#Indonesian Economy

[investindo]

Discover the Billion-Dollar Boom: Indonesia's Construction Industry Secrets Revealed!

The construction sector in Indonesia has been experiencing remarkable growth in recent years, and this trend is expected to continue. This growth is largely driven by the government's infrastructure development initiatives, which have led to a substantial increase in investment in the construction industry. In 2021, the Indonesian construction industry recorded an impressive annual growth rate of 4.83%, according to data from the Indonesian Statistics Agency (BPS).

The government's commitment to infrastructure development is evident from the significant increase in infrastructure investment. In 2018, the investment in infrastructure rose to IDR 157.8 trillion (approximately US$11.3 billion), up from IDR 216.8 trillion in the previous year. This substantial investment contributed significantly to the country's economic growth, accounting for 1.28% of the overall economic growth in 2018, with an added value of IDR 184.4 trillion. This marked an increase from the 1.06% contribution in 2017, with an added value of IDR 146.9 trillion.

These investments have been directed towards various infrastructure projects, including the construction of dams, new public roads, bridges, and toll roads. These developments have not only improved the country's infrastructure but have also enhanced its competitiveness on the global stage.

Indonesia's rankings in global competitiveness indices have seen positive changes. In the World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Index, Indonesia's rank in the Quality of Roads category improved from 72 in 2014 to 60 in 2019, out of 141 countries. Similarly, in the World Bank's Logistic Performance Index, Indonesia climbed from 53 in 2014 to 46 out of 161 countries in its 2018 report.

While the COVID-19 pandemic had a significant impact on the construction industry in 2020, the sector has since rebounded and is poised for continuous growth. Various consultancy firms project annual growth rates ranging from 5% to 7% in real terms. This growth is attributed to the government's effective COVID-19 mitigation measures and the ongoing infrastructure projects.

One of the major upcoming projects is the relocation of Indonesia's capital city from Jakarta to East Kalimantan, estimated to cost $33 billion and take a decade to complete. To fund this ambitious project and others, the Indonesian government launched the Indonesia Investment Authority (INA), a Sovereign Wealth Fund. The government plans to inject over $5 billion into INA, with several countries expressing interest in investing through it, including the US, Japan, and Canada.

In conclusion, Indonesia's construction sector is poised for continued growth and remains an attractive investment opportunity. Despite short-term challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic, the government's commitment to infrastructure development, coupled with a stable political environment, low inflation, good credit ratings, and prudent macroeconomic policies, makes Indonesia's construction sector a promising prospect for investors. To navigate this competitive landscape, investors are advised to seek experienced local partners with established networks for a competitive edge. References: https://sertifikasi.co.id https://duniatender.com https://skk-konstruksi.com

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Indonesia is interested in sending mangosteen and pitaya to Brazil

The Minister of Agriculture, Carlos Fávaro, reinforced Brazil's interest in exporting fruits to Indonesia. Brazil's list of priorities includes opening up the market for the sale of grapes, apples and citrus. The Brazilian fruit basket awaits analysis from Indonesia for a possible market opening. Likewise, the Asian country is interested in sending mangosteen and pitaya to Brazil. Fávaro said that the ministry is working to allow the import of these Indonesian products and that he hopes to expand commercial opportunities with Asians.

Source.

[hcmas23crisis]

stop

The Indonesian government has been struggling with a state of indecision on several fronts, which has raised serious concerns among businesses and citizens alike. Experts say that the lack of clear direction in Indonesian policymakers' decisions has cost the economy heavily, leading to stagnation, falling investments, and missed opportunities. The government's hesitation in addressing the country's pressing issues has bred a sense of uncertainty that has hurt the local markets. The inability of lawmakers to address the fundamental issues besetting the country has made it challenging for businesses to invest, hindering economic progress.

Moreover, the government has been indecisive about vital tax and economic reforms, leading to missed opportunities for sustainable growth within these sectors. The lack of urgency from the government has resulted in the country losing its competitive edge, which has highlighted a need for the government to resolve this issue to avoid slipping into irrelevance. Experts have cautioned that the government must promptly take bold and decisive actions to tackle these issues. Failure to do so could lead to long-term economic consequences like increased poverty.

The government RETRACTING TAX REFORMS that were poorly thought out only accentuates their incompetence.

[norbertemileleonbonimond]

Sciences et Avenir: Orangs-outans : le gouvernement indonésien bannit 5 chercheurs en désaccord avec lui

Sciences et Avenir: Orangs-outans : le gouvernement indonésien bannit 5 chercheurs en désaccord avec lui.

Il est bon de recontextualiser cet article historiquement.

La république d'Indonésie a longtemps été une dictature militaire au passé lourd à assumer, un régime autoritaire soutenu par les Etats-Unis de la guerre froide.

Sous le président Souwharto, des milliers d'opposants communistes indonésiens furent exécutés avec l'aval du département d'État et de la CIA.

Un vrai massacre passé sous silence médiatique international...

Aujourd'hui encore, croupissent dans les prisons d'Indonésie quelques ressortissants d'occident pour trafic de stupéfiants et condamnés à la prison à vie quand il ne sont pas sous la menace d'une peine capitale expéditive.

Un français est dans ce cas, la peine capitale commuée en réclusion perpétuelle.

Je ne sais si les prisons indonésiennes ressemblent à celle d'une Turquie d'un autre temps tel qu'en Midnight express, le film ?

Mais le scénario est ressemblant.

Les Orang-Outans pèsent peu dans l'économie indonésienne !

Les occidentaux n'y ont pas bonne presse.

Les informations y sont souvent cadenassées comme dans toute démocratie autoritaire.

[petrifiedwoodsblog]

The History of Petrified Wood in Indonesia

Indonesia, an archipelago rich in geological and cultural history, is home to some of the most fascinating petrified wood deposits in the world. The country's unique geological conditions have created an environment conducive to the formation of these remarkable fossils. Here's a closer look at the history and significance of petrified wood in Indonesia. Sell Petrified wood in etsy

#### Geological Background

Indonesia's location along the Pacific Ring of Fire, an area with significant volcanic activity, provides the ideal conditions for the formation of petrified wood. Volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and the resulting sediment deposits have played a crucial role in the creation of petrified wood. Over millions of years, trees buried by volcanic ash and other sediments have undergone permineralization, resulting in the beautiful stone fossils we see today.

#### Discovery and Early Uses

The discovery of petrified wood in Indonesia dates back to ancient times, with locals finding and using these stone-like pieces in various ways. Early communities may have used petrified wood for tools, ornaments, and ceremonial objects, appreciating its durability and unique appearance.

