#Man in a suit supremacy indeed

[deluweil]

[gatheringbones]

[“As history has shown, and as I was at the time experiencing, a strap-on can be sexy, but it can also be a failure and a threat. It draws attention to how contradictory and fragile our definitions of male and female are, and how tightly we cling to them, even in relationships between women, where gender and sexuality are more flexible.

I think it’s important to look at how this played out, not just in the history of straight men policing lesbians but in the lesbian community policing itself. In the 1940s and 50s a bar scene began to develop in cities across the country, marking the first time when lesbians, particularly working-class ones, gathered publicly and in large numbers. During this time a butch/femme culture developed that included strict codes of dress and behavior both in and outside the bedroom. Butch women slicked back their hair, wore suits and jeans, and were, generally, the “givers” of sexual pleasure. Femme women wore dresses and makeup and were the “receivers” of sexual pleasure. In some ways, this culture was liberating, as it represented a powerful, cohesive group aesthetic and safety in numbers. Especially for women who actually identified as butch, it was also a chance to finally adopt masculine dress without being seen as failed or dangerous but rather as sexy and loveable. For others this culture was a trap, pushing women into restrictive sex and gender roles in the same ways heterosexuality had. It is by no means the only lesbian aesthetic, but I think part of the reason it has stuck around for so long in the popular imagination as the way lesbians are is because it allows straight people to again see themselves as the center of the sexual world.

In either case, strap-ons were not widely used, or at least not talked about. In Boots of Leather, Slippers of Gold, a book that documents the lives of Black and white lesbians in Buffalo, there is a pretty exhaustive set of interviews about sex acts and terminology, but no one mentions owning, liking, or even trying sex with a strap-on. Indeed, the one mention of a dildo is one of bewilderment as Vic, a self-identified butch, talks about her friend pulling her into the bathroom to show her the new strap-on she got. “Jesus, she whipped this thing out . . . I’m supposed to be butch and my face felt like a neon sign. I could feel the embarrassment. How do you admire a dildo? No seriously, what do you say?”

Butches in the book took great pride “in their own hands and their ability to please,” which “did not dispose them to think that a dildo would improve their lovemaking.” It’s interesting that they considered the dildo less potent and successful than hands. This could be read as displacing the power of the dick, but, coupled with the silence surrounding strap-on use, it also points to a greater fear about the lesbian body. How regulated and small it had to be to exist. How easily it could be diminished by something outside itself, or destroyed altogether.

In the lesbian radical feminist movement of the 1960s and 70s, there was also a great deal of attention focused on creating distance from dicks. Jill Johnston argued in A Lesbian Nation that the only true road to female liberation was the conscious “withdrawal at every level from the man to develop woman supremacy.” This meant that not only butch/femme dynamics but also penetrative sex were out. Anne Koedt developed the theory that the vaginal orgasm was a myth perpetrated by Freud in order to center male sexual desire for penetration, though her evidence for this was a study done by Kinsey—a man—that found the vagina was not particularly sensitive to touch. True orgasms, Koedt argued, only came from the clitoris—even though she interestingly also called the clit “the female equivalent of the penis”—so if women wanted to have enjoyable sex there was no need for penetration, only clitoral stimulation. Andrea Dworkin went so far as to call the penis “a hidden symbol of terror” and argued that “violence is male, the male is the penis.”

Dorothy Allison writes about the effects this had on herself and other lesbians at the time. “No one admitted to using dildos, wanting to be tied up, wanting to be penetrated, or talking dirty—all that male stuff . . . my lover wanted us to perform tribadism, stare into each other’s eyes, and orgasm simultaneously. Egalitarian, female, feminist, revolutionary.” In attempting to free themselves from the penis, in many ways radical lesbians ended up reinscribing the power of the dick and sacrificing the range of sexual pleasure they could experience in the process.

In a counter to this, the lesbian sexual outlaws of the 1970s, 80s, and 90s argued that dildos were actually great, not problematic, but primarily because they didn’t reference the penis at all. Some even argued that wearing a dildo turns a woman into a cyborg, not woman, man, or even human, just a body involved in the mechanistic movements of giving and receiving pleasure. While there is something freeing about this argument, as it gets us out from under the idea that we can’t talk about strap-ons and that a woman wearing a strap-on is only trying to make up for a never-ending lack, it still bypasses the sticky, complicated reality of the gendered/human world we live in and the simple fact that sometimes lesbians want strap-ons to look like penises.

All of this begs the question: can a dyke wear a dick and just have some damn fun?”]

amy gall, from my dick, your dick, our dick, from wanting: women writing about desire, 2023

[baekhvuns]

What is this Al Nassr squad??? At this point they should establish their own team, because 😬😬😬😬

France is always full of drama lmao. WHAT AM I HEARING KAKA LOOKALIKE, bestie did you know I used to be a huge Kaka girl when I was in primary school absjsjdbdjhshahshahsjaa. Okay but did Pepe even have hair in his life, he's like Zidane to me, seeing them with hair would be so weird 😭

Well, well, well Baek that's karma lmao. But I hope your knuckle is fine. An iron. Fell. 😭 My hair is indeed too long right now, gotta cut it actually. Can it be a braid instead? Not a fan of ponytails on myself 😅

TWO OTHER PEOPLE SENT ME THAT HARRY SHIT TO ME WHAT'S GOING ON, WE'RE LOSING THE PLOT HERE HENRY

Ooooh if they had a daughter she'd experience so much misogyny 🤡 but hopefully she wouldn't be out there proving Fr**d was right like Harry 🔪 but honestly I'm not sure, obviously things would be a bit different, but I don't think anything major

I know Lookass' Chinese stans are obviously protecting him, but most international fans are against him, so... weird move. THIS COMPANY IS SO FUCKING BAD .Btw SM, I have some ☕ to spill from a trusted source 👀

Yunjin supremacy <3333 But?!??!! I'M CHOKING

Yes Eunhyuk the black haired one, he's so 🥰🥰🥰🥰 but Mr Dohwa has redeemed himself he's cute, maybe him and the girl end up as friends, so hopefully no love triangle, but let's be honest... we'll never escape the 🔺️

I'm unfortunately a Draco apologist. I mean I wanna slap that lil bitch, but also he wasn't that bad.

Damiano you're a 99 liner, there's no need to go to the army yet 🔪🔪🔪🔪 the day Ethan cuts his hair though...💀

I'd be the last person to judge you for liking cat boys, so I get it osisoduejwhwiwjs

Hwa on a dance show as a judge, yes, but meanwhile some people don't even consider him to be in the dance line so 💀💀💀💀

I think snakes are cool looking, I have snakes tattooed on me, but I'd never own one! Spiders especially the big ass hairy ones though?! I'M MOVING TO A DIFFERENT PLANET NO THX

I'll die on my Tasir hill, idc, he realised he loved Latil and since she chose him as her main consort this can't end like this I REFUSE!!!! The story is probably fair from over though. Latil doesn't really care for her other baby and the baby father, so I'm not sure if the second time will be any different 😭😅

Krystal's solo DO NOT EVEN

Ravi??? 😬 if it's true then he's done for

God I'm obsessed with him. Anyways let me pass the fuck out real quick

But he's so fucking cute?!?! totally the blushing man in a manhwa/anime vibes, kicking his feet, twirling his hair etc

Shakira's diss track?! - DV 💖

hellooo!!

What is this Al Nassr squad??? At this point they should establish their own team, because 😬😬😬😬 //// France is always full of drama lmao. WHAT AM I HEARING KAKA LOOKALIKE, bestie did you know I used to be a huge Kaka girl when I was in primary school absjsjdbdjhshahshahsjaa. Okay but did Pepe even have hair in his life, he's like Zidane to me, seeing them with hair would be so weird 😭

ex-real madrid fc im into this actually,, france is so dramatic, from witchcraft to zidane slander 🔫🔫 KAKA LOOKALIKE BFWMBDKW BRO GOT A RED CARD AT HIS DEBUT W CHELSEA 😭😭 KAKA SON omg really??? bestie u were stanning the prettiest men i SWEAR & now ronaldinho’s son??? if he’s at the wc 2026 😮‍💨😮‍💨😮‍💨 that’ll be a game to watch omg, the magicians son on the field 🤌🏻 and barca madrid for supercopa again????

no bc pepe suits hair,, zidane tho i think he looks better w none <3 but zidane’s wife??? 🤲🏻

Well, well, well Baek that's karma lmao. But I hope your knuckle is fine. An iron. Fell. 😭 My hair is indeed too long right now, gotta cut it actually. Can it be a braid instead? Not a fan of ponytails on myself 😅 //// TWO OTHER PEOPLE SENT ME THAT HARRY SHIT TO ME WHAT'S GOING ON, WE'RE LOSING THE PLOT HERE HENRY

LMFAOOOO HOW THE TURNT HAVE TABLES it is very fine just that internal redness <3 it looks nice tbh but its fading fbsbdhc YEAH. YEAAAAAHHH fun times i tell u <333 IM SORRY BUT QUIRKY YN ONLY GETS TO HAVE PONYTAILS tho ur bad boy only good to u can braid it for u 🥰🥰,,, NO BECAUSE WHAT THE FUCK IS GOING ON 😭😭😭😭 WE LOST THE PLOT BEFORE THE BOOK CAME OUT, “we want privacy!” “here’s my dic-“ HARRY HAROLD NO 🔫🔫 i cant escape them theyre eveyrwhere but i agree w this

Ooooh if they had a daughter she'd experience so much misogyny 🤡 but hopefully she wouldn't be out there proving Fr**d was right like Harry 🔪 but honestly I'm not sure, obviously things would be a bit different, but I don't think anything major //// I know Lookass' Chinese stans are obviously protecting him, but most international fans are against him, so... weird move. THIS COMPANY IS SO FUCKING BAD .Btw SM, I have some ☕ to spill from a trusted source 👀 //// Yunjin supremacy <3333 But?!??!! I'M CHOKING

oH UR ABSOLUTELY RIGHT,,, tbh i think, hot take, ive heard charles and dianna rly wanted a girl as their second child and were disappointed it was a boy and how their marriage began to collapse from the small threads it was hung by,,, hot take but id think maybe their marriage would’ve worked 🤚🏻 MAYBE 🤚🏻 i believe the daughter would have brought at least some stability <3 i think it would’ve been a situation of siblings like charles and anne, the nicer siblings and not heir spare drama 🤚🏻 but then again charles only liked one person, so i guess it wouldn’t make a difference 😭😭

THIS COMPANY IS SO MAD THEYRE TRYING TO GET A WRESTLING BID UNDER THEM????? FOR WHAT??? TO PUT WHO AGAINST WHO???? the nct thing???? are they mad??? IN THE SAME HOTEL???? NO??? sm always setting their artists up i swear i think they’ve done this w exo before until it got out of hand,,, have they not learnt what the hell?? ok but imagine picking up a pizza delivery from ur door and u see yangyang at the end of the hallway dancing

omg please do tell, my ears are open 👀

YUNJIN SUPREMACY??? YUNJIN IS MY MONARCHY! WAIT NO WAY FHWKHDWK id actually go to their concerts 🤚🏻

Yes Eunhyuk the black haired one, he's so 🥰🥰🥰🥰 but Mr Dohwa has redeemed himself he's cute, maybe him and the girl end up as friends, so hopefully no love triangle, but let's be honest... we'll never escape the 🔺️

HE’S SO

we will never escape the love triangle and u know the miscommunication trope is also coming bc someone’s going to do something that someone will see at the wRONG TIME I CAN ALREADY SEE THE ANGER

I'm unfortunately a Draco apologist. I mean I wanna slap that lil bitch, but also he wasn't that bad. //// Damiano you're a 99 liner, there's no need to go to the army yet 🔪🔪🔪🔪 the day Ethan cuts his hair though...💀

he really wasn’t 😭😭 it was quite sad to see him go thru, and i made a mistake to see this and i don’t think i have wanted a redemption arc for draco so bad ,,,, the way he’s a 99 liner surprises me bc ive always thought he’s at least 27+ 😭😭😭 OH THE DAY HE CUTS HIS HAIR?????? I APOLOGIZE FOR THE PERSON I WILL BECOME

