own experience at the hands of a mob. Agnivesh was badly beaten in a mob attack in Pakur, Jharkhand. The FIR registered by the local police identified eight of his attackers – all of whom were affiliated with the BJP, RSS and the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM), a youth group affiliated to the BJP.  Speaking to The Wire on Thursday Agnivesh said that even though the attackers were identified, the then Jharkhand government—led by Raghubar Das of the BJP — dragged its feet. A month later, in August 2018, Agnivesh was again assaulted in public, allegedly by BJP workers, this time in Delhi near the BJP headquarters where he was headed to pay his respects to former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. In September 2018, he asked the Supreme Court to club both cases of assault and hand the probe over to the Central Bureau of Investigation but a bench headed by Justice S.A. Bobde, now chief justice of India, refused to intervene. Agnivesh, who is 81-years-old, has been facing severe health issues since the attack. The attack, he says, has left him battered, and has led to serious health complications, including a serious liver ailment. “What happened in Palghar is condemnable. But the communal forces that tried to flare up the incident and give an entirely new twist to it by introducing the involvement of Muslims or Christian missionary groups needs to be condemned too,” he said in his video message. Agnivesh also pointed to the cases of lynching of Muslims and those from the lower castes that were orchestrated in the name of “gourakhsa” by the highly violent cow vigilante groups. “Since the BJP and other right-wing activists are making so much noise. They should also answer why the killers of Akhlaq are not punished? Why has there been no justice in Junaid’s mob lynching case or in Pehlu Khan or Rizwan’s murder cases?” he asks.

Screenshot of video that circulated on social media of Swami Agnivesh being attacked in Pakur, Jharkhand, in July 2018. Although the then CM of Jharkhand Das had ordered an inquiry in the case of attack on Agnivesh, the investigation never moved ahead. The police registered a FIR against eight BJYM activists, including its district president, and a special investigation team was formed to probe the incident. Das had announced that the incident would be probed by the Santhal Pargana DIG and divisional commissioner. But the case has since been in cold storage, Agnivesh says. Agnivesh had visited Pakur on July 17, 2018, to attend a programme concerning the Paharia tribe at the Littipara stadium. Just when he was leaving his hotel, a group of protesters began shouting slogans against him. The crowd soon got close to Agnivesh and some of them then assaulted him. He fell to the ground, his clothes were ripped and his turban pulled off. That incident was filmed and videos of the incident circulated on several social media platforms. Agnivesh says no one bothered to support him although he too was in saffron robes. “I could have been killed in that attack… The prime minister did not feel compelled to condemn the act and till date no police or state government has bothered to investigate the matter,” he said. “No one can claim I was smuggling cows or was involved in slaughtering a cow. I was still attacked. Why did that happen?” The assault on Agnivesh was reported by one of the channels that has made a campaign out of the Palghar incident, Republic TV, but it added the text “Maoist sympathiser” on its screen to describe the swami and called the attackers a “fringe group” when they were in fact all linked to the BJP in one way or the other. Its reporter also said that one of the reasons for the attack could have been the mob’s concerns that Agnivesh was involved with “Christian missionaries”. It is not known if the channel’s editor, Arnab Goswami, had organised any prime time panel discussion on this 2018 attack on a Hindu sadhu. A YouTube search drew a blank. In the Palghar incident of April 16, three persons—of which two were dressed in saffron robe—were murdered after being mistaken for “child abductors” and “thieves” by the local tribal community. The deceased persons have been identified as 70-year-old Kalpvrush Giri and 35-year-old Sushil Giri, both affiliated to one ‘Shri Panch Dashnam  Juna Akhaara’ in Varanasi. Their driver, Nilesh Telgade, was killed too in the attack. In all, 110 persons, including nine juveniles, have been taken into custody and state home minister Anil Deshmukh decided to make all the names public in a desperate attempt to bust the BJP’s claim that it was a communal attack involving Muslims or Christians. On April 22, Republic TV editor-in-chief Arnab Goswami was driving home in his motor car when he two motor-cycle borne men attempted to attack him. The accused have been identified as Prateek Mishra and Arun Borade, both office bearers of the Youth Congress in the Sion-Koliwada Assembly constituency. Mishra is the general secretary of the Sion-Koliwada Youth Congress and Borade is the president. In a TV show earlier that day, Goswami had said that the Palghar murders were committed at the behest of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, whom he described as an “Italian” who had got “Hindu holy men killed: “…That Italian Sonia Gandhi, who has come from Rome…she is silent today, it seems to me, that in her heart she must be delighted…she is happy that these holy men were killed in a state where she runs the government. She will send a report…I am saying this…she will send a report to Italy…I am saying this…(in the state) where I have made the government, I am getting Hindu holy men killed…and she will be applauded there (in Italy)…wonderful, child, wonderful, you’ve really done well, Sonia Gandhi Antonia Maino…” Goswami’s remarks are now being investigated by the Mumbai police on a complaint of hate speech filed by a Congress minister. Support The Wrosper to get the latest updates! Stay tuned Read the full article