In modern times, particularly in the 20th century, the commercial and scientific interest in petrified wood increased. Local artisans began to recognize the aesthetic and economic value of petrified wood, crafting it into jewelry, furniture, and decorative items. This trade provided a source of income for many communities and helped put Indonesian petrified wood on the global map.

#### Notable Sites

Several regions in Indonesia are renowned for their petrified wood deposits, each with its unique characteristics:

- **Banten**: Located in western Java, Banten is famous for its high-quality petrified wood. The area has yielded numerous large and well-preserved specimens, attracting both scientists and collectors. SELL ON ETSY

- **Sumatra**: The island of Sumatra, particularly the regions around Jambi and West Sumatra, has significant deposits of petrified wood. The fossils found here are often characterized by their vibrant colors and intricate patterns.

- **Kalimantan (Borneo)**: Kalimantan is another key area with rich deposits of petrified wood. The region's tropical climate and volcanic activity have contributed to the formation of diverse and well-preserved specimens.

#### Scientific and Cultural Significance

The study of petrified wood in Indonesia provides valuable insights into the region's ancient environments and climatic conditions. By examining these fossils, scientists can reconstruct past landscapes, understand vegetation changes, and gain a better understanding of the geological processes at play.

Culturally, petrified wood holds a special place in Indonesian heritage. It is often used in traditional crafts and modern art, symbolizing the connection between the natural world and human creativity. The trade and display of petrified wood also contribute to local economies, supporting artisanal communities and promoting tourism.

#### Conservation Efforts

As interest in petrified wood has grown, so too have concerns about its conservation. Over-collection and illegal mining can threaten the preservation of these natural treasures. Efforts are being made to regulate the collection and trade of petrified wood, ensuring that these fossils are protected for future generations.

#### Conclusion

Petrified wood in Indonesia is more than just a geological curiosity; it is a testament to the country's rich natural history and cultural heritage. From ancient times to the present day, these stone fossils have captivated the imagination and provided valuable resources for both scientific study and artistic expression. As efforts to conserve and protect petrified wood continue, its legacy will remain a significant part of Indonesia's story. Petrified wood bowl in etsy

[mobblespsycho100]

sash silly song recs ...

CHRISYE'S RESESI ALBUM (1982)

If you enjoy: historical period dramas where there's a masquerade ball, (Indonesian) jazz & rock music, 60s vibes – 80s music, slow dancing type thing, unrequited and/or toxic slow burn hurt/comfort romances, the global economy, stock market crash history, the business book™ 'psychology of money: timeless lessons on wealth, greed, and happiness' by morgan housel, the great gatsby, or the terrifyingly human ordeal of being known, (and just social commentary music in general), please ‼️🌹, Give it a listen ;3 maybe you'll even add another song to your yuriful/yaoiful playlist !! 🎻🎼🎺🎶🎵🎷🎸🎹🎧🥁

Tag List 🌟 of my silly griends (sillybestest realest epicest friends who are dedicated to the grind (my sillyness)) I've been bothering abt toxic doomed workplace yaoi under the cut;

🥰🫶 my strongest karja soldiers: @orb-eez , @the-bitter-ocean , @thereallycoolmonsterithoughtup / @isitsafetodrinktherainwater32 , @bi-hop , @danganphobia , @orca-iguana , @paroxysmaljune , @apple8ees , @soulful-roses , @cringefailfagcat , @kittycowboy / @raaindropps , @datfearlessfangirl (hii its non english songs my pal...), @dandyseedlings , @doodlesketchgirl , @indihome-suck , @tmoblrina , @jasmine-throne , @coffeewolf54 , @anthonynotgreen 🌹💐🥀 thanks for being super real forever 💞🙏🫶✨

[not-poignant]

@morbidlizard replied to your post “Can I ask, why do you love BL romance better than...”:

I mean it's unfortunate but asian BL is just hands down better than western for so many reasons <: / I've been reading asian BL for literal decades now (AHHH) and I can maybe count on one hand the western series I've enjoyed that had some sort of queer romance that had all I wanted or at least a part of the tropes I like...And even then, it's usually F/F relationships 9_9 (and when I say asian, I mean japanese, korean, chinese, some indonesian too! etc etc...)

​Actually yeah this is also really where it's at

I think a lot about how we're still getting extremely like... milquetoast wholesome queer narratives (most of the time) in western m/m romance media (I have nothing against Heartstopper, but it's extremely 'all queer people are pure wholesome need-to-be-protected jellybeans' and like, cool, but I want more than that as well - like give me 20 shows that are 'all queer people' in 20 different genres, thanks. BL will give me that - BL will pay people to give me that.

The only way I can get that from western media is fanfiction, and sometimes - kind of - from published m/m, when it's not paint-by-numbers rapid release that isn't about telling stories from the heart and it's about telling stories from the bank account instead (which is a valid reason to write, it's just not what I'm looking for as a reader - most readers who end up loving and writing fanfiction aren't looking for this imho)).

Thomas Baudinette is actually doing incredible work in this area of Media Studies, where it's literally a known thing that BL - particularly in countries like Korea, Thailand and Taiwan - is actually taking huge strides ahead in the genre, comparatively, especially when up against western BL.

It almost feels like we're on a giant lag, buffering behind them, and about the only place we aren't is in fanfiction, which makes sense, because the cross-pollination between fandom and south-east Asian BL is incredible (literally, they got omegaverse and guide-verse from western fanfiction and western fandom, and imho are doing a lot more with it for money than we are, see: Pit Babe).

I've been reading up pretty heavily into Baudinette's work, and also a lot of the recent and up-to-date work in BL Studies (a thing), and like, it's just kind of fascinating the different interrogations of BL we have going on in different cultures and subcultures, and how different senses of place and culture and ethnicity and minority and belonging can influence our tales, along with many different manifestations of capitalisation, economy, influence etc.

And that isn't to say there aren't huge problematic areas for BL in all countries, not just western, I can critique western BL so easily because I am western, and it's been really interesting reading critiques of BL from academics who live within other countries from their perspectives too. But I do think if I want really great BL romances, turning to fanfiction and then turning to other cultures and what they're doing is often the first thing I do. I just don't have to search as hard to find what I'm looking for. And like, I'm lazy, lol, I don't want to search through 100 published works to find like 1-5 stories I might reread but not over my favourite manhwa or like fanfiction or whatever.