I'd be the last person to judge you for liking cat boys, so I get it osisoduejwhwiwjs //// Hwa on a dance show as a judge, yes, but meanwhile some people don't even consider him to be in the dance line so 💀💀💀💀

LMFAOOOO FBANBDWNHDKAHDKS i am actually obsessed liking a furry, i never knew id join ur group 😔 but to add to that list, brendan fraser in the mummy 😵‍💫😵‍💫😵‍💫 not consider him in the dance line???? what does he put a whole performance for ?? tbh all of them are dancers, it’s their best, strong suit is their dancing and if not for that maybe they wouldn’t have made it,, so it’s so weird that people don’t think of every one of them as dancers! ANON RHAKDJWK CORSET HWA

I think snakes are cool looking, I have snakes tattooed on me, but I'd never own one! Spiders especially the big ass hairy ones though?! I'M MOVING TO A DIFFERENT PLANET NO THX

U DO?????? anon u surprise me every time, how big are they??? do u have a name for them, or is just lefty righty 😭😭 STOPPPP THE HAIRY ONES AND THOSE DIFF COLOURED ONES IM SHIVER ME TIMBERS ID PASS OUT U WONT SEE ME UNTIL NEXT TIME,, i once saw one crawl up someone’s leg, i disliked them so i never told them abt it <3

I'll die on my Tasir hill, idc, he realised he loved Latil and since she chose him as her main consort this can't end like this I REFUSE!!!! The story is probably fair from over though. Latil doesn't really care for her other baby and the baby father, so I'm not sure if the second time will be any different 😭😅

tbh why’s the story not even finished 😭😭 is this becoming a new true beauty or i love yoo again 😭🤚🏻 SEE TASIR IM SO GLAD THEY LIKE EACH OTHER BUT I WILL FORVER WAIT FOR SONNAUGHTS REDEMPTION I WILL NEVER LOSE HOPE ON HIM, MAYBE MY HOPE DIMS BUT IT WONT BLOW 🤚🏻 latil in her toxic era

Krystal's solo DO NOT EVEN /// Ravi??? 😬 if it's true then he's done for

brings back pstd,,,, krystal w her dark energy would’ve embodied the concepts,, the witchy red light type of mv too >>> yEAAAAAAH ravi’s,, i think theres some timeline mishaps 😭😭 and ppl are bringing taemin into this

God I'm obsessed with him. Anyways let me pass the fuck out real quick //// But he's so fucking cute?!?! totally the blushing man in a manhwa/anime vibes, kicking his feet, twirling his hair etc //// Shakira's diss track?! - DV 💖

this is seonghwa cullen, oh my god sTOP ONE MINUTE HES A VAMPIRE THE OTHER HE LOOKS LIKE A FANTASY KING,, this??? this is that bad boy hwa u wanted anon, he is alive and he’s KILLING ME TBEMBDMD & this guy here,,, he’s giving phoenix

HE IS SO CUTE

shakira distrack and pique’s at his shitty behaviour again

and?? 😭😭😭😭 the song is actually rly good! reminds me a bit of teach me out to dougie x justin timberlake tbh dbdbdns

[definitelynotadirath]

DEMON WARS

The war was over.

The gods won against the devils and demons with humankind at their command and the Earth as their battlefield.

And now, the Demon King knelt before Ekos, the King of Gods and his champion. His armies decimated, the last devil was still defiant in the face of inevitable death. On the other hand, Ekos couldn't have been more content.

"As much as we gods have suffered the existence of demons, humans have suffered more. And so it befits that a human should slay you. Go ahead Reino, and behead the last evil that plagues your world. Make your name immortal among gods and humans alike, for you alone deserve this honour."

Reino unsheathed his sword and held it up in the sunlight, it's sheen blinding all those who looked at it. A sword strong enough to slay an immortal, infused with the power of Ekos himself. Reino looked thoughtfully at the sword, as if remembering all the struggle that he had been through and all the comrades he had lost.

Ekos and Reino approached the chained Demon King. Reino took his stance, raised his sword high and— impaled Ekos through the heart in curving swish. Ekos, blood gushing through his mouth, fell onto his knees gasping for breath. A hoarse cry of "Why?" escaped his mouth at the shock of this betrayal. No soldier at their side made a move. Only the Demon King looked about, shocked into silence. Reino pulled out the blade and stabbed it on the ground between the immortals.

"I believe I owe you an answer for what I did, King Ekos. Have you tried to feel the presence of your fellow god's yet?"

Ekos didn't speak. Only his eyes grew wider still.

"Yes, you are the last god left right now. All of the others lay slain at the hands of their champions." said Reino, palming the hilt of the blade.

"But… why?"

"Why indeed, King of Gods, why indeed. Tell me who was it that fought this war for you gods. Who were those who died like the fodder they were against the dark forces? Who worshipped you and took up your cause to fight the demons and devils in the first place? It was us men. Mankind has suffered endlessly in this eternal war of you immortals. We are tired of not being granted the safety and assurance that you gods could give but don't. We were tired of being endlessly hunted by creatures of the dark."

Reino walked over to the Demon King and resumed,

"Now, for the war to end all wars, you chose champions across the realm and bestowed half your powers to them. It didn't take long to convince them that it could all be over. You help us kill all of the demons and we end your kind."

"But we gods would have… made the Earth prosper… after it wa— it was all over…"

"You see, we humans don't live long. But our stories do. The words of those before us are passed down through generations. And all we have known is that you gods made us as your cattle. But to use us, you gave us will and intelligence. And that has been your downfall. You never would have elevated us more than what suited you and nipped all ambition to safeguard your supremacy."

"Without gods… magic will cease to be… If some hidden... evil arises... then you will… all… perish…"

"We know what evils arose in the past. Treya herself has told us that not all evils were the spawn of the Underworld. Some were unleashed by you too, Ekos." Reino said while drawing the sword from the ground.

Ekos finally fell silent, knowing this was the end.

"This sword that I hold loses its power with your lifeblood. So first, I end the last demon to ever walk Earth" said Reino, and beheaded the Demon King in one fell swoop.

"And as for you Ekos, King of Gods. Tell me, what kind of god couldn't foresee their own deaths? Or at least know what their Champions intended? You immortals may have been the most powerful beings to walk the Earth, but you are not gods as we deem you to be. Perish in peace, old man, and rest in the afterlife."

And thus, King Reino beheaded Ekos, the King of the Immortals and said:

"Come men. The war has ended. Now, we move into peace."

Wrote a couple of years ago

[psychemeanscure]

PART 21

Everything happened so fast. It was just Jang Taeyoung being wasted with the amount of alcohol he can be after a wrecking voice message he received from her to later getting delirious of her own image he always adored for. The next thing his assistant could only remember, was that they already backing up their boss of knocking out each man of the Alcaziar’s son, Zilo.

Yes, they’re currently in a chase to get the two-faced young dimwit indeed. Going ever possible place it could gone. And they did. Its warehouse of drugs. Jang Taeyoung holding a steel bar in its right hand, the other’s in pocket then he’s good to go with another battle. Walking boringly to the next pack, he spoke.

“Were you the last batch?”        

Lee tried to stop his boss for a reason, just to be interjected by Jae. “Don’t dare.”

“What?! He’s not thinking straight, Jae. We need to stop him before it gets worse!?”

Truly. They might just be ordinary subordinate who only follow the orders been ask to them, yet they were still human after all. Over the years of working with the great troubleshooter, they knew they also learn to care for him. So for Lee to witness the extent of his boss’ moves until today is too much not to pry.

Or better well said, being acquainted with a woman named Sung Eunyoung is dangerous more than what he expected it to be. He’s aware. Rather they all aware of its affection to her, but how can’t he worry when high officials were already involved. Given that his boss was in the bridge of being observed due to being investigated she caused even. They shouldn’t risk his safety!

“Jae!”

Another call he needed to his co-subordinate. “We can’t.”

Only to get debated once again. “The f*ck?”

His complain, but a recall for Jae. Remembering every bit, a Jang Taeyoung perceived when he himself tried to stop him as well. In its penthouse, in front of its own portrait. He knew, his boss is ready to risk everything.

The way Jang Taeyoung pushes the invisible button of his portrait revealing his secret revolver, a still wrapped blue gum, and cd tapes he left hidden over the years. A remembrance of his failed past. The SIESTA project which was once his writer self’s work to greed.

Tucking the gun on his holster while handing the gum and tapes to his assistant. He commanded. “Send this to Manager.”

By the mere mention of it, Jae instantly got alerted. He doesn’t even need to ask further for he already understand what that was. The Manager. Its former Russian boss who has a knack of not giving up pursuing his boss’ blue gum experiment that even after its exit with the gang, its interest didn’t end. Yet, Jang Taeyoung never gives in to that. Despite the continuous offer his former boss bestow for him, none until today.

He never been for he knew it was unsuccessful itself. He cannot manage of showing it again. Not even his Sung Eunyoung who almost knew about it. The reason why it’s been covered with satin cloth all the while as his hasty flexes halts her the moment she was about to touch his portrait. But if it’s his failure the only choice to keep her safe, so be it.

“Boss, isn’t it better if we should see things first before doing---“

“There ain’t something to see already, Jae.”

“But boss, you know the consequences---“

“Can’t you see this isn’t about me anymore?!”

He finally erupted. Sighing to calm himself, he faced his assistant once again. “He’s the only one who can help us. So just do what I told you to do so. You know what I meant about it, aren’t you?”

Hearing his last sentence somehow relieve his assistant as a proposal begins to form from its mouth. “If that’s the case, then we should ask for extra troop for you, bo--“

“I don’t need one. She’s much important.”

Responding a groan, Jae disagreed. “Boss, we can’t get you in dang---“  

“Another word Jae, and I might just kill you as well.”

And just like that, he surrendered and comprehend his boss’ request instead. And just as today they had no choice but to watch him fighting without braking.

Tapping Lee’s shoulder, he reminded. “We can no longer stop him, Bud. He’s already unstoppable. Accomplish or not, we’re only left with one choice and that is to protect who’s important to him at all cost. That’s all he wants.”  

Huffing with heavy breath with one-man punch to enemy’s underling, “F*ck this.” He follows. As in just a snap, they became their boss’ support system.

~

“Boss, saw the Alcaziar!”

A shout from one of his men, Jang firmly retorted. “Where?”

Pointing out the area, his men answered. “Along the hallway, upper right.”

That with one swift move, he tags along sprinting to the opposite side contradicting its path until he did. He reached him as he pointed his already loaded revolver at the back of its head. No doubt, the young Alcaziar is finally captured.

Welcomed by its mocking smiling face as it turns to face him, hands in the air. “Bang, little brother.” His reciprocated mockery even. As the act-like embarrassed Alcaziar answers. “Eish… Fine. I’m busted.”

For it was also too fast for Jang to drag him in a scattered gambling room, being beaten in some of his trivial parts. “Now, dimwit. It’s either you tell me where your delusional father is, or be dead instead. Your choice.”  

Wiping out some dust from his black suit, he threatened. Just to receive the snickering laugh of the young Spaniard, looking up to him, drained. “As if I had a choice either.” Its own hopeless answer as Jang Taeyoung starts to click his heels to sit by a near table with checker chips on it. Unmoved from the pity situation of the other. Picking one piece of chip as he pictures it like chess pieces before opening a theoretical talk.

“You play chess, Zilo?”

“I am. Why?”

As delighted Jang smirk. “So will you believe if I say why queen and knights are best partners in chess then?”

Confused Zilo questioned. “Shouldn’t it be the king and queen on a throne, though?”

Rubbing the texture of the checker chip, he retorted. “That’s the luxury of monarch, dimwit. Unfortunately, we’re talking boards where all I can see is a king who only proves himself useless in it. Hiding between his towers and pawn fences while lazily waiting for its queen’s pride and brave knight’s outcome. You got the sense, Zilo?”

Narrowing eyes starts to retract. “A give and take blabber getting the privilege which should have been given to queen and knights, you saying? Pathetic.” 