[bigyack-com]

High turnout in Bengal assembly bypolls, BJP candidate allegedly assaulted - india news

Polling for three assembly constituencies in West Bengal on Monday were largely peaceful, barring a few incidents of violence, including one in which Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) state unit vice-president and Karimpur candidate Jay Prakash Majumdar was manhandled, kicked and pushed into a roadside ditch allegedly by the workers of Trinamool Congress (TMC). Majumdar did not suffer any major injury because he fell in thick bushes. The election commission has sought a report from the state election office. Rate of polling was higher than what is usually witnessed in by-elections. Till 5 pm, Kaliaganj in North Dinajpur district recorded 77% of polling, while Karimpur (Nadia district) and Kharagpur Sadar (West Midnapore district) recorded 81% and 67% polling respectively.The state election office said that the updated polling figures will be available on Tuesday. The results will be declared on November 28. There are more than seven lakh voters in the three seats. Polls were held in Karimpur and Kharagpur because the legislators, TMC’s Mahua Moitra and BJP’s Dilip Ghosh, were elected to the Lok Sabha a few months ago. In Kaliagunj, the bypoll was necessitated by the death of Congress legislator Pramanath Roy.Following the manhandling of Majumdar, deputy election commissioner Sudeep Jain sought a report from the state’s chief electoral officer (CEO) Aariz Aftab. According to an officer at the CEO’s office, the superintendent of police in Nadia district in his report said that the police had earlier offered Majumdar a personal security officer but he declined the offer.“Mamata Banerjee does not believe in democracy anymore. Apprehending that TMC might lose the three constituencies, the party’s goons and police have become desperate. We demand immediate removal of the superintendent of police and the district magistrate of Nadia,” said Mukul Roy, BJP national executive member, after meeting the CEO. The TMC has denied any involvement in the attack on Majumdar.Minister and TMC’s poll observer at Karimpur, Rajib Banerjee said, “Majumdar had been creating disturbance since morning and stopping people from casting their votes because he knew that he stood no chance. The attack on Majumdar is either a fallout of infighting in the local BJP, a section of which is against his candidature, or has been staged by the him to draw sympathy. Our people are not at all involved.”TMC secretary general Partha Chatterjee also rubbished the BJP’s charge. “Mamata Banerjee is too pre-occupied to bother about bye-elections in three constituencies. With such a large turnout, we are hopeful of a good performances but only if people have been allowed to cast their vote in a free and fair manner,” he said.Majumdar first faced agitation from Trinamool Congress supporters at Thanarpara and was later manhandled at Ghiyaghat. The police and central paramilitary forces were in the vicinity when he came under attack.“The attack on the BJP candidate is a shame on democracy,” said Sujan Chakraborty, the Left leader in the state Assembly.State Congress president Somen Mitra alleged that neither the state police nor the central paramilitary forces tried to ensure free and fair polling. Earlier in the day, the police chased away some TMC workers after they staged a demonstration and shouted ‘go back’ slogans for Majumdar at Thanarpara in Karimpur. Majumdar alleged that TMC workers did not allow the BJP to place its polling agent in a booth at Thanarpara. He allegedly also had an altercation with Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) personnel when they stopped him from entering a polling station since he was not a local voter.In another poll-related incident, BJP candidate from Kaliyaganj Kamal Chandra Sarkar was accused of showing his wife where to cast her vote. The TMC lodged a complaint with the state Election Commission following which the presiding officer was replaced. A show cause notice was also issued to Sarkar by the CEO. “My wife and I have always voted together,” Sarkar said in his defence.At Kharagpur Sadar, a glass wall inside a polling booth was covered after the BJP alleged that it was showing reflections of the voting area where the Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) was placed.“The attack on our candidate proves that democracy has died in Bengal. What was the police doing when people pounced on him? It was a deadly attack,” said BJP state president Dilip Ghosh. The BJP also complained of rigging at Goalpara in Kaliaganj constituency. Some supporters of TMC and BJP were injured in a scuffle. Source link Read the full article