This has been my area of like... personal study for a few months now (literally reading Regimes of Desire: Young Gay Men, Media and Masculinity in Tokyo by Baudinette atm) and I have a lot of thoughts of which this is just a very generalised ramble and not actually anything of great meaning but like sadkljfas TL;DR yeah

[nek-ros]

on that thing about the us's anticommunist massacres in indonesia, i know it isnt taught in us schools, but the thing is they dont teach it in indonesian schools either. the us intervention is so deep that we've basically had a puppet government for over 50 years to the present day and the one time people voiced a problem with it it crashed our economy and it hasnt recovered since

[reddest-flower]

Lenin warned that if the communists did build the confidence of the people, then they would only weaken any popular unity against imperialist intervention. In the anti-colonial struggles, the communists had to be with the people. That was paramount. But to be with the people did not mean to adopt a populist politics – to be the ventriloquists’ dummy that says whatever social views the people hold. The communists must both hold to their values, but must not allow these values to be too far from the common sense of the people. This was a tricky business and required deftness and tact. It was why Lenin warned the Mongolian People’s Party – in November 1921 – to desist from changing their name to a communist party. The Party, he said, could not be ahead of the general consciousness of the people. When the proletariat develops its confidence and begins to shape the popular movement, only then should the People’s Party become a Communist Party. ‘A mere change of signboards is harmful and dangerous’, Lenin told a Mongolian delegation. The Mongolians had already made their revolution in July of that year. Three years later, in 1924, the newly named Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party would join the Comintern. The use of the word revolutionary substituted for the word communist.

The Mongolians wanted space to produce their own revolutionary theory and policies. But their reliance on the Soviets for material aid was entangled with their reliance upon Soviet policy for their own development – all in fear of the intervention of imperialism, which was not unfounded (as the invasion by Baron Roman von Ungern-Sternberg in 1921 was to show). Ulaanbaatar’s reliance upon the Kremlin seriously narrowed the ability of its revolutionary movement to build on its own history and to build its own capacity for socialist theory and practice. Narrow views of development led to a distortion of the pastoral economy, which undermined the ability of the herders to tend to their animals. Mass migration to China, as well as a revolt in 1931-32, was the obvious outcome. Another was the centralization of rule under Khorloogiin Choibalsan, who took his lead from Moscow and not from Mongolian history.

Just a handful of years after the Mongolians had come to see Lenin, Tan Malaka wrote bitterly about the Comintern’s too firm hand on the levers of revolutionary politics in China and in the Dutch East Indies,

«The Moscow leadership is good only for Russia. With examples from Germany, Italy and Bulgaria, it is demonstrated that the Moscow leadership has failed for other countries. The entire Third International [Comintern] is built up in the Russian interest, and young Eastern leaders, in particular, will be inclined to go over to blind worship or lose their independence, with the result that they will lack contact with their own masses, who have different impulses from the Russian people.»

When Tan Malaka was asked if this criticism of Moscow would bring him and the Indonesian communists towards the Fourth International of Leon Trotsky, then in the middle of a struggle against Joseph Stalin, he responded, ‘The people of the Indies have enough to do without waiting around for the conclusion of the fight between Stalin and Trotsky.’ This was the attitude in most of the anti-colonial countries.

Individuals certainly admired Trotsky for his role in the October Revolution and for his work building the Red Army, and some even agreed with his criticism of the USSR’s tendency towards bureaucracy. However, this was not enough for them to break with the USSR, which provided an important inspiration and necessary resources for their own movements. Trotskyism had very little impact on the Third World – except in Sri Lanka, in Bolivia and Argentina as well as amongst small numbers of intellectuals. Trotskyism’s denunciation of the anti-colonial national states (those who formed the Non-Aligned Movement) and then the Cuban Revolution alienated it from the communists in the Third World.

Anti-colonial nationalism could not easily be denounced. Lenin recognized that it was a ‘difficult task’ to navigate the shoals of anti-colonial nationalism. Such a problem had to be dealt with carefully. There was ‘no communist booklet’ that had the answers for the radicals in the anti-colonial movements. They would have to throw themselves into the struggle and find their answers there. Sometimes movements did. At other times, they looked for impossible formulas.

Red Star Over the Third World, Vijay Prashad, 2019

[southeastasianists]

Asia’s youngest nation emerges as a voice of conscience on Myanmar

Two decades ago, freedom fighters on a mountainous island in southern Indonesia won a long, bloody struggle against a corrupt military regime, establishing East Timor, also known as Timor-Leste, the first independent state of the 21st century. Memories of airstrikes and indiscriminate killings are still fresh here. And they’ve led the country’s leaders to take an unusual interest in another fight for freedom in Southeast Asia.

In 2021, a group of generals overturned an elected government in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, starting a civil war that some conflict monitoring groups consider the most extreme in the world today. Many countries have looked away — much as they did for 24 years, East Timor’s leaders say, as Indonesian soldiers fought Timorese independence fighters.

“For so long, nobody paid attention to us,” Xanana Gusmao, the prime minister of East Timor, said during an interview in the capital, Dili.Gusmao led the insurgency against the Indonesian military, later serving two terms as East Timor’s president and now, his second as prime minister. At 77, with a head of white hair and a stiff back from years of imprisonment, he still remembers every person he saw killed or tortured in the jungles of Timor, he said.

“I do not accept the suffering of the Burmese people,” Gusmao said. “I cannot.”

Many in East Timor, even opposition politicians and civil society leaders critical of Gusmao on other issues,said in interviews that they agree. The country of 1.3 million, with an economy one-seventh the size of Vermont, has gone further than almost any other in supporting the Myanmar resistance, receiving its leaders as state representatives and openly advocating on their behalf at international forums.In the coming months, East Timor will let Myanmar pro-democracy groups open offices in the country to help coordinate resistance activities and take in a number of political refugees, officials say.

Increasingly, human rights activists say they see Dili as a voice of conscience, challenging more powerful countries that have been too distracted or too divided to press for change in Myanmar. “What the Timorese are doing is vital,” said Debbie Stothard, a Malaysian rights advocate.

Regional inaction

The U.N. Security Council has repeatedly called on Myanmar’s military government to comply with a peace plan adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and Western officials, including from the United States and the European Union, have also cited that plan for resolving the conflict.

But ASEAN, which operates on a principle of “noninterference” and includes Myanmar as a member, has largely failed to convince the junta to cooperate.

In 2021, ASEAN adopted the “Five-Point Consensus” on Myanmar, which calls for a cessation of violence and a dialogue among all parties. The junta signed the plan but has ignored it with little consequence. The military has ramped up airstrikes to a rate of nearly once a day, according to conflict monitoring groups, and faces mounting allegations from human rights groups of carrying out mass killings, beheadings and other atrocities. Myanmar has declined invitations from ASEAN to meet with resistance leaders.

“The five-point consensus has failed,” said Saifuddin Abdullah, who served until last year as foreign minister for Malaysia, an ASEAN member. The plan, which has no enforcement measures, is being disregarded not only by the Myanmar government but by other ASEAN members, Abdullah said.