“Exactly. Makes sense, right.”

“Right. So what do they call each other? Comrades ready to reach supremacy? Great.”

As the amused chuckle came after Jang, “That’s how they’re made to be a perfect team! And you know what’s more fascinating?”

“What?”

Walking over to the young Alcaziar again, he bent. “It was when a queen’s in danger, the knight cannot be much angrier than slaughter and unforgiving.” Face leveled, as he begins to tap his revolver to its cheek itching to pull its trigger.

“So spill now young Alcaziar before this knight in front you become a stallion you can’t hardly imagine.”

His knowing verdict, only yet to be responded by a beaming smirk, urging its next word. “Too bad, brother. That’s just also the irony of chess you’re perceiving of.” Pausing to surround its eyes around the room, security agents flock to corner Jang and his men with guns. “You forgot the prankster bishop who hides in surprise behind the pawns.”  

“What will you do now, knight? The fences are already after you.”

Recognizing they are owned by filthy back up officials they have, he can only awe in sarcasm. Manically laughing like they were just joking around, gaping orbs following the surprise sight, mannish arms resting from his crouched knees. Cold Jang Taeyoung finally advents.

“Know what, dimwit?”

“What?”

“That for some time I actually thought of you as one. A younger brother I never had.”

Zilo was lying if it didn’t warm him for it obviously did as his once smirking face easily vanish just like that. Looking up to already standing older brother he never had as well. It’s too late.

Gazing to multiple guns pointing at him, he complains. “Eish… F*cking law makers.” Before he went back to look down Zilo. “I guess I misjudge you then.” Pulling out his revolver once again, he left one last word.

“Let’s play the game if given the chance, yeah? Who knows.”

And with a starting blow from the enemy’s agents, the imprudent chaos has begun. Together with his men, Jang knocks every underling that goes on his way. Series of bullets heard and wasted, lifeless bodies lying on the grime of floors, stinks of blood spread on endlessly from the dirty four walls. As all he could think of, is to chase the straightway escape of the young Alcaziar who has been escorted from the start.

But he was too late. They were already far for his reach. The youngster’s car freely drives from the buzzing path of sinners for cursing is the only thing that can pass his anger.

Before another gunshot was heard. For it was his stooping body covered with blood he saw. “We got him!” as a voice unfamiliar to him speaks out. The pain is bearable though like they intentionally miss to shot the most vital part of him as it didn’t take him long to know the reason why as another flocks of underling came rushing after, ready to take him down. He fights back. Even if his body isn’t cooperating this time.

How a simple stretch of his legs he flawlessly does, is lost. How hasty blocks became his wrecking bricks. And how his keen reflexes of dodges demote to novice. He hates it! He’s not usually a person who easily get strained with a mere shot. F*ck, he got the worst even!  

It seems like they implanted something from the bullet fired to him which lead him to be weak. Whatever it is, he’s f*cking screwed up! “Tss. These f*cking cowards.” His hell of grumbles the moment they were ask to stop their countless attacks. With his once perfect face busted and once well-built figure turns into qualmish leaf. They successfully take advantage of his current wimps indeed.  

Surely as he was fighting them alone, actually. How can he get help even when his men have their own fight meters afar from his? A much more number than he partakes.    

Pressing his gushing stomach while holding any possible thing that can give him strength which turns out to be edges of wooden recycling bins. He looks up to the scumbag that caused him then. Veeros Alcaziar, bending to face the aggrieved him. “Hey, young lad.” Its unabashed greeting. “How was the show, eh?” its next word as he can only grunt trying to grab its collar by the hand that was once holding the edge of the bins. Only for him to end up gripped lousily instead.

“W-where. Where did you bring Sung Eunyoung!”

Regaining a remaining strength, he has. He enraged. And the latter just confidently tapping his downgrade shoulder. “Don’t worry, young man. You’ll meet each other soon.” Its lunatic response as he begins to get drowsy. Medicine perhaps takes its effect.                                

“You know what you missed about the king, Lad?”

‘So he’s there all along.’ He thought.

Leaning its head towards his ear, the geezer whispered.

“It’s his manipulative intelligence.”

Then a Jang Taeyoung, finally passed out.

~

“Wake up. Jang Taeyoung, wake up!”

For there it is. The voice he had searched like years. Heard by his own lobes.

[ottomanladies]

Is it true that Suleiman wrote poems under the name Muhibbi? Did he write any for Hurrem or his children or other people? Is there a diwan of it? Was it common for Sultans to write poetry? Were concubines or daughters educated like that- to compose poetry or play instruments?

I don't want to sound rude but if you google Muhibbi Süleyman the Magnificent comes up. And it seems to me that if you know what a divan is, then you also know the answer to your own questions (and if you don't: I assure you the first google result of "Suleyman the Magnificent poet" is a link to buy a selection of his works). Lastly, this is a blog about women and I am contemplating whether to stop answering asks about men or not.

In any case 

Süleyman was a great poet, as Talat S. Helman says:

Divan poetry, as the Turkish elite poetry that was influenced by Arabic and Persian literature is often called, found favor at the court and at the coffeehouse, satisfying the aesthetic needs of both the elite and the man in the street. Significantly, two-thirds of the sultans were poets—some, in particular Mehmed “the Conqueror” (1432–81) and Süleyman the Magnificent (1494–1566), were first rate.

His poems were mostly about love: 

Kanuni Süleyman (better known in the West as Süleyman the Magnificent), like many other sultan-poets, including Selim I, Ahmed I, Mustafa III, and Selim III, denigrated worldly power, choosing to glorify the supremacy of love: What they call reigning is nothing but worldly quarrel; There is no greater throne on the earth than the love of God

The one he penned for Hürrem is quite famous (and was sent to her as a letter):

My very own queen, my everything, my beloved, my bright moon; My intimate companion, my one and all, sovereign of all beauties, my sultan. My life, the gift I own, my be-all, my elixir of Paradise, my Eden, My spring, my joy, my glittering day, my exquisite one who smiles on and on. My sheer delight, my revelry, my feast, my torch, my sunshine, my sun in heaven; My orange, my pomegranate, the flaming candle that lights up my pavilion. My plant, my candy, my treasure who gives no sorrow but the world’s purest pleasure; Dearest, my turtledove, my all, the ruler of my heart’s Egyptian dominion. My Istanbul, my Karaman, and all the Anatolian lands that are mine; My Bedakhshan and my Kipchak territories, my Baghdad and my Khorasan. My darling with that lovely hair, brows curved like a bow, eyes that ravish: I am ill. If I die, yours is the guilt. Help, I beg you, my love from a different religion. I am at your door to glorify you. Singing your praises, I go on and on: My heart is filled with sorrow, my eyes with tears. I am the Lover—this joy is mine. Muhibbi (Sultan Süleyman’s pen name), sixteenth century

These are other poems that Halman translated in English: 

I am the Sultan of Love: a glass of wine will do for a crown on my head, and the brigade of my sigh might well serve as the dragon's fire-breathing troops. This bedroom that's best for you, my love, is a bed of roses, for me, a bed and a pillow carved out of rock will do. My love, take a golden cup in your hand and drink wine in the rose-garden; as for me, to sip blood from my heart, it is enough to have the goblets of your eyes. If, my beloved, you ride the horse of coyness and trot in the polo grounds, this head of mine will do as a ball for your mallet. Come, don't let the army of sorrow crush the heart's soldiers; if it is my life you demand just send those looks of yours— that should be enough. The heart can no longer reach the district where you live, but it yearns for reunion with you: don't think Paradise and its rivers can satisfy the lover of the adorable face. Lover, I have enough tears to sprinkle over the ground you walk on— and my own pallid face will do for me as silver and gold.

Listen, my heart, don't crave silver and gold like a highwayman; Don't spruce yourself up with satin and trinkets like a woman... Don't stand there, stiff, chest puffed up, like a wrestler's lion. Never cherish wealth or high office. Don't brag: "I'm better than anyone!" Others have their own rights: Don't stick out your tongue at them like an iris. You might conquer far-flung lands and seas and rule them as their sovereign king: Even if your reign on the imperial throne becomes everlasting. Don't be taken in: One day, a hostile wind is bound to blow and bring To your land of beauty heaven's misfortune and worst suffering. Don't blow up your chest like a proud sail; shun arrogance and malice.

Friends, in my eyes, life has no meaning without the loved one; To the nightingale, the world is a cage if it has no rose-garden. I languish on sorrow's mountain where night and day I sigh and moan: Wondering what fate awaits me with my beloved gone. Beware the consuming fire of my groan, for you are a tender sapling. My bosom is engulfed in flames that will rage if I cannot find my darling. What good is her province to me if I am not to see her? This Lover will not accept Paradise without the loved one.

This one was written for Bayezid and I thought it was very interesting:

Oh you! There were times you engaged in tumultuous rebellion, my son;  You did not carry around your neck the pendant of ferman, my son. Oh, would I ever put you in death's throes, my own Bayezid Khan, my son? But at least don't say "I am without guilt." Repent, my dearest one, my son. 

As Halman says in his introduction to Süleyman the Magnificent Poet: The Sultan's Selected Poems, Süleyman mostly wrote about love and private matters.

Concubines and daughters were not educated to write poetry. Indeed, there are very few of them:

Afife Hatun (or Kadın) was a consort of Mehmed IV who used to exchange verses with him and who also wrote a poem about Emetullah Rabia Gulnus pining inside the Old Palace after his deposition

Adile Sultan was a daughter of Mahmud II known as the only Ottoman princess who composed poems.

Musical instruments were another thing entirely.

Angiolello, who lived as a page in Mehmed II's palace said about this:

"[T]he most senior [women[, who are trained, teach the new and unrefined to speak and read and instruct them in the Muhammadan law, and also teach them to sew and embroider, and to play the harp and to sing, and instruct them in all their ceremonies and customs, to the degree that [these girls] have the inclination to learn." — Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

Women who made their way up the harem hierarchy by appointment to the training/service divisions or to the suites of high-ranking family or household staff members presumably spent their time acquiring and perfecting the skills and manners appropriate to their new station. Those who showed an aptitude for instrumental music, singing, or dance were trained in these arts. The valide sultan selected the most talented and beautiful of these more highly trained women for her own suite. — Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

[antoine-roquentin]

ON NOVEMBER 3, 1979, a caravan of neo-Nazis and Klansmen fired upon a communist-organized “Death to the Klan” rally at a black housing project in Greensboro, North Carolina. Five protestors died—four white men and one black woman—and many more were injured. Fourteen Klansmen and neo-Nazis faced murder, conspiracy, and felony riot charges. Although three news cameras captured the identity and actions of the Klan and neo-Nazi shooters, all-white juries acquitted the defendants in state and federal criminal trials. A civil suit returned only partial justice. The Greensboro confrontation heralded a paramilitary white power movement mobilized for violence, and also revealed a legal system broadly unprepared to convict its perpetrators.1

The shooting at the Greensboro rally was the logical extension of post–Vietnam War paramilitary culture and a series of increasingly violent clashes between the fractious radical left and the nascent white power movement. Sharing a common story of the Vietnam War, disparate Klan and neo-Nazi factions united around white supremacy and anticommunism, and sustained the groundswell by circulating and sharing images, personnel, weapons, and money. In 1979, North Carolina Klansmen had recently discovered a new leader in David Duke. His Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK), gaining momentum nationwide, had just secured a local foothold in an area with a long tradition of Klan activity and with other active Klan factions. In February, Duke himself came to Winston-Salem to screen Birth of a Nation. The 1915 film depicts Klansmen as heroically saving the South—embodied by white women threatened by interracial sex—from the ravages of blacks and northern carpetbaggers during Reconstruction.2

While neither the post–Vietnam War KKKK nor the white power movement was primarily southern, the film’s invocation of the lost Civil War had particular resonance in North Carolina. For the South, the Vietnam War was not the only American defeat at play in the popular imagination, nor the only war that needed to be reengaged. Indeed, one illustration published in the Alabama-based KKKK newspaper White Patriot portrayed a Confederate veteran standing in formation with a Vietnam War–era Green Beret and a third man wearing a Klan hood.3 At the time of Duke’s visit in 1979, the KKKK showed signs of a southern membership surge as well as openness to new alliances: people wearing Nazi armbands, for instance, attended an exhibit of Klan artifacts at a county library in Winston-Salem.4