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AAP says woman worker assaulted by BJP, police say attack not political

AAP says woman worker assaulted by BJP, police say attack not political

The Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) South Delhi Lok Sabha candidate Raghav Chadha on Thursday said a senior woman party volunteer was cornered and assaulted by people belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in south Delhi’s Hari Nagar near Badarpur.

The BJP rejected the charge.

AAP’s Badarpur legislative assembly ND Sharma said that the woman volunteer wearing the party’s cap was walking alone…

[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat The incident happened at Paripally in Kollam. Water cannons being used on protestors a number of whom are in front of the SecretariatIMAGE FOR Four members of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM), the youth wing of the BJP, have been arrested in Kerala for trying to ram their vehicle into the ministerial car of Minister KT Jaleel at Paripally in Kollam on Sunday evening. A collision was avoided as the driver in the minister’s car applied the brakes at the right time. A First Information Report was registered by the police and the car used has been taken into custody. According to reports, Yuva Morcha workers from Ellipuram in Kalluvathukal were arrested in the case. The accused have been identified as Abhijit, Vipin Raj, Praveen and Vaishnav. They were arrested by the Pallipuram police shortly after the incident. The four have been booked under Sections 143 (unlawful assembly), 145 (joining or continuing in unlawful assembly), 147 (punishment for rioting), 148 (rioting, armed with deadly weapon), 149 (every member of unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in prosecution of common object) and 353 (assault or criminal force to deter public servant from discharge of his duty) of the Indian Penal Code, read with Section 3(1) of the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act (mischief causing damage to public property). Reports state that the investigation has been intensified as the police believe there are more accused in the case. Across Kerala, protests have broken out demanding the resignation of KT Jaleel, Minister for Higher Education, after he was questioned by the Enforcement Directorate in connection with a consignment of copies of the Holy Quaran brought from the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The minister was quizzed by the ED with regard to an alleged violation of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) as it is alleged that he accepted the consignments through diplomatic channels violating FCRA norms. The ED recorded his statement on Sunday. Despite heavy rainfall in several places, opposition parties mainly the Congress and the BJP staged protests in several places including Thiruvananthapuram, Kozhikode, Thrissur, Idukki etc, demanding Jaleel’s resignation. The protest also turned violent in many places in Thiruvananthapuram and the police had to resort to batons, water cannons and tear gas to disperse the crowd. The alleged FCRA violation was exposed after the Minister’s name came up in connection with Swapna Suresh, a key accused in the gold smuggling case in Kerala. The Minister said that Swapna was contacted on the directions of the UAE consulate in Thiruvananthapuram, where she was an employee, in connection with gifts distributed from the consulate as part of Ramadan celebrations.

[webodisha18]

A video of the beating of a retired navy officer came out, so Urmila Matondkar reacted like this

A video of the beating of a retired navy officer came out, so Urmila Matondkar reacted like this

Youth assaulting a retired naval officer

new Delhi:

A retired naval officer was beaten up by some Shiv Sena Workers in Kandivali, Mumbai, because he had forwarded a cartoon about Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray on social media. This charge has been made by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLA from Maharashtra, Atul Bhatkhalkar. An FIR has been registered in the case and Kamlesh Kadam and 8 to 10…