In April, Thailand’s foreign minister traveled to Myanmar and met with junta leader Gen. Min Aung Hlaing without notifying other ASEAN members. Thailand, which borders Myanmar, has also hosted secret meetings with junta officials and mooted the idea of ASEAN “fully re-engaging” military leaders.

By normalizing relations with the Myanmar opposition, East Timor is trying to pull the region in the opposite direction — but at some risk to itself. The country is in the final stages of negotiating admission into the bloc and was allowed last year to attend meetings as an “observer.” Its outspoken stance on Myanmar could jeopardize its application or otherwise alienate some of its neighbors, analysts say.

East Timor can’t afford to be excluded from ASEAN, Gusmao admitted. With more than 40 percent of its population living in poverty, the country is in dire need of foreign investment. It has 15 years to find an alternative to its dwindling petroleum revenue, according to the International Monetary Fund, and has struggled since independence to feed its people,a problem set only to worsen with climate change.

At the same time, political scientists say, the country’s history has made it particularly sensitive to authoritarianism. East Timor has become probably the most robust democracy in Southeast Asia, according to experts.It’s the only country in the region ranked “free” by the think tank Freedom House and was recently listed 10th in the world for press freedom by Reporters Without Borders.

Smoking as he paced a meeting room in Dili’s government palace, Gusmao said that when he watches extensive coverage of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on television, he often thinks about suffering elsewhere, in Yemen, Somalia, Myanmar. Powerful countries aren’t obliged to care about crises that don’t affect them, Gusmao said.

Among small, fragile nations, he added, “all we have is our solidarity.”

A diplomat expelled

When Gusmao was inaugurated in Dili two months ago, a visitor from Myanmar was seated in the front row alongside cabinet ministers and diplomats from various countries. It was Zin Mar Aung, foreign minister for Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), formed in opposition to the junta after the coup.

That event marked the first time any country had formally received an NUG official and sparked indignation from Myanmar’s military government, which demanded that Dili cut contact with what it called “terrorist groups.” The following month, when East Timor hosted a second NUG official in Dili, the junta expelled Avelino Pereira, East Timor’s top diplomat in Myanmar.

While some countries have downgraded diplomatic relations with Myanmar, the junta had not thrown out any foreign representatives until Pereira and hasn’t since.When other governments meet with opposition officials, they’ve done so privately or informally. Dili’s actions were “public and senior level barbs” at the junta, said a Western embassy official in Yangon, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because that person had not been given authority to speak on the issue.

“It showed great courage,” said Aung Myo Min, the NUG’s minister for human rights, the second opposition official to visit Dili. “It empowers us to know we’re not alone.”

Some Timorese officials worry Pereira’s expulsion could affect the country’s ASEAN bid. But President Jose Ramos-Horta, who was behind both invitations to the Myanmar opposition figures, said he was unperturbed. “It was an honor,” he said, eyes crinkling behind dark Ray-Ban sunglasses during a recent interview as he was traveling between official engagements in Dili.

Ramos-Horta, who shares the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize with Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo for his opposition of Indonesian oppression, led the “diplomatic front” for East Timor’s sovereignty. Over years, Ramos-Horta formed alliances with activists from other countries, including Myanmar.

In recognizing Myanmar’s opposition government, Ramos-Horta, 73, said he was paying back the support that Myanmar pro-democracy groups gave East Timor. But he was also, he said,acting in line with historical precedent: During World War II, the Allied powers recognized Free France, a government in exile, over the Vichy government that collaborated with Nazi Germany.

“Are we supposed to accept the norm that elections can be disregarded?” asked Ramos-Horta. “The answer, at least for us, is no.”

‘Who is listening?’

When Gusmao attended the semiannual ASEAN summit in August, he was feeling contrite, he said.

He’d been chided by his staff a few weeks earlier for saying East Timor would reconsider its ASEAN application if the bloc couldn’t end the violence in Myanmar. Those were “uncontrolled” remarks, he reflected later, and at the summit in Jakarta, he had intended to stick to his prepared speeches.

But faced with leaders from the United States, China and Russia, Gusmao decided again to go off-script. News reports had said Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s deposed civilian leader, was ill, Gusmao told the room. The junta should provide medical care, he appealed. No one responded.

“We will speak out, always. But we are a small country,” Gusmao said as he recounted the incident. “Who is listening?”

Diplomats and aid workersin Dili say Gusmao and Ramos-Horta might have a bigger impact than they know. The two leaders have allies in places from Europe to Africa, and they command respect as that rare breed of statesmen who fought for freedom and won, said Olufunmilayo Abosede Balogun-Alexander, the U.N. resident coordinator for East Timor. On the world stage, she added, “they have an outsize voice.”

Earlier this year, at the World Economic Forum meeting in Davos, Switzerland, Ramos-Horta said he watched as heads of state and chief executives rose one after another to lambaste Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and rally Western governments to supply Kyiv with weapons. He was stunned, he remembered, that virtually no one mentioned Myanmar.

“Next year, I will,” said Ramos-Horta, days before departing for the U.N. General Assembly session last month in New York, where he again met with the NUG. “I will say something,” he continued. “So at least people there will hear the word, ‘Myanmar.’”

[indihome-suck]

Omg pls ramble abt your school I wanna hear it

IM SO GLAD YOU ASKED‼️‼️‼️‼️

Ok so kurikulum merdeka or as I like to say "kurikulum terjajah" throws alllllllll the subjects indiscriminately on you at 10th grade (resulting in like 15 or more subjects), THEN you can customize the subjects you take whatever you want depends on the college major you want to take!

11th grade is where you can finally have those "customized" subject combination. Other schools chooses to make "packets" of subjects per class. With different combinations of subjects in every class. And urges the students to pick which class they'd want to attend, according to their major or career choice.

My school on the other hand has WAY more experience with this complicated ass curriculum. Being one of the school where they tested the curriculum on (that being the year before me therefore the current 12th grade). My school made a student survey and urges the students to consults to the school counselors often.

The combination that's more than 10 students want will be accepted as a valid "major" within the school body. Students with niche combinations will be recommended to a similar major.

For example: me and my friend wanted the combo of physics, informatics, geography and advanced math (acronym FIGM) as we both are interested in civil engineering. But we're the only one who wanted that, so we got to choose which similar major to go to instead. In the end, my friend switched geography with economy (EFIM) and I switched geography with chemistry (FIKM).

Some majors are more popular than others for being basically the same as the previous curriculum two class variants. As we said it, pure science (biology, physics, chemistry and advanced math/BFKM) and pure social studies (economy, geography, sociology and German/EGJS. because my school doesn't have advanced history).

There's two more popular combos that doesn't adhere to that though. Like health major (biology, economy, chemistry and sociology/BEKS) and forestry (biology, economy, geography, sociology/BEGS).