At the same moment, an attack waged by Invisible Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan upon black civil rights marchers in Decatur, Alabama, modeled a Klan strategy of forming armed caravans to carry out violence.5 The Decatur altercation wounded four black demonstrators and resulted in a local ordinance prohibiting guns within 1,000 feet of public demonstrations. The Invisible Empire responded by driving a caravan of vehicles past the mayor’s house: “If You Want Our Guns, Come and Get Them,” one sign read. The local police chief made no arrests, unsure if the ordinance applied to a moving caravan of cars. The Invisible Empire, helmed by Bill Wilkinson, famously didn’t get along with several other Klan factions. Nevertheless, an increasing circulation of newspapers and other printed ephemera had begun to link these groups, and articles about the Decatur clash appeared in Klan and neo-Nazi publications as well as in the mainstream press. The incident foreshadowed the caravan of Klansmen and neo-Nazis that would gun down protestors in Greensboro months later.6

In July 1979, local members of the Federated Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and the American Nazi Party arranged another screening of Birth of a Nation. This time they chose a community center in the small, working-class town of China Grove, North Carolina, about sixty miles from Greensboro.7 Members of the Workers Viewpoint Organization (WVO)—which soon changed its name to the Communist Workers Party (CWP)—organized a rally and march in protest. A hundred self-proclaimed communists as well as black community members stormed the community center, armed with clubs. While Klansmen and Nazis stood on the porch with shotguns, a few policemen managed to keep the groups from attacking each other. The Klansmen retreated into the building as protestors damaged the structure and burned a Confederate flag.8

The scene was remarkably similar to the final sequence in Birth of a Nation, in which the southern family hides in a small cabin as the town is, as the intertitles say, “given over to crazed negroes … brought in to overawe the whites.” As the “black mob” and the carpetbaggers wreak havoc in town, tarring and feathering Klan sympathizers and attempting to force an interracial marriage, those in the cabin are trapped, hopelessly besieged, until a large cadre of robed Klansmen rescues them, accompanied by the strains of Richard Wagner’s “Ride of the Valkyries.”9

No such rescue party appeared in China Grove. Klansmen experienced the protest as a direct attack. The women huddled in the bathrooms as the men defended the building, vowing revenge. Several Klansmen would later study photographs of the China Grove demonstrators to choose whom to “beat up” in Greensboro on November 3. In the moments before the fatal shooting, a news camera would capture neo-Nazi Milano Caudle murmuring “China Grove” as he drove past the demonstrators, evoking that earlier clash just before the shooting began.10

The CWP, on the other hand, saw China Grove as a success. A Maoist Communist group that advocated political violence, the CWP was largely composed of young, earnest white and Jewish outsiders, many from New York. Several had left jobs as doctors at Duke Hospital to unionize textile factory workers in nearby Greensboro, choosing the town because of its low unionization and the persistent problem of brown lung disease acquired from inhaling cotton fibers. The group also included black activists long involved with the local civil rights movement. While the WVO / CWP claimed a long alliance with the black community in Greensboro, it was a complicated relationship characterized by misunderstanding. Black residents would later express their frustration that the CWP had turned their neighborhood into a site of confrontation without their consent. WVO / CWP leaders claimed China Grove as a victory, ignoring the fears of future violence the confrontation had raised for many group and community members. Following several other Maoist and radical left groups nationwide, the CWP took the official position that organizing against the Klan required aggressive confrontation. They mobilized against what they called a southern Klan resurgence, and against the impact such a movement might have on unionizing and racial cooperation.11

The Klan was, indeed, in the midst of a major membership surge. According to watchdogs, the Klan had been 6,500 strong in 1975 but by 1979 had increased to 10,000 active members plus an additional 75,000 active sympathizers. Duke, at the peak of his popularity on the talk-show circuit, boasted that the KKKK had doubled its membership between March 1978 and March 1979. A Gallup poll, furthermore, showed that the number of people with favorable opinions of the Klan rose from 6 percent in 1965 to 11 percent in 1979.12

While the local community and national press perceived people on both sides of the Greensboro confrontation as dangerous and violent extremists, they also remained deeply engaged in the anticommunism of the Cold War. The Greensboro community, including local media, saw the Klansmen as local boys defending the status quo and the communists as anarchist outsiders who came to town to make trouble. The communists, with their openly revolutionary agenda, were understood as traitorous, radical, and dangerous in a way that Klansmen were not.

The Greensboro shooting was the culmination of almost two years of intense antagonism and repeated clashes between white power groups and the radical left. In July 1978, Tom Metzger, Grand Dragon of the KKKK in California, encountered left-wing opposition when the Maoist Progressive Labor Party (PLP) and Committee Against Racism (CAR) tried to forcibly prevent Metzger’s Klan from screening Birth of a Nation in an Oxnard, California, community center. According to the KKKK newspaper Crusader, the communists had come to the screening prepared for a fight: “PLP / CAR put over nine police in the hospital, swinging lead pipes rolled in Challenge newspapers.” The Los Angeles Times reported that forty leftist demonstrators had charged the community center, wielding clubs, bottles, and pipes. Police arrested thirteen demonstrators for incitement to riot, assaulting police officers, carrying concealed weapons, and refusing to disperse. Between 180 and 300 more demonstrators—characterized by local police as “mostly Mexican-Americans”—remained on the street, shouting “Death to the Klan, Death to the Klan!” One Klansman, blindsided by a protestor’s lead pipe, suffered a broken nose and lost teeth, according to police. Three law enforcement officers and four demonstrators also sustained serious injuries, and seven more policemen reported minor wounds.13

Similar incidents across the country showed rising tension between the left and the nascent white power movement. In August, leftists attacked neo-Nazi Michael Breda in Kansas City as he was giving a radio interview—twelve to fifteen men with clubs and pipes broke into the radio station and beat Breda and another member of his group, the American White People’s Party. Although the attack lasted less than a minute, Breda and two radio station employees suffered significant head and shoulder injuries. A member of the International Committee Against Racism and the Revolutionary Communists Progressive Labor Party—iterations of CAR and PLP—took credit for the beating. Breda told the Los Angeles Times that the same thing had happened during a Houston radio interview.14

The next summer, Klansmen gathered in Little Rock, Arkansas. They intended to stage a counterdemonstration to some 1,200 to 1,500 mostly black men and women protesting the rape conviction of a mentally disabled black man. The event stirred memories of the civil rights movement: Little Rock had seen some of its most tumultuous moments around the integration of the city’s Central High School in 1957, when federal troops were called in to keep order. As the Chicago Tribune reported of the 1979 march, “To preclude violence … state and city officials sent in extra men and firepower, including 230 state troopers, a full platoon of Alabama National Guardsmen, two armored personnel carriers, and police from surrounding communities armed with AR-15 semiautomatic rifles and pump-action shotguns.” This intense armament foreshadowed another burgeoning paramilitary culture in the escalating militarization of civilian policing.15

Two months later, some forty members of Metzger’s Klan met to discuss “illegal aliens and Vietnamese boat people and communists and other things” in Castro Valley, California. Thirty chanting and stone-throwing CAR members stormed the meeting to break it up. The Klan swiftly responded with a fifteen-man contingent armed with clubs and plywood shields, dubbed the “Klan Bureau of Investigation.” Sheriff’s deputies broke up the fight, which resulted in only one minor injury. The speed of the Klan response showed both an escalation from the Oxnard confrontation the previous year and the expansion of group activities throughout California. Although Metzger had militarized his operation as early as 1974 through the Klan Border Watch and other activities, the California KKKK was now regularly prepared for violent confrontation at public events.16

As violence came to the fore of the movement, distinctions among white power factions melted away. Klansmen and neo-Nazis set aside their differences, which had been articulated largely by World War II veterans with strong anti-Nazi feelings, as the Vietnam War became their dominant shared frame.17 White men prepared for a war against communists, blacks, and other enemies. As one Klansman said just after the China Grove altercation, “I see a war, actual combat, eventually between the left-wing element and the right wing.”18

Klansmen and neo-Nazis united against communism at the same moment that elements of the left fractured and collapsed under the pressure of internal divisions and government infiltration. In Greensboro, for instance, the CWP competed locally with the Revolutionary Communist Party and the Socialist Workers Party. The members of each group refused to speak to each other and more than once came to blows while attempting to unionize the same textile mill.19

In contrast, white power activists bound by paramilitarism also developed a cohesive social movement managed through intimate social ties. Intermarriages connected key white power groups, and Christian Identity and Dualist pastors provided marriage counseling. White power activists, who often traveled with their families, stayed at each other’s homes and cared for each other’s children. They participated in weddings and other social rituals and depended on others in the movement for help and for money when arrested. They founded schools to teach their ideas. The Dualist Mountain Church, for instance, hung Nazi flags and performed cross-burnings, but also held “namegivings,” weddings, “consolamentum” ceremonies for the sick, and last rites.20

In September 1979, two months before the Greensboro shooting, about 100 neo-Nazis, National States’ Rights Party members, and Klansmen of various groups convened in Louisburg, North Carolina. Leroy Gibson, convicted in 1974 of two civil-rights-era Klan bombings, organized the meeting. Gibson, who claimed twenty years of service in the Marine Corps, said that 90 percent of his faction, the Rights of White People, was composed of veterans. Gibson described paramilitary training and free instruction for local high school students. Harold Covington, leader of the National Socialist Party of America, spoke of Nazi paramilitary training camps in two North Carolina counties. “Piece by piece, bit by bit, we are going to take back this country!” he said, holding aloft an AR-15 semiautomatic rifle.21 A rope noose was strung from a tree outside the lodge “for purely inspirational purposes,” as Klan Grand Dragon Gorrell Pierce told an Associated Press reporter.22 Many activists attended the meeting heavily armed.

Participants called the rally the first North Carolina meeting of Klansmen and neo-Nazis, although the groups had begun cooperating as early as February. Activists understood how World War II affected relations between their groups. “You take a man who fought in the Second World War, it’s hard for him to sit down in a room full of swastikas,” Pierce said. “But people realize time is running out. We’re going to have to get together. We’re like hornets. We’re more effective when we’re organized.” Pierce argued that urgent threats—particularly communism—required Nazis and Klansmen to band together.23 They named their coalition the United Racist Front and pledged to share resources.

Shifting from the openly segregationist language of the civil rights era to a discourse in which anticommunism was used as an alibi for racism, Klansmen spoke publicly of race as a secondary concern. “The one thread that links all Klan factions and other extreme right-wing groups such as Nazis is hatred of communists,” one Associated Press article reported just after the shooting. “Blacks, they say, are pawns of communism, and integration is merely one salvo in the communist battle to destroy the United States.”24

This strategy drew on a long history of Klan rhetoric that intertwined racial equality, communism, labor organization, immigration, anti-imperialism, and internationalism as threats to the “100 percent American” nationalism early Klans sought to defend. Such ideas were linked not only in Klan rhetoric but also on the left. In Alabama, for instance, the Communist Party attempted in the 1930s to mobilize the same groups targeted by Klan vigilantism and harassment. Communists called the Jim Crow South an oppressed nation, pushed for black self-determination, decried lynching, and defended black men accused of rape. They organized for shorter workdays, better labor conditions, and the right of tenant farmers to engage in collective bargaining. Those who opposed communism in the South—not only the Klan, but many southerners—explicitly associated communism with free love, assaults on the family and on the church, homosexuality, the idea of white women becoming public property, and the threat of interracial sex. In this way, communism and unionization were seen as threats to the white supremacist racial order, which the Klan purported to defend.25

In the days before the Greensboro shooting, the men who would join the caravan papered the North Carolina city with posters of a lynched body in silhouette, hanging from a tree. Part of the caption read “It’s time for old-fashioned American Justice.” (Four years later, the same language and graphic would appear on a poster for Posse Comitatus in the Midwest. The Posse would use the Klan graphic in 1983 to encourage its members to stockpile guns and ammunition in preparation for white revolution. The flier promoted its own circulation: “Reprint permission granted,” it read. “Pass on to a friend.”)26

When the Klan and Nazi caravan drove to Greensboro on November 3, its members expected to wage war on communists. The CWP prepared for confrontation as well, anticipating the brawling that had characterized such clashes in previous years. Several communists wore hard hats. Others armed themselves with police clubs and sticks of firewood. Some brought small guns to the demonstration, though these were mostly left in locked cars.27

But the United Racist Front in North Carolina, following the movement at large, had outfitted itself as a paramilitary force. White power activists brought three handguns, two rifles, three shotguns, nunchucks, hunting knives, brass knuckles, ax handles, clubs, chains, tear gas, and mace. Roland Wayne Wood, a neo-Nazi who had served as a Green Beret in Vietnam, had a tear gas grenade, possibly stolen from nearby Fort Bragg; he wore his army boots. They had packed several dozen eggs for heckling and “a .22 cal revolver as fresh as the eggs—a receipt for its purchase was with it.” This implied that the Klansmen and Nazis armed themselves particularly for the November 3 confrontation, with plans to use the guns. They also had two semiautomatic handguns and an AR-180 semiautomatic rifle, a civilian version of a military assault rifle. The Vietnam War’s guns and uniforms framed this attack, much as the war’s narrative framed the larger movement.28

Significantly, although the Vietnam War had also impacted the left, the militarization of the left never matched that of the paramilitary right, in part because of the right’s cultural embrace of weapons and in part because of the matériel and active-duty personnel that the white power movement continued to draw from the U.S. Armed Forces. Veterans led leftist groups like the CWP, continuing a legacy of protest and armed self-defense begun by veterans of color who participated in civil rights, armed self-defense, and other left movements after homecoming. In Greensboro, one of the CWP leaders, Nelson Johnson, was a local black activist who had fought in Vietnam. While some on the left advocated radical activism in the name of anti-colonial self-determination, however, many wavered on the use of violence.29

On the sunny Saturday morning of November 3, 1979, CWP members arrived in Greensboro’s Morningside Homes, a black housing project, to stage their widely publicized “Death to the Klan” demonstration. Three television news crews arrived. At a rally preceding the march, protestors—along with a number of children wearing red berets—milled around the intersection, singing protest songs and burning a Klansman in effigy. While the group expected confrontation during the march, they did not expect it at the rally. And, due to a series of command decisions and miscommunications, local police had not provided on-site protection, but instead stationed their cars and personnel several blocks away.30

Meanwhile, Klansmen and Nazis convened at a member’s home and talked about “getting into some fistfights” with the communists. Caudle showed people a military machine gun and told them he could get more for $280 each. Spurred on by Eddie Dawson, a longtime Klansman and sometime FBI informant, they grabbed guns and formed a caravan of cars. They intended to picket the march, taunting and throwing eggs, but they also brought the guns and planned to use them if necessary. As Klansman Mark Sherer would later testify, “By the time the Klan caravan left … it was generally understood that our plan was to provoke the Communists and blacks into fighting and to be sure that when the fighting broke out the Klan and the Nazis would win. We were prepared to win any physical confrontation between the two sides.”31

As the caravan of cars approached, a news camera zoomed in, refocusing on a Confederate flag license plate. The protestors took up the chant: “Death to the Klan, death to the Klan.” People in the caravan screamed racial slurs. A young black man yelled, “Get up,” beckoning at the Klansmen and Nazis in the cars. A black demonstrator hit a car with a stick as it accelerated at him; the car swerved wildly at the demonstrators. A teenage white girl shouted from one of the cars, calling the protestors “kikes” and “nigger-lovers.” In a pickup truck, Sherer, smiling, hung out of the front window and fired the first shot in the air, with a powder pistol. The air turned heavy with blue smoke. Another Klansman fired, also pointing his shotgun in the air. Sherer fired twice more, claiming later that these shots hit the ground and a parked car.32

A young Klansman yelled into the CB radio, “My wife’s in one of those cars!”33 Klansmen and neo-Nazis climbed out of the vehicles and ran toward the intersection. The groups met, fighting with fists and sticks.34 CWP member Sandi Smith screamed for someone to get the children out of the way; a black woman, eight months pregnant, lost her balance and fell while trying to run away, her legs pelted with birdshot.35 CWP member Jim Waller retrieved a fellow protestor’s shotgun from a parked car, pulled it up, and aimed it at Klansman Roy Toney. They struggled, and the gun fired twice.36

As the shots continued, a few communist protestors reached for their handguns. Caudle climbed out of his powder-blue Ford Fairlane and walked calmly around to the trunk, from which he distributed shotguns, rifles, and semiautomatic weapons to six men. One of these men, Klansman Jerry Paul Smith—a cigarette dangling from his lower lip—dropped one knee to the ground, a gun in each hand, as he fired into the panicking crowd. Others took aim and shot, over and over. One gunman, a survivor remembered, passed up a clean shot at a white woman in order to kill Sandi Smith, a black woman, instead.37 Klansman Dave Matthews, firing buckshot, would later recount, “I got three of ’em”;38 neo-Nazi Roland Wayne Wood, who had a 12-gauge pump shotgun, would claim, “I hit four of the five that were killed and wounded six more.”39 Three minutes after the first shot, twelve Klansmen and neo-Nazis, including Jerry Paul Smith, Wood, Matthews, Harold Flowers, Terry Hartsoe, and Michael Clinton, climbed into a yellow van and drove away. The police didn’t arrive until the gunfire had subsided and the yellow van had fled the scene. By then, five protestors lay dead or mortally wounded; as many as seven more protestors and one Klansman were injured, and damage to the Morningside Homes community would reverberate across generations.40 The dead included Cesar Cauce, shot by a .357 Magnum in the neck, heart, and lungs. Michael Nathan had “half his head shot off.” Jim Waller lay dead with fifteen bullets in his body. Bill Sampson was shot in the heart; Sandi Smith was shot between the eyes. Paul Bermanzohn, who survived, was shot twice in the head and once in the arm. He underwent major brain surgery and spent the rest of his life in a wheelchair.41

Despite the threats and altercations leading up to the clash, the shooting took Greensboro by surprise. A town of textile mills, rapidly developing Greensboro had a reputation for progressivism but low rates of unionization. The city prided itself on its civil rights history—the Woolworth’s of the first lunch counter sit-in of the civil rights movement, in 1960, would become a designated landmark downtown. Greensboro’s civil rights record, however, turned on a “progressive mystique” that placed a premium on civility, consensus, and paternalism. While protestors experienced a notably lower level of violence in the Carolinas than in the Deep South, North Carolina was still a stronghold of civil-rights-era Klan activity.42

The Greensboro shooting briefly garnered national attention, making Time, Newsweek, and the front pages of several major papers including the Boston Globe, Miami Herald, New York Times, and Times-Picayune. President Jimmy Carter ordered an investigation into Klan resurgence on November 5, and his press secretary announced that a special unit of twenty-five FBI agents had been assigned to the case. Also on November 5, however, the Iran hostage crisis took the front page and held it for some fourteen months. Greensboro became a strange aside, lost in the inner pages of national newspapers.43

But within the white power movement, Greensboro served to energize activists. A few months later, Metzger’s KKKK organized another march in Oceanside, California. Local police had to separate Klansmen from counterprotestors, who shouted “Death to the Klan!” as both sides threw rocks and bottles. Klansmen kicked and beat one member of the Revolutionary Socialist League until blood covered his head and face.44 As they marched, wielding bats, the Klansmen sang a song to the tune of “Sixteen Tons” that lauded the altercation in Greensboro and ended with the refrain, “If the Nazis don’t get you, a Klansman will.”45 The U.S. Department of Justice marked 1979 as a particularly violent year, noting that serious Klan violence had increased 450 percent.46

The movement drew on anticommunism to classify that violence as self-defense. Klansmen and neo-Nazis involved in the November 3 shooting almost uniformly invoked the Vietnam War to justify their actions. As Klansman Virgil Griffin—the Imperial Wizard of the Invisible Empire KKKK, who had brought a semiautomatic handgun to the November 3 march47—said in a public statement long after the shooting:

I think every time a senator or a congressman walks by the Vietnam Wall, they ought to hang their damn heads in shame for allowing the Communist Party to be in this country. Our boys went over there fighting communism, came back here and got off the planes, and them … that they call the CWP was out there spitting on them, calling them babykillers, cursing them. If the city and Congress had been worth a damn, they would’ve told them soldiers turn your guns on them, we whupped Communists over there, we’ll whup it in the United States and clean it up here.48

Griffin saw the Vietnam War not only as a war between nations but also as a universal, man-to-man conflict between communists and anticommunists. He had tried three times to enlist, he said, but doctors declared him unfit for duty because of his asthma. Griffin’s Vietnam War, real to him, was in the realm of a popular narrative. Within that story, he equated all antiwar protestors with the CWP and all veterans with the Klan.49

Michael Clinton, a Klansman who rode in the yellow van on November 3, had a good record of army service, his wife told a reporter. He was drawn into the Klan because of its anticommunism and its paramilitarism. And the wife of caravan member Harold Flowers, the only Klansman injured on November 3, expressed her anticommunism as a common view: “Everybody has concerns.”50

Following the shooting, the local district attorney’s office pressed charges against all fourteen of the Nazis and Klansmen who had been arrested after the melee. Charges included four counts of first-degree murder, one count of felony riot, and one count of conspiracy.

The defendants called upon the Vietnam War story to raise money for their defense. Several of the men from the caravan posed for a photograph in front of the local Vietnam War memorial. The signed photo circulated in the Thunderbolt under the heading “Dangerous Communists Killed” and was reprinted in other white power publications. In an attempt to raise money for the defense and awareness for their cause, the photo also appeared in the Talon, a white power periodical that made its way—free of charge—to prison inmates.51

Trial proceedings began on August 4, 1980, and from the outset reflected the entrenched racism of the North Carolina judicial system. The allowance of peremptory challenges—dismissal of jurors without explanation—meant that the defense could easily select an all-white jury. With fourteen people on trial, the defense had a total of eighty-four peremptory challenges to use at its discretion: defense attorneys dismissed fifteen black jurors for cause and another sixteen peremptorily. This system so clearly produced racially biased juries that North Carolina would abolish it in 1986.52 In this case, it ensured a jury sympathetic to the defendants.