Those 4 combo's/majors have enough students to fill a class, so each have classes of their own. Being that, they don't need to move classes between subjects.

How about the rest of the majors you ask? Well, they don't have enough students to fill a class, so they get mushed together to fill one.

I'm not kidding.

For the remaining classes, up to three different majors are situated in the same class. Therefore moving the class between subjects to accommodate all the students.

Physics major have three variants, BFIM, EFIM, and BFIK. There's more than ten students to each major, but none reach more than 15 so they're in the same class. Coincidentally (or not) their homeroom teacher is our physics teacher!

The other variant of forestry that is BGJS, the engineering major FIKM (mine!), And what my friend describe as being the "entertainment" major BEJS, are quite the predicament though. Both BGJS and FIKM reach more than 20 students, not enough to fill a classroom but still a lot. BEJS however, doesn't quite reach 20 yet, and therefore split into two between the classes.

Those last classes being moving classes results in some mixing of majors in the subjects. FIKM often meets BFIK in chemistry. EFIM and BEJS are together for economy. But there's where it ends. The physics major aren't in the physics lab at the same time as engineering, and German forestry (lol) aren't in the lab when entertainment majors are doing German.

All and all, this curriculum is waaaay more fun once you get to this phase (named phase F). 10th grade, or phase E, is only made for torture testing your toes in each subject. I'll admit, 10 graders have it way worse then 11 and 12 graders.

Studying... Wait I'll list it: biology, economy, chemistry, geography, informatics, sosiology and physics, all of the required subjects like maths, English, Indonesian, PPKN, history, arts, religious studies, home economics/prakarya and more. So like, not fun.

Holy shit that's a lot, I hope this ain't boring for you Ori🫡 good luck with school!

[falseandrealultravival]

China's high-speed rail is rubbish - the case of Indonesia (Essay)

President Joko

In the first place, China's high-speed rail is a technology that China learned from and copied from Japan's Shinkansen and falsely claimed to be its own. It is a railway technology that is cheap but prone to breakage, and ultimately expensive.

Indonesia had promised to introduce Japan's Shinkansen, but when the pro-China Joko became president, they reversed that promise and signed a contract with China. They were dazzled by the low construction costs, but although it was supposed to be in service in 2019, the construction period was extended to 2023, which caused fares to rise and seats to be empty. The repayment of the construction costs will also be extended from 20 years to 40 years. This is putting a strain on the Indonesian economy.

The section that has been opened is 160 km from Jakarta to Bandung, which is too short for a high-speed rail connection. There is a plan to extend this to Sarabaya, a total of 640 km. Still, the Indonesian government was worried about China and shamelessly asked Japan for assistance, but Japan refused.

In the case of China's high-speed railway, a certain railway safety part costs $13, while in Japan it costs $80. Indonesia was deceived by this. Japanese parts are strong, but Chinese parts break "every day."

Joko's successor, Prabowo, visited China first to greet the next president. That is extremely foolish. China said that it would not burden Indonesia with the construction of the high-speed railway, but when the construction costs rose, they took a lot of money from Indonesia. The Indonesian government has not yet realized that China is a country that only thinks about its interests.

Indonesia was liberated from the oppression of the Netherlands thanks to Japan, but they have forgotten that gratitude and have betrayed Japan many times. They say they want to become a developed country by 2045, but with this kind of guts and insight, it is impossible.

Rei Morishita

2024.07.03

中国高速鉄道はカスだーインドネシアの場合（エッセイ）

そもそも中国高速鉄道は、日本の新幹線に学び、パクって中国自前の技術だと僭称したものだ。コストは安いが壊れやすく、結局高くつく鉄道技術である。

インドネシアは、日本の新幹線を導入する約束をしていたが、親中派のジョコが大統領になると、それを覆し、中国と契約を結んだ。工費の安さに目が眩んだからだが、２０１９年には供用できるはずが、２０２３年まで工期が伸び、その分運賃が跳ね上がり、現在は座席がガラガラだという。工費の償還も２０年が４０年になるという。これはインドネシア経済を圧迫している。

開通区間はジャカルタ＝バンドンの１６０ｋｍで、高速鉄道で結ぶには短い。これをサラバヤまで計６４０ｋｍ伸延するプランもあるのだが、さすがにインドネシア政府は中国だけでは不安になり、恥ずかし気もなく日本に援助を求めたが、日本は流石に断った。

だいたい中国高速鉄道の場合、ある鉄道保安部品が１３ドルだが、日本のそれは８０ドルである。インドネシアはここに騙された。日本の部品は丈夫だが、中国の部品は「毎日」壊れる。

ジョコの後継者プラボウォは次期大統領就任挨拶のため、まず中国を訪問した。お目出度いことだ。中国は高速鉄道の建設で、インドネシアには負担を掛けないとしたが、いざ工費がかさむと、インドネシアからしっかり金を取った。インドネシア政府はまだ、中国が自国の利益しか考えない国だと気づいていない。

日本のおかげでオランダの圧政から解放されたのに、その恩を忘れ、日本を何度も裏切っているインドネシア。２０４５年までには先進国になりたいそうだが、こんな性根と見識では、絶対不可能だ。

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Where is the money? Brazil, Indonesia and Congo join forces in push for rainforest protection cash

Representatives of the world’s three forest giants – Brazil, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of Congo – have signed a cooperation agreement in Jakarta calling for more funding to help protect half of the world’s rainforests.

The statement follows a loss of 2.3 million hectares (5.7 million acres) of primary forest in the three countries in 2021, most notably due to skyrocketing deforestation rates in Brazil, responsible for almost 50% of global deforestation last year, according to data by the Global Forest Watch.

Critics say the joint statement lacks action and real commitment. Others say it is a step in the right direction, and international cooperation is urgent to protect the world’s rainforests.

At COP27, Lula da Silva, Brazil’s president-elect called on rich countries to pay into their 2009 promise of $100 billion for helping less developed countries face climate change and promised to reverse deforestation trends in his upcoming mandate.

Continue reading.

[mariacallous]

Across the globe, a diverse group of nations that view world politics differently from the United States are rising and flexing their diplomatic muscle in ways that are complicating American statecraft. From Africa to Latin America, to the Middle East and Asia, these emerging powers refuse to fit into traditional U.S. thinking about the world order. The successful pursuit of American interests in the mid-21st century calls for a strategy that attracts them toward the United States and its ideals but without expecting them to line up in lockstep with Washington.

“We refuse to be a pawn in a new cold war,” Indonesian President Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, said in November 2022. His views are shared in some form or another by leaders of Argentina, Brazil, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Thailand, and Turkey. All 10 of these nations are either in the G-20 or have economies large enough to warrant membership. A majority of them have populations larger than Germany’s. Collectively, they make up around a third of the world’s population and a fifth of its economic production, while also constituting a major share of the so-called global south’s population and economic production.