The all-white jurors were all Christian and therefore likely to be fundamentally opposed to communism, understood in 1979 as a threat to any organized religion and, in the South, tinged with the threat of race mixing. Jurors repeatedly voiced anticommunist rhetoric. Foreman Octavio Manduley, who had fled Fidel Castro’s Cuba in the 1960s, spoke frequently to the press about his strident anticommunism, allegedly telling a reporter that the CWP was like “any other Communist organization” and needed “publicity and a martyr.” He implied that the CWP had staged the November 3 altercation with the intention of getting one of its members killed in order to bring attention to its cause. His view resonated with a summary presented in the Thunderbolt: “The hitch came when they got more martyrs than they intended.” The Thunderbolt also reported that Manduley called the Klan “a patriotic organization.”53

Manduley quickly became a favorite of the white power movement, held up as an example of white, anticommunist, first-wave Cuban immigration. Slain CWP member and fellow Cuban Cesar Cauce, on the other hand, was painted as “a pro-Castro enemy agent” of questionable whiteness. Cauce had come to the United States later than Manduley; the Thunderbolt claimed Cauce was “on the first boatlift of so-called refugees. Fidel Castro used the boatlift to empty his prisons and insane asylums of thousands of undesirables to further destabilize America for his planned communist overthrow of the U.S. Government in the future.” This passage conflated Cauce’s arrival with the 1980 Mariel boatlift, which Castro had indeed used to move inmates to the United States. The white power focus on immigrants as communists and as threats to whiteness was a thread that connected the Greensboro shootings to the Klan harassment of Vietnamese refugees on the Texas Coast.54

Although later proceedings would cast doubt on whether Manduley had really expressed views that the Klan was “patriotic” and the neo-Nazis were “strongly patriotic,” at least one juror did make those comments.55 Other jurors and potential jurors expressed sympathy with the defendants or distrust of the CWP. One prospective juror said of the gunmen, “I don’t believe that they were guilty of anything but poor shooting.” Another said of the slain, “I think we are better off without them.”56 One juror, the wife of a sheriff’s deputy, commented after the not-guilty verdict, “I’m really worried about the spread of communism.”57 A man who was chosen as an alternate juror said he believed that it was less of a crime to kill a communist than to kill someone else. According to the Thunderbolt, another juror “stated that the communists got themselves in too deep when they challenged the Klan to attend their ‘Death to the Klan’ rally.… The Klansmen were simply the superior marksmen.”58

Those responsible for the prosecution of the gunmen also reportedly expressed prejudice. Even district attorney Mike Schlosser drew connections between peacetime communist protestors in North Carolina and communist soldiers abroad; when asked by a reporter about his ability to objectively prosecute the Klan and neo-Nazi gunmen, Schlosser referenced his own experience fighting in Vietnam and added, “And you know who my adversaries were there.” In another public comment, Schlosser reportedly said that the Greensboro community felt the CWP members got what they deserved.59

Besides the anticommunism that framed the proceedings, the state trial failed to take into account the role of two government informants who had foreknowledge of the Greensboro shooting and may have actively incited the altercation. Neither prosecution nor defense called them as witnesses. Two other key witnesses against the white power activists also refused to testify because of their fear of reprisal, surrounded as they were by a paramilitary and demonstrably lethal white power movement.60

Public distrust of the CWP mobilized sympathy for the white power gunmen. Furthermore, CWP members repeatedly undermined their chance at what justice the court could offer. Several of the women widowed on November 3 confounded the Greensboro community when, instead of weeping or grieving, they stood with their fists raised and declared to the television cameras that they would seek communist revolution.61 Days after the shooting, an article appeared in the Greensboro Record that was titled “Slain CWP Man Talked of Martyrdom” and implied that the CWP had foreknowledge of the shooting and that some planned to die for the cause. This damaged what little public sympathy remained. In language typical of mainstream coverage, the story described the CWP as “far-out zealots infiltrat[ing] a peaceful neighborhood.” Even two years later, when the widows visited the Greensboro cemetery and found their husbands’ headstone vandalized with red paint meant to symbolize blood, they would not be able to effectively mobilize public sympathy.62

Community wariness of the CWP’s militant stance only increased after the CWP held a public funeral for their fallen comrades and marched through town with rifles and shotguns. The fact that the weapons were not loaded hardly mattered: photographs of the widows holding weapons at the ready appeared in local and national newspapers. In the public imagination, these images inverted the real events of November 3, when a heavily armed white power paramilitary squad confronted a minimally armed group of protestors. The defendants, depicted as respectable men wearing suits in front of the Vietnam War memorial, stood in stark contrast to the gun-toting widows.63

National and local CWP members took up a campaign of hostile protest of the trial itself. The day before testimony began, the CWP burned a large swastika into the lawn of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms director, and hung an effigy on his property with a red dot meant to convey a bullet wound. In the trial itself, CWP members refused to testify, even to identify the bodies of their fallen comrades. CWP widows who shouted that the trial was “a sham” and emptied a vial of skunk oil in the courtroom were held in contempt of court. Although the actions of the widows may have “shocked the court and freaked out the judge,” as the CWP newspaper Workers Viewpoint proudly reported, the widows’ “bravery” didn’t translate as such to the Greensboro community.64 Even those who may have sympathized with the CWP after seeing the graphic footage of the shooting soon found that feeling complicated by the group’s contempt for the justice system, however problematic that system was.

With the CWP widows refusing to tell their stories, attorneys for the defendants built a self-defense case by deploying two widely used white power narratives: one of honorable and wronged Vietnam veterans, and the other of the defense of white womanhood. The defense depended on the claim that CWP members carrying sticks had threatened Renee Hartsoe, the seventeen-year-old wife of Klansman Terry Hartsoe, as she rode in a car near the front of the caravan. Terry Hartsoe testified that he could see the communist protestors throwing rocks at the car and trying to open the door. Such a statement can be seen as alluding to the threat of rape of white women by nonwhite men, a constant theme throughout the various iterations of the Klan since the end of the Civil War.65 White supremacy has long deployed violence by claiming to protect vulnerable white women.

To bolster the claim that the CWP had started the fight, and that the Klansmen and Nazis had acted in self-defense, attorneys called an expert witness from the FBI. Based on the locations of the news cameras that had recorded the altercation, he said, he could pinpoint the origin of each shot with new sound-wave technology. Using this new and insufficiently tested method—later broadly discredited—he testified that the CWP had fired several of the first shots. In other words, the defense convinced the jury that the CWP had started the fight. However, under North Carolina law, the claim of self-defense should have been limited to defendants free from fault in planning or provoking a confrontation. Even had the CWP fired first, the Klansmen and Nazis intended to incite a fight, and had planned it in advance. Their armament alone, and the receipts that showed the timing, indicated as much.66

Meanwhile, some defendants showed little or no remorse for the five deaths and numerous injuries that resulted from the shooting. Defendants testified at the trial that members of the white power movement had displayed autopsy photographs of the CWP victims at a Klan fundraising rally on September 13, 1980. Jerry Paul Smith had obtained copies of the autopsy photos, as well as photos of the dead and mutilated victims taken just after the shooting, from the office of one of the defense attorneys. Smith said someone had displayed the photos at the Klan rally without his knowledge, and that he asked for them to be put away when he saw them.67

The jury spent long hours watching the footage of the shooting—forward, backward, and in slow motion—and witnessed the raw violence of the event. However, jurors heard nothing of the Klan’s use of graphic photographs of the victims for fundraising; they were out of the courtroom when this information came to light. Prosecutors argued that the “jury should hear the testimony, saying it shows the Klansmen acted with malice and have no regrets about the deaths of five Communist Workers Party members,” but the judge disagreed. The jury deliberated without accounting for the continuing violence manifested in the circulation of those images, including profiting from the photographs of the wounded, mutilated, and dead. Such action recalled a long history of circulating lynching photographs. The white power movement was using the pictures to raise money not only for the defense of the “Greensboro 14” but also for acquiring weapons to use in future violent actions—including a projected race war.68

On November 17, 1980, the jury arrived at a unanimous not-guilty verdict after six days of deliberation and twelve major votes. Surprised Klansmen and neo-Nazis wept. The verdict was a national news story. Saturday Night Live even ran a sketch depicting the opening day of “Commie Hunting Season.” The performance received little laughter and scant applause from the live studio audience, and NBC received 150 phone complaints that it was offensive. Perhaps the accuracy of the sketch, despite its overwrought redneck accents and heavy-handed satire, rendered it humorless. The basic point, that a court had effectively condoned the intentional killing of communists, rang true.69

After the acquittal, the white power movement amplified its praise of the Greensboro 14. The Thunderbolt reported at length that the men showed courage during the long trial, from praying and singing “God Bless America” in jail to their heroic homecoming. Family, neighbors, and fellow Klansmen cheered for Smith when he returned home, where “he proudly wore a [Confederate States of America] belt buckle and flew the Confederate flag over his house. One neighbor … remarked: ‘I’ve said all along they ought to pin a medal on those boys.’ ” A journalist reported that Smith’s “feelings toward blacks have softened, partly because of black prisoners he met in jail.” His alleged contrition didn’t last long. Two days later, Smith crashed his car after exchanging gunshots with an unknown person.70

Smith had testified in court that, after a blow to the head, he had no memory of firing into the crowd in Greensboro with a gun in each hand. But he soon traveled to Texas to recount the shooting as a guest speaker at a rally of Klansmen mobilizing against Vietnamese refugees. By 1984, members of the movement could buy a ninety-minute interview of Smith on audiocassette, in which he retold the shooting in detail. The story he allegedly didn’t remember became his currency and celebrity within the movement.71

Indeed, the white power movement took the acquittal as a green light for future action. The Aryan Nations organ Calling Our Nation ran photographs of neo-Nazis in Detroit marching with signs reading “Smash Communism: Greensboro AGAIN.” To some, the trial stood as one battle won in a global war against communism, the same war they had fought in Vietnam. As Klansman and defendant Coleman Pridmore remarked: “This is a victory for America. Anytime you defeat communism, it’s a victory for America. The communists want to destroy America, to tear it down, and they should be tried for treason.”72

The Greensboro case went to trial again on January 9, 1984, this time under civil rights laws in federal court. Although an appeals court blocked a court-ordered federal investigation into “charges of high-level government involvement” under the Ethics in Government Act, this time the court did allow investigation into the role of government informants who provoked or failed to prevent the altercation.73 The FBI and ATF had long used undercover agents in attempts to arrest members of fringe groups on both left and right, and would continue to do so in the years that followed. However, the 1971 end of COINTELPRO made it illegal for undercover operatives to act as agents provocateurs or to initiate or incite violence. The first man in question, Eddie Dawson, was a longtime Klansman who had occasionally reported information to the Greensboro Police Department and FBI. The second, Bernard Butkovich, was a career ATF agent working undercover.74

According to three neo-Nazis and one Klansman, Butkovich—posing as a trucker interested in the movement—had foreknowledge of the Greensboro caravan and did not report it to other agents, his superiors, the FBI, or local law enforcement. He allegedly suggested several illegal activities, encouraging people to get equipment used to convert weapons to fully automatic function and suggesting the assassination of a rival Klan leader. Group members also said Butkovich advised white power activists to harbor the November 3 fugitives after the shooting. The Klansmen and Nazis didn’t take any of his suggestions. Butkovich defended his actions—with the support of his superiors in the ATF—by saying that these statements were necessary to establish him as a credible member of the group for future intelligence-gathering purposes. Butkovich had met Covington and Wood at a White Power Party rally in Ohio in June 1979, but his wire had gone dead, failing to record a lengthy section of their meeting.75

Eddie Dawson, on the other hand, actively worked to plan and provoke the November 3 clash. Dawson gave speeches to fire up the Klansmen and Nazis to protest the CWP rally, according to Klansman Chris Benson’s later trial testimony. And police knew that Dawson was bringing the Klan to confront the CWP. They knew the Klansmen had eggs and planned to heckle, and that they had guns. They knew Virgil Griffin was involved, that he had “a hot head with a short fuse,” and that he frequently carried weapons.76

Dawson obtained a copy of the CWP parade permit prior to November 3 and so he knew where to find the communists. That day, he urged the caravan members to hurry to the CWP rally. At the same moment, the Greensboro Police Department ordered two officers on an unrelated call away from the neighborhood, and sent the rest of the force to lunch. As a result of this sequence of events—as well as prior confrontations between the CWP and the local police that had led the latter to decide that officers would protect the demonstration from afar—no police officers were on the scene when the shooting began.77

The evidence in the federal trial clearly established that the earlier claim of self-defense could not stand. As one prosecutor noted, the Klansmen and Nazis “fired 11 shots before any shot was fired in return,” by which point they had wounded several people. Mark Sherer, who had by then quit the Klan, testified that Griffin had planned to incite a race war in North Carolina and that Smith had experimented with making pipe bombs. Butkovich had overheard a Klansman say the explosives would “work good thrown into a crowd of niggers,” but had failed to mention bombs in his ATF paperwork. Sherer now indicated that the Klansmen and Nazis fired the third and fourth shots, which had been attributed to the CWP by faulty sound analysis in the state trial.78

Despite substantial evidence to discredit the claim of self-defense—and despite the full cooperation and testimony of the CWP—the federal trial exonerated the Klansmen and neo-Nazis a second time. Prosecutors sought to prove that by shooting and killing them, the Klansmen and neo-Nazis denied the CWP members their civil rights for reasons of race. To make this case, the jury instructions specified, the prosecution had to show that race was the “substantial motivating factor” behind the violence. The defense countered that the Klansmen and neo-Nazis acted on political, not racial, motives. They were, as they had said repeatedly, trying to defend the United States from communism. And since the connection between anticommunism and racism in the ideology of white power activists went unexplained, the Klansmen and neo-Nazis walked free again in April 1984.79

The third and final trial began in March 1985. In a civil suit, the CWP widows and eleven injured demonstrators sought monetary damages from the Klansmen, the neo-Nazis, Dawson, Butkovich, the Greensboro Police Department, the City of Greensboro, the State Bureau of Investigation, the FBI, the ATF, and more. The judge dismissed several of these defendants, including the federal agencies that had sovereign immunity, and also dismissed a number of unknown “John Does” because charges against them were too vague. The case went to trial with sixty-three defendants.80

Attorneys for the plaintiffs called seventy-five witnesses over eight weeks; the defense lasted four days. In the most dramatic moment of the trial, former Klansman Chris Benson testified that he had previously lied in court because he feared retaliation. Benson had been the second-highest-ranking Klansman in the Greensboro caravan, and in earlier trials had maintained that the CWP demonstrators provoked the violence. Now he said that white power activists had intended to provoke a confrontation. In cross-examination by Klansmen and Nazis representing themselves, Benson “said he had particularly feared the ‘underground Klan,’ which he described as a paramilitary group that would ‘carry out acts to intimidate people.’ ” Benson named members of the paramilitary Klan, including co-defendant Dave Matthews, and added, “I saw Mr. Matthews shooting at people in Greensboro who were running away from him.”81

Benson, reformed and contrite, stood in stark contrast with most of the other defendants. On the first day of the trial Roland Wayne Wood wore “an olive drab T-shirt with the phrase ‘Eat lead, you lousy red’ printed next to an image of a man in camouflage fatigues spraying automatic weapon fire.” Because Wood chose to represent himself in the civil trial, he wore the shirt in court while acting as a part of the U.S. justice system.82

Despite compelling evidence, the jury, which this time included one black member, delivered only partial justice. In June 1985, it found some of the absent policemen and some of the white power gunmen—Dave Matthews, Jerry Paul Smith, Roland Wayne Wood, Jack Fowler, and Mark Sherer—jointly liable for one of the five deaths and two of the many injuries. Significantly, the only death found wrongful was that of Michael Nathan, the only one of the five people killed who was not a card-carrying CWP member. It might be wrong to shoot bystanders, the decision confirmed, but there was nothing wrongful about gunning down communists. The City of Greensboro paid the full amount of the settlement, covering the costs for Klansmen and neo-Nazis.83

Once again, the white power movement took the settlement payment as endorsement of violent action. As Klansman and Thunderbolt editor Ed Fields wrote in his 1984 personal newsletter, “We must increase activity while we are still free—while juries made up of God fearing White people will free our street activists such as in the Greensboro case.”84 Louis Beam, too, saw Greensboro as a success for the movement. In a film of Beam’s paramilitary camps in Texas circa 1980, he told the camera, “When the shooting starts, we’re going to win it, just like we did in Greensboro.”85

The Greensboro shooting had the effect of consolidating and unifying the white power movement. Most directly, caravan participant Glenn Miller would use the shooting to leverage state leadership in the North Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, which would soon change its name to the White Patriot Party, uniform its members in camouflage fatigues, and march through the streets by the hundreds. In his increasingly revolutionary Confederate Leader, Miller expressed pride about the shooting even six years afterward.86 A veteran who served two tours in Vietnam as a Green Beret, Miller used paramilitary camps to prepare his new white army for race war, recruited active-duty soldiers, and obtained stolen military weapons. Soon he would align his force with the white power terrorist group the Order.87

The idea of worldwide struggle against communism also aligned the Greensboro gunmen with antidemocratic paramilitary violence in other countries. Thunderbolt, for instance, called it “very strange” to hear President Ronald Reagan “pleading for money to send to guerillas” fighting against communists in Nicaragua and El Salvador when “right here in America we have a clear case of White Christian family men being shot at by communists who returned fire in a perfect case of self-defense.”88 To the movement, there was little difference between white power gunmen at home and paramilitary fighters who worked to extend U.S. interventions abroad.

Harold Covington, an American Nazi Party Leader and veteran who claimed to have been a mercenary soldier in Rhodesia, did not participate in the Greensboro caravan, but sent several of his men to the skirmish. Shortly before the shooting, Covington wrote a letter to the Revolutionary Communist Party, which he mistook for the CWP. “Almost all of my men have killed Communists in Vietnam and I was in Rhodesia as well,” he wrote, “but so far we’ve never actually had a chance to kill the home-grown product.”89 Covington, who saw himself as a person who killed communists—he killed them abroad and he intended to kill them at home—showed how violence at home and anticommunist interventions abroad would link white power organizing with a network of mercenary soldiers who waged war in Central America and beyond.

Katherine Belew, Bring the War Home

[beloved-judged]

Mirrors of whiteness and blackness

I don’t think I’ll be posting as much original content here as I used to, simply because a lot of what’s happening to me right now is so intensely personal.

I did, however, have a discussion with someone a few days ago that merits a post.

We were talking about how he sees vodou. He has lingering ideas that he wishes he didn’t about what the religion means that make him keep trying not to be fully immersed in it, or to hide his interest in or involvement with it. A part of  his mind, as someone who has spent a lifetime in white churches, identifies vodou with darkness, evil, with selfish and destructive urges. Part of him believes persistently, despite watching my transformation from very up-close and personal over the last four years, that this whole thing must have a rotten core.

We’re both white. This becomes relevant shortly.

There are times when I feel like I’m giving advice that is not entirely mine, and this was definitely one of them.

He dreams of zombies, of evil magicians, of a world that demands he save it, of no one recognizing him. He dreams of evil voudizan that only he can recognize and stop, of Doctor Facilier from The Princess and the Frog. I show up in his dreams and am taken away to places he cannot follow.

He sits at tables with the lwa in an uncomfortable suit, and if he speaks, they stare at him.

He sees in vodou what is in him to see, a cartoonish and insidious evil.

He sees, the way people tend to, what he knows to see: evil that he is distressed to be drawn to, and the dissonance he feels on observing me and his own urges, his own thoughts about whether or not he is good. He struggles to match himself to the goodness he has been taught and cannot resolve the two, so he avoids his prayers. He avoids his lwa, because he simply does not wish to be evil, but suspects he might be, if he is drawn to this.

He goes to white churches, where he is told that evil is cartoonish and insidious and black and darkness. Where he is told that good is real and powerful and white and light.

Vodou churns in his guts like a hook.

I told him to think of the religion as a mirror. It shows him (and me, since I’m listening to him) what he has been taught about blackness, since vodou is an explicitly black religion. It shows him what he has been taught about evil, and the idea that anything which does not exactly resemble his church--dress the same way, speak the same way, look the same way--must be evil.

It lets him see inside himself and find what he knows to be true, a stage I have been going through for some time.

Let it be said that you know the lwa love us in that we are disturbed, that we are uncomfortable with all the white supremacy that hides just under the surface (or in some cases all over the surface) in white churches.

We cannot hide from our guilt.

I spoke to him about that discomfort, about knowing that when different people are condemned in those churches, that he knows they mean him. They mean his discomfort with conformity. They mean his emotionality. They mean his desire to be around people different than him. They mean all the ways he does not quite conform with the culture around him, all the ways it galls him.

He fears condemnation for not complying.

He knows that he can hide as long as he keeps his mouth shut, can sink into the comfortable disguise of being a white man in a church for white men, and as long as he wears the same clothes, as long as he says nothing, his silence and similarity will be taken as affirmation, that as long as he lies to everyone around him, he will be seen well.

We can only hide from each other. We cannot hide from the spirit.

And indeed, this is about whiteness, because in vodou, in the spirit, we see our whiteness--not as an inherent condemnation of race, but the way we construct it.

We see how we construct blackness from the outside--that evil that we cannot seem to help ourselves from flirting with, excited and repulsed by its evil and differences from us. We see our compulsion to violence, trying to smash the mirror that shows us what we are.

We see our guilt. But for people who are not cowards, and my friend is not, there is something past that guilt. There is something past our constructions of blackness and whiteness.

I urge you, if you’re reading this and the message sticks with you, to think a bit about the construction of whiteness and blackness, the awful strict simplicity that we have so often historically used to commit violence.

I assure you, it’s a cheap cardboard house. There are better things beyond viewing each other that way, but you have to take a good look in that mirror and not run away from what it shows you. Recognize that it was already in you, but that’s not the way it has to be.

Be brave.

The spirit is faithful to those who cry out in honesty and truth.

[officialyourdailyinspiration]

The Young Man in the Linen Cloth

by Henry Melvill

"Now a certain young man followed Him, having a linen cloth thrown around his naked body. And the young men laid hold of him, and he left the linen cloth and fled from them naked." - Mark 14:51-52

The facts of our text are abruptly introduced and just as abruptly dismissed. The young man is brought suddenly on the scene, and we are not informed whether he was a disciple of Christ. There is no mention of his motive in following Christ at such a moment and in such a dress. As soon as he has escaped from the crowd, not a word is added which might assist us in understanding why Mark interrupted the course of his narrative to insert what seems to have so little to do with the tragic story of our Lord's closing scene.

Our Lord had just passed through his fearful agony in the garden when he was met by Judas, who was accompanied by a great multitude with swords and staves to seize him and take him to the high priest. Gethsemane was at the foot of the Mount of Olives, and therefore Judas and his crew had to take Christ through the suburbs of the city, where any tumult in the dead of the night would have been most unusual.

Now the common thinking is that this young man, awakened by the strange disturbance in the street, had thrown a sheet round him, being the first thing that had come to hand. He then rushed down to find the cause of the uproar. Finding that Jesus had been apprehended, he determined to follow in order to see how the matter would end. But if this were all, it would really be hard to say for what purpose the facts have been recorded. What information, or what instruction, does it furnish us in any way in keeping with the tremendous occurrences which the evangelist Mark had taken in hand to narrate?

Let us be ready to acknowledge that there is good ground for concluding that Mark designed to convey some more important lessons for us, when he brought this unknown young man into his narrative and just as suddenly dismissed him, as though a spectre had suddenly arisen in the midst of the crowd and just as suddenly disappeared.

We will begin by examining the "dress" this young man wore. You often meet with the mention of linen in the New Testament, but you are not to think that whenever the word occurs in English the same word occurs in the Greek. For example, you read of the rich man in the parable who was "clothed in purple and fine linen." You read also in Revelation that it was granted to the Lamb's wife "that she should be arrayed in fine linen, clean and white, for the fine linen is the righteousness of saints." But the linen spoken of in these cases is defined in the original by a totally different word than that used in our text. Indeed, the word used in our text occurs but seldom in the New Testament, and it relates to the garment customarily used to wrap around a dead body. "When Joseph of Arimathea had taken the body, he wrapped it in a clean linen cloth"--in a clean sindon, for that is the word used; or as we should probably have said, in a clean shroud.

Now we do not wish you to conclude from this that the word was never employed except in respect to the raiment of the dead, for such was not the fact. But it was employed to denote a particular kind of garment, not just any covering that a man might throw over him even though it happened to be linen. If a man were awakened from sleep and had thrown a linen sheet around him, he would not on that account have been said to clad himself in the sindon. In fact, the sindon was a cloak made of linen that was frequently worn in Jerusalem, especially in summer. But besides serving as a covering for the body, the sindon was turned to a religious account. It was the cloak upon which the scrupulous observers of the law were accustomed to fasten those fringes you read about in the Book of Numbers; and the Jews commonly covered their heads with a sindon when they prayed. Therefore, while anyone might wear the sindon merely as an ordinary garment, others might wear it by way of religious distinction; that is, they might wear it in such a manner as to make it indicative of special strictness, of a rigid adherence to the laws of God or the traditions of the elders.

And this latter would appear to have been the case with the young man of whom we read in our text. It is expressly noted by Mark that this young man had the sindon "cast about his naked body." He had nothing on but the sindon; and this was not usual. What then seems more likely than that the young man who followed Christ was a devotee, one who assumed a peculiar sanctity of deportment and therefore wore only the sindon that he might show greater contempt for the body and more rigorous habits of self-mortification?