In the next two decades, emerging powers like these will climb the ranks of the world’s largest economies and populations, reshaping the structure of world politics in the process. Their diplomacy is increasingly ambitious. And they are taking positions that run counter to those of the United States with growing boldness. Washington and its allies should accept not only that these powers are emerging, but also that as they grow stronger, they will not align with Washington’s preferences on many international issues, especially when it comes to Russia and China.

When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, most of these powers declined to join the U.S.-led coalition to support Ukraine, refusing to take concrete action with sanctions on Russia or weapons for Kyiv. Some emerging powers, such as India and Turkey, even expanded economic ties with Russia.

Meanwhile, several of them pursued active diplomacy to end the war, challenging the U.S. policy of supporting Ukraine “as long as it takes.” Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, for example, pitched a plan to assemble a peace club to end the war and urged Washington to “stop encouraging war and start talking about peace.” Separately, Jokowi visited Kyiv and then Moscow, urging Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Russian President Vladimir Putin to start a dialogue. South Africa led a delegation of African leaders to end the war, and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has maintained a working relationship with Putin and sought to keep diplomatic channels open.

Most of these emerging powers also have warm ties with Beijing. They are reluctant to do anything that would endanger their economic relations with China. On a visit to Beijing in 2023, for example, Lula pledged to work with China to “balance world geopolitics”—a phrase that implied upending American global primacy. Even India, which sees China as an adversary and has grown much closer to the United States in recent years, is very unlikely to back the United States militarily in the event of a war over Taiwan.

Washington thus needs to avoid the urge to frame this world historical moment as a neo-Cold War ideological struggle. When the United States appeals to the emerging powers to sacrifice their interests for the liberal world order, they suspect that it is simply trying to woo them for its hard-power struggles with Russia and China. Their officials are quick to cite the 2003 Iraq War as evidence that Washington is not so committed as it claims to the liberal international order. They point to the many cases where the United States has compromised on its high principles and backed autocrats. President Joe Biden’s support for Israel’s campaign in Gaza has only given them another reason to doubt the veracity of American claims to exceptional moral authority.

Most of these emerging powers have limited political headroom anyway for ideological struggles of the kind that so often animate U.S. foreign policy. Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar drove this point home when he pointed out that Europe’s ability to wean itself from Russian energy was a luxury that India did not have. “I have a population at $2,000 [per capita annual income],” he said. “I also need energy, and I am not in a position to pay high prices for oil.”

Given frictions between Washington and so many emerging powers of late, it can be tempting to disregard them and focus solely on countering Beijing and Moscow. But this would be a mistake. The emerging powers don’t pose a threat of the kind that U.S. adversaries can, but they also can’t just be ignored. China and Russia are certainly not going to ignore them—in fact, they are actively courting their leaders for political ties and market access with the hope of building a network of political and economic partners to obviate the need for ties to the West.

The emerging powers are also very open to China’s backing for alternative international institutions, such as the BRICS New Development Bank, that offer the prospect of infusions of capital without the bothersome conditions that accompany Western loans. They are critical of many aspects of the U.S.-led international order, which they see as dominated by former colonial powers and unfairly structured to serve the interests of the world’s wealthiest nations.

The good news for Washington is that the emerging powers don’t want to be vassals of China any more than they want to be vassals of America. They are not swing states ready to pick sides in a neo-Cold War. In fact, they actively seek a more fluid and multipolar world, one in which they believe they will have more leverage and freedom of maneuver. Many, moreover, maintain closer economic ties with the United States than China, especially when it comes to investment and defense cooperation.

Washington can make progress with these powers if it puts aside grand ideological framings about the liberal world order and focuses on developing a positive value proposition that offers meaningful benefit to their economic and political development, sovereignty, and aspirations for an enhanced voice in international affairs.

Although trade agreements have become politically unpopular for Republicans and Democrats alike, market access remains a powerful tool the United States has to this end. Other mutually beneficial economic arrangements are imaginable, focused on specific sectors and packages. So is cooperation on infrastructure investments, technology manufacturing, energy transition initiatives, deforestation, public health, and other areas.

Even when making progress on common interests, the emerging powers will also maintain substantial relationships with U.S. adversaries. Washington should not fall into the trap of judging the quality of its relations with the emerging powers by the strength of their ties to China or Russia.

Ultimately, the best way to engage with these nations is to help them strengthen their sovereignty so that they can resist the influence of U.S. adversaries and gain a real stake in sustaining a peaceful world order. This will take time and a change of approach but is likely to pay long-term benefits to America’s prosperity and continued global leadership.

[fareydonch501]

Let's review the law for Indonesia's major plan to build its local gaming industry (Perpres No. 19/2024)! & my thoughts

For those of you who aren't in the news, the Indonesian government has issued a presidential regulation (peraturan presiden, or perpres for short) earlier this year where they will invest and nurture its local gaming industry. The law, called Presidential Regulation No. 19 2024 on Accelerating the Development of the National Gaming Industry - or Perpres No. 19/2024 for short - was issued on February 12th this year and went into effect that same day, is the Indonesian government's first major attempt to nurture and support its local gaming industry. Among which, the government states that it will fund game projects as minimum as US$40 million, hopes to make 100 prototypes annually, with the achieved goal of having Indonesian-made games taking up 70% of the domestic gaming market, and 10% of the global gaming market.

But you might be wondering, what would the law itself specifically states? Well, I have the copy of the actual law on my hand, so we can take a look at it together! Because idk why I'm bored and I got nothing else better to do.

So, the first thing to note here is that in order to achieve their video gaming industry nirvana, the Indonesian government has set up a team to assist the execution of the law itself. It will be headed by Coordinating Ministry for Maritime & Investment Affairs and conducted in conjunction between the Ministry of Tourism and Creative Economy and of course, our behated bastard child, the Ministry of Communication and Informatics, or known popularly as Kominfo. Yup, the guys who banned Steam and PayPal due to MR5 and blocked all of your porn? That's them.

Funding for this program will be carried out from Indonesian state budget (APBN), local government budgets (APBD), and any other legal funding necessary to help the project. Whether or not game developers will receive the full amount of funding from the Indonesian government as it makes its way from the top to bottom is yet to be seen.

And that is it so far, where the formalities end. The attachment part that comes up next is the most interesting part, as that is where they put a long 14-page essay justifying the need for this regulation, and the steps they're undertaking to achieve the Indonesian government's ideal goal and vision for its local game industry. And it boils down to the largest big talking point mentioned below here:

This passage outlines the goals, in which that the Indonesian-games will get at least 70 whole percents of the local gaming market and 10 percent of the international gaming market. This is a number that is too optimistic in general, especially for the Indonesian government. There's also the aspect of "seeding the values of the Pancasila and national cultural values," which I'll address later on. But without knowing what kind of games the general market domestically and internationally wants, getting that number from scratch is outright unrealistic. Besides, how many games are they going to make to meet that 70%-10% goal?

Which leads us to the next point: they will do this by making 100 video game prototypes annually, promote 100 of them nationally, and promote 30 of them globally.

I feel like this is more of a quantity over quality kind of scenario. Expecting all 100 video games to be prototyped, and then rolled out to public release nationally and internationally under what I assume is a tight bureaucratic government scheme annually, in a country known where red taping is as common as everyday life is going to be very difficult. I wouldn't be surprised if the end goal turns out to be something like 20 games nationally, where 5 of them are promoted internationally. After all, it took A Space for the Unbound seven years from first concept in 2015 to public release, and then another to be nominated at last year's The Game Awards. If the Indonesian government expects to have ASFTU-level kind of game multiplied by 100 to be done within a year, then it needs to heavily readjust its expectations.

But at least there is one thing for sure, the Indonesian Education Ministry (Kemdikbud) will be working together with the Indonesian Games Association (AGI) to develop a national curriculum intended in bringing game dev course studies for vocational school and university students. It's at least nice to see that a standardized video game designing and development will reach a wider academic outreach domestically. Wouldn't be surprised if Indonesian game dev schools start playing Sakurai Masahiro's YouTube videos during class.

Now here comes to the financing and platforming stuff of the law: it states that the Indonesian government will construct an investment scheme through the Indonesia Game Fund through matching funds and venture capitals, in which they are expecting to raise around Rp600 billion or US$40 million annually to fund their game program.

As mentioned earlier, not only these games will be funded through annual state budgets and local government budgets, but third-party ways of funding are also allowed as long as it fits within their legal project. I would assume Indonesian state-owned enterprises would start doing some outreach to big capital investment banks and triple A game companies to fund the project. The extent of how realistic they will reach that 40-million-dollar goal is yet to be seen.

But here's another big, major smoking gun. The Indonesian government is also expecting to formulate a regulation that forces platforms to accept any third-party payments a game would prefer to use. This is a big deal, and it came at a time where Jakarta followed the EU's footsteps and sued Google for monopolistic practices on their payment system in 2022, with preliminary hearings beginning June this year. It was Indonesia's first major attempt to crack down on big tech.

Not only this will have ramifications for the Indonesian video gaming industry, but also the local tech industry at large. Such regulations may potentially cause even Apple to have the Indonesian government knocking on their doors for the same monopolistic behavior over their payment system. Although, I would imagine they would also have to play realpolitik on a case-by-case basis, considering Indonesia has also been wooing Apple for more investments, as well as trying to get them to build a manufacturing plant to make iPhones in the country.

Not to mention, the Indonesian government has been super lenient on local manufacturing schemes for Apple by letting iPhones for sale in the Indonesian market despite the phones themselves aren't manufactured locally, while companies like Samsung, BBK and Xiaomi manufactures are forced to manufacture their phones locally to meet such high standards. And starting an antitrust lawsuit with Apple is a good way to kill off any ambitions Jakarta has to make iPhones within its territory.

Another aspect that got me questioning hard however, is their intellectual property scheme. According to this law, around 25% of the IP rights to the games will be owned by the Indonesian government through a ministry or its state-owned enterprises, or a private company for marketing campaigns. Sure, IP rights and creative transfers like work-for-hire is a very common sight in the game industry, but I can't help but wonder why the Indonesian government would own 25% of your fancy fantasy JRPG game idea specifically, even if it's for marketing? It seems kinda suspicious.

Considering the AGI was involved in formulating the curriculum for game dev studies, and thus, being involved in formulating this regulation as a whole, part of me makes me wonder that 25% is the lowest amount the AGI and the Indonesian government agreed on. Even then, for marketing campaigns alone, giving off a quarter of the IP as a whole to the government seems a bit too much.

The Indonesian government is also planning to formulate a law (undang-undang) to require all foreign video game companies to open a local subsidiary within their borders. Otherwise, the Kominfo will be banning every access to their game services, and even prohibiting sales in Indonesia. I have covered about this issue before in my Nintendo in Southeast Asia history post, and the Indonesian gaming industry, including the AGI themselves have objected strongly against this notion. I assume the AGI couldn't get the Indonesian government to think twice about the ramifications of doing such move, as many local game developers are concerned about possible conflict of interest where big foreign gaming companies would absorb all Indonesian game dev human resources that could've been funneled into local game studios instead.

This also ties in with the future of the Indonesian Game Rating System (IGRS), with a directive to revise the Kominfo Ministerial Regulation No. 11/2016. Which they already did in the form of Kominfo Ministerial Regulation No.2/2024 and is the main reason why the IGRS website is currently down for the time being as they're reformulating how game rating is conducted.

I took a little glimpse over Kominfo's MR2/2024, and most of the articles and clauses remain pretty similar to the previous MR11/2016 regulation, except adding parts regarding game developers and publishers as "electronic system providers" and adding clauses that makes it sound it is mandatory for foreign game companies to open local subsidiaries in Indonesia and have their games properly rated by the IGRS or face repercussions.

And here comes the last interesting part of the law, tighter local domestic content manufacturing (TKDN) schemes on video games. This includes preloading local-made games bundled with gaming system hardwares that are also manufactured locally, under the supervision of the Ministry of Industry, or Kemenperin.

TKDN or local content manufacturing requirements has always been a controversial move conducted by Kemenperin. Despite its intentions to strengthen local tech production, Kemenperin is also known for giving free passes for companies like Apple to sell iPhones, despite not having a manufacturing facility within the country, pretty much undermining their protectionist scheme.

Opening a Foxconn manufacturing plant somewhere in Cikarang to manufacture Nintendo and Sony consoles is unlikely, so it's hard to see how this part of the plan will be executed. Tech companies in general sees Vietnam to be a more promising spot for manufacturing than Indonesia. The Vietnamese government ever since its Doi Moi economic revival program has been giving huge tax breaks, fast-tracked land permits to build factories, and many more to companies who are willing to invest in manufacturing within the country, something Indonesia is lacking heavily. Plus, Vietnam's advantage on sharing its proximity by land to China means the logistics and supply chains for the components needed for manufacturing and assembly would be considerably cheaper and cost-effective compared to shipping it across the South China Sea into Java, not to mention the huge tariffs Indonesian customs will charge on manufacturers.

This is the main reason why Apple chose Vietnam as it seeks to drop its reliance on Chinese manufacturing, while saying "we'll consider it" (which is another way of saying no) on manufacturing in Indonesia during Tim Cook's visit back in April. And since iPhones are made in Foxconn's factory, no Apple factories in Indonesia means no Foxconn factory that is also designed to make Nintendo Switches and PS5s made in Indonesia.

I don't think any companies, including hardware gaming companies, would want to manufacture their consoles in a country where the cost of doing business is way higher and takes longer and more expensive to import stuff for manufacturing.

I do hope that any local content manufacturing mandate they are planning doesn't end up being a huge burden to the customers and end up making video game consoles more expensive, or even outright not being sold due to said local content reasons.

MY THOUGHTS

And that's pretty much it. It is nice to see that the Indonesian government is putting their attention in its local video game industry. Investment and funding into local game studios and letting small indie game developers thrive is always a good thing. But I can't feel but help that the plans and policies taken really feels like Jakarta wants the gaming industry on a more protectionist, us vs. them approach.

The local content manufacturing requirements, the overtly optimistic 70 percent market share goals, the 25% IP transfers for the Indonesian government, the Pancasila and culutral values upholding requirements, everything about it seems like they want game developers to make games what the Indonesian government wants rather than what the consumers and game studios want to make.

The Pancasila and cultural value-upholding requirements in particular seems like a very open-ended excuse to heavily vet Indonesian-made games that doesn't meet the government's narrative, and I am quite concerned that they could have a huge editorial control over what games and concepts developers should make to please the big fat government overlords, such as banning progressive and sensitive topics and ideas in games, LGBTQ+ representation, and anything they deem to be "extremely violent" and "violating the common cultural norms." Which would be very something coming from bureaucrats where the only gaming thing they'd know is playing Zuma on work hours paid by its taxpayers. I hope they can understand and thoroughly examine on what Indonesian gamers, and to an extent, what the global audience want.

But not all of its policies are outright daydreaming or questionable. I welcome their attempts to crack down on big tech by making it mandatory for platforms to accept third-party payment systems, meaning Indonesian gamers could use local payment systems accepting rupiah via QR payment methods, which has been all the rage in the country. It is also nice to see that game dev courses are being planned for vocational school and university students, giving them curriculum-level of attention, it's a humble way to get people interested into game development 101.

Overall, the main points I would like to offer here are:

I wish the Indonesian government lets people make games what they want and what the audience wants, free from total editorial interference and suppression.

Fund game projects realistically and reduce any possible red taping as the funding moves from top to bottom. (Very doubtful, but it would suck to find out that a good game studio got unrightfully dragged into embezzlement/corruption scandals because of what happened on the top during the funding process.)

Make access to dev kits needed to make games easier, with customs and tax fees reduced or dropped entirely.

Setting targets more realistically and put quality over quantity.

Clarify more in-depth about the 25% intellectual property right transfer clause to government institutions.

Protectionist policies like local content manufacturing (TKDN) should not hamper gamers' choices on what gaming platforms and systems, as well as what kind of games they want due to it being inaccessible with higher tariffs imposed on a product. (It would suck if a game console became 50% more expensive due to more Kemenperin/Bea Cukai "economic safeguarding" shenanigans.)

The efforts that Jakarta is giving for its local game developers is very much welcomed. But just like any other political efforts Jakarta is bringing to the table; I think we all should be very cautious on following its development.

[dojae-huh]

That's not the first time she opened donations for ilichil's comeback, even during the fact check era she had opened donations

https://x.com/127CENTRAL/status/1695619570160054759

But the donation has not reached the target and finally helped by Indonesian fans because the target of 127fund has been reached

https://x.com/zellaoxo/status/1708295708514951539

In this comeback there is little support, even in 127fund it has not reached 10%, unlike the fact check era h-7 comeback has reached about 90%

https://x.com/127Fund/status/1721545110238982151https://x.com/127Fund/status/1810957386301198381

And I see many solo stans only support their biased projects / solo jobs

Link, Link2, Link3

Wow, 15k is a lot. What where those money spent on? Ads are costly, but not Spotify accs. Hm..

I see the plans, but were the results published last year? Receipts, names of people who received i-tune giftcards and all?

Well. I agree that the NCT-fandom is very divided. Solo-stanning culture is one of the reasons, the other one is the lack of a strong group-oriented platform ran in English. Managing a group fanclub is a big task. Reposting official twits between comebacks is not a real fandom activity/generating of original content that brings fans together. To collect money the collector needs authority. There won't be much trust in NCT 127 Central if fans hear about it once a year (wasn't it the account that asked fans if they want to boycott Golden Age, or smth?). X stops to show posts from the accounts you are subscribed but don't engage with as well. Which results in lower reach.

Fans can buy i-tunes and more albums themselves, without a middleman. The same goes for streaming on Spotify. Chinese bars offer additional merch for those who purchase albums with them. Indonesian, Thai clubs are very organised, they easily collect money for charities and support projects for concerts. There needs to be a connection with the organiser, and some return of investment in the form of positive feelings.

Look at Lin. Despite her popularity and dedication to her account, the fundriser for Melon for Doyoung wasn't very successful. Maybe in part because Lin didn't have time, so the campaign wasn't very advertised.

I was a part of organisation comitee of anime-festivals. I know first-hand how difficult it is to make people be involved in something made for them for free, let alone when they need to pay, how ungrateful fans are to orgs' efforts, how forgetful about deadlines, staying in contact, etc.

Making one post with a huge sum as the goal and hoping that everyone will commit rarely works. The crowd needs to be warmed up, hyped, unified. A big campaign is needed for people to regret they are nto part of the fun.

Back to NCTzens being divided. These whining posts that further antagonize solo-fans, constant squabbles, fans looking for the worst in each other, "my bias is great yours is a dozen" is part of what led to this reality. And anyone who participates in producing/distributing these fanwar/shipwar/stanwar inducing twits is to blame as well. You reap what you saw.

I heard today that attention is the main coin in the world. Attention lies in the base of the political life, economy, processes of human mental activity, etc. And people who think they are powerless and are not responsible for the changes and status quo in the world around them forget that it is them who decide to what people (politicians, fans) and to what topics (policies, fan content) they give their attention. Attention is power.

Anyhow! Don't be discouraged by the mood in the part of the fandom you see (which is just a fraction of it). Enjoy the comeback and the content we are given. Buy albums, stream, vote - do whatever you can on whatever scale you have time and money for.

Remember that neos love their group, invested half of their lives into it, that the group is the main source of income and solo opportunities for all of them. Not even Taeyong is bigger than the brand.

Both Haechan and Doyoung talked about how they are afraid of not being able to perform on big stages anymore in the future. And very very few solo-artists k-pop are able to get themselves domes.