There is no reason for supposing him to have been a disciple of Christ. In all probability, he was not. But he was one of those Jews who practiced great austerities and whose dress was meant to indicate a claim or pretension to extraordinary holiness of life. Neither is it to be concluded that he had just been roused from sleep and had hurried down as one eager to know the cause of the tumult. It is just as likely that he may have been with the crowd from the first, may even have been as firmly established against Christ as any of the rest. Upon this supposition, then, what are we to make of the conduct of the multitude? Why did the mob fall on the young man and handle him so roughly? What light does his rough handling throw on the events narrated by Mark of Christ's sufferings? Our answer is as follows: From the manner in which the multitude treated the assumption or appearance of extraordinary holiness, we may learn something of the temper by which they were incited and thus be guided to right conclusions in regard to their hatred of Christ.

It was a religious hatred against Christ that moved the great body of the Jews to demand his crucifixion. It is easy to speak of the political feeling and disappointment experienced when Christ gave them no hope of setting up a temporal kingdom, thereby advancing them to sovereignty over their haughty oppressors. And no doubt this political feeling had its part. But in many there may have been a dogged resolution that they would rather have no Messiah than one not likely to fulfill their dream of national supremacy, that Christ was rejected in spite of a thorough conviction that he was the Messiah. The parable of the wicked husbandmen implies as much: "When the husbandmen saw the son, they said among themselves, 'This is the heir; come, let us kill him, and let us seize on his inheritance.'" You observe that they distinctly knew the son. They did not act under any mistaken idea or false impression as to who he was. They deliberately proceeded to kill him because he was the son, because he was the heir, because as such he stood in the way of their covetous and ambitious designs.

However, pertaining to the great mass of the Jews, it is hardly to be thought that it was the feeling of political disappointment which made them so bitter and malignant against Christ. After all, on mere political grounds our Lord might have well suited the people. He could heal all their diseases and had the mastery over evil spirits; and though he was disinclined to assume the character of a king, they might make him a king in spite of himself and then see whether he would not wield his powers in advancing them to greatness. But Christ did not suit the Jews as a leader because he would make no truce with their evil passions and allow no indulgence to their lusts. It was the holiness of our Lord that all classes of the Jews felt most galling. Had he made greater allowance for human frailty, had he not so expanded the morality of the law as to make a lustful look adultery or a vicious thought murder, many would have given him their allegiance and become his disciples. But Christ displayed and demanded the strictest purity of action, word, and thought.

And if it were this dislike of holiness of life that chiefly moved the multitude, we may naturally find some exhibition of the fact in their conduct. It would not, indeed, be any open declaration, for even the worst will hardly confess that it is goodness which they hate. But it would be some passionate outburst of temper, something that would satisfy without being so openly direct.

This is what we have in the narrative of our text. A young man is seen in the crowd whose dress lays claim to special strictness and sanctity of life. Immediately the real feelings of the crowd break out. They give vent to their bitter animosity at holiness and jostle this young man, laying hold of him and stripping him of that garment which plainly showed his devotion to religion. Thirsting for Christ's blood because he had reproved vice and required righteousness, they could not tolerate among themselves even the appearance of a superior holiness. Therefore they turned on him as hounds upon their prey, and he was forced to escape naked. Nothing could more distinctly inform us that the main cause of the hatred shown to Christ was the holiness of his life and the purity of his doctrine than the multitude seizing and forcing this young man, whose dress indicated pretensions to extraordinary sanctity, to leave the linen cloth with which he was clad and flee for his life.

[fairestmusesismoving]

Regina Mills

Oh god why. Do you want me tarred and feathered?! Warning, right now? This is the spiciest opinion I can fill out thus far. Duck and cover, turtledoves.How I feel about this characterRegina makes me physically feel like vomiting. She makes me feel like crying. She makes me feel like ripping my face off and then taking a pair of scissors into smaller pieces. She makes my head spin and not in that cutesy “drunk love” way. She makes me feel like physical suffering and not many characters can accomplish this.I hate her. I hated her the moment Henry said “You’re not my mom!” And her reaction was to talk to Emma instead of going to comfort her son. In that second I realized she didn’t give a shit about her child. It was just about appearances to the outside. She’s a Stepford Wife. And she sort of looks like one in a powersuit. Putting a cookie cutter “perfection” image in those suits doesn’t make the perfection any less creepy, especially when you peel back those layers and realize how fractured that image becomes.Regina thrives by using the patriarchy to her potential and she benefits from white supremacy due to her enslavement of a black man in a realm that doesn’t actually engage in slavery. What do you call a person who manages to invent slavery in a universe where slavery doesn’t exist and genies don’t base things on class, skin pigmentation…? Regina is a rapist and guilty of acts of sexual assault and coercion. Every time someone yells “but she’s feminist” I want to cry. I could stomach everything bad about Regina if her fans didn’t try to convince me I was crazy.All the people I ship romantically with this character:A falling cinderblock.Every ship Regina has is built on abuse, be it canon or noncanon. To make Outlaw Queen work, you have to realize Regina is responsible for Marian’s death. Now really, truly… Try to give Robin a REAL arc for healing without throwing someone to have sex with. He’d have to truly accept Regina and start to heal. We can’t merely accept being told he’s fine with it. We have to see that healing take place, or it feels inauthentic and like we’re rewarding Regina for murdering.She’s getting a reward for rape and murder.The same goes for Swan Queen. Regina did indeed ruin Emma’s life. She separated a family over multiple generations and tormented them. At one point of the show, Regina declares that “killing a baby” is on her to do list. She fully intended to murder Emma just moments after her birth. At no point does Regina ever cease her verbal abuse towards any single character on the show, including Henry. This isn’t a person who is emotionally ready for a relationship with anyone other than a pet rock that’s actually foam so she can’t murder another person with it.My non-romantic OTP for this character:Cinderblocks. Falling from the sky.Regina is not able to hold real relationships. She expects not just Henry to parent her, but also Snow White. These are two people she has severely abused. Ironically, she’s placed sleeping curses on both of them. On Henry it was out of negligence, but it really doesn’t matter. Regina’s screwed up priorities and expectations for those around her are pretty shocking. This is pretty true to life as these people exist, but the fandom doesn’t take this seriously and dares to call her “sexy” for behaviors that often tears families apart. I know this first hand. It’s heartbreaking because I’ve seen and known Regina-types.The problem is it’s not as if they need your help, they just deeply desire this attention and will often get violent to force you to do this… Verbal abuse, using children as pawns, playing people against each other, etc.Regina shouldn’t be around people.My unpopular opinion about this character:And here comes the unfollows… While I will rp with Reginas who take the topics surrounding her character seriously, maturely, and with the decorum it needs? Regina does trigger me and upset me. I can talk about her calmly if someone wants to admit her wrongdoings and meet me there to admit that rapists shouldn’t hold office, but you have to meet me there. You have to make some concessions on your part and we can get there.Also, I don’t believe Regina was abused. I am a trained actor and with a few basic writing classes, I’ve analyzed Regina’s scenes. I follow a method called show, don’t tell. There is nothing to suggest Regina being abused by any characters. The single hint I get is Cora being rough in Stable Boy with Regina in pulling her off the horse. Unfortunately this is not enough to confirm abuse. This is enough to confirm Cora is what we call a “stage mom”, but that’s the only proof I have. I have no proof in the narrative that tells me anything else. Because there’s nothing there, I have to scrap this theory all together. Is Cora a good person? No. Is there hints that Regina is worse than her fans believe her to be? Sadly, yes. There is.Thing I wish would happen / had happened with this character in canon.I wish she had no fandom. I wish she died in S2. I wish Henry was able to have a HEALTHY relationship that he could examine instead of the pro-abuse dialogue that’s espoused. I wish Snow White could have her life back. I wish Emma was able to have her parents rather than share them with the abusive woman who took her family away from her… Need I go on…? Bold for abuse apologism is the worst.

[nightcoremoon]

I wanna coin a term:

Cismisogyny

the misogyny that cisnormative people utilize is focused on "biological/natal sex" and birth assigned gender, as well as intersex erasure, and is basically just glorified genital supremacy. that people with penises have power over people with vaginas, and therefore people with a uterus are inferior. it's a very particular type of sexism that's a blend of transphobia and misogyny but from a cis lens.

transmisogyny is specifically prejudice against what they deem to be trans women (as they're unaware that "passing" trans women exist), so cismisogyny would be specifically prejudice against what they deem to be cis women (or what they would just say is women), and is a separate notion entirely from the misogyny that misogynist trans men and misogynist but not transphobic cis men (and brainwashed dumb white blonde haired blue eyed bimbo trophy wives for conservative men so think a cookie cutter carbon copy of tomi lahren) frequently feel.

so to clarify:

Misogyny: hating all women

Transmisogyny: hating trans women

Transphobia*: hating trans people in general

(*includes gender binarism and truscum)

Cismisogyny: hating people with vaginas, indeterminate of whether they're trans or not

...

It's a very specific term but it describes a very specific type of sexism, you see. As someone who does not have a vagina, is transgender, and has the benefit of viewing things from an objective standpoint due to autism, it's a very disturbing trend I see in many parts of society. Even here on Tumblr.

I just saw a take that was blaming trans men and dfab nonbinary people for the lack of trans women's voices in trans spaces, and saying that they are silent about it because the silent oppression of trans women benefits them. A very cold take indeed. Trans men and dfab nonbinary people aren't responsible for the transmisogyny. Cis people are. And the reason why is because cis people typically are usually also male supremacists. If what a cis person perceives to be a male tries to "become a female" such as trans women and dmab nonbinary people (because cis people and male supremacists typically are also binarists), that is them rejecting the privilege society awarded us for having the magic Y chromosome that allows humans to be treated with dignity and respect. If what a cis person perceives to be a female tries to "become a male" such as a trans man or a dfab nonbinary person (see my prior parenthical remark), that is them attempting to reject femininity and embrace the superiority of masculinity, which accepts them into their ranks.

So trans men and dfab nonbinary people are typically lauded by many cis male-supremacist people are socially acceptable, especially since many of them seem to be okay with tomboys and women wearing suits and just a general overall sense of women embracing masculinity and rejecting femininity. That's acceptable to a bunch of white christian post-colonials. And of course degenerates would feel it's an "added bonus" to ~get~ to see breasts and vaginas in the locker room because tHaTs sO hOt.

But dmab people who identify as anything but men? Absolutely loathsome, in cis eyes, because femininity is EVIL and BAD and INFERIOR.

Cissexism is of course a definition I've seen, but it seems to be basically a synonym for transphobia. But see, while cismisogyny as I am describing it is indeed rooted in transphobic ideology, it doesn't seem to be in and of itself explicitly transphobic. I'll have to explain that.

Like. All white people are racist. Every person with white skin color benefits from the privilege accompanying it, at the expense of the people who don't. We perform microaggressions that we don't notice all the time. We absorb all of the negativity and racism society forcefeeds us, subliminal propaganda, and it releases itself. Now, a white person could actively fight and campaign for black rights. They could respect black culture and art. They could listen to and understand wu tang clan without ever letting a slur pass their lips. They could date black people who don't find them racist. They could be the least racist person you've ever met. But they would still be at least somewhat racist because that's how human development works. But just because they're not republican or a 4channer, don't laugh at lynching jokes, don't use slurs, don't treat black people as less or inferior, don't literally murder black people, that doesn't mean they aren't racist at all. It just means they're not specifically that kind of overt explicitly violent antiblackness like the kkk. It's a different tier of racism. It's not as severe or as noticeable, but it's still racism.

And it's the same way with cis people. Many cis people are supportive of trans people on the surface. They'll smile and welcome you into their homes and hug you and walk you to the bathroom and respect your name/pronouns and go clothes shopping with you and be the shoulder to cry on when someone attacks them and fight congress for your rights and punch a transphobic asshole in the face. But they still can & do perform transphobic microagressions for no other reason than society instilled those ideals in their heads since birth when they put the M or F on your birth certificate or in slightly rarer cases performed surgery on your infant genitals without parental consent. They can sympathize, they can attempt to empathize, but they will never fully understand. And that's okay. If they try, that's good enough.

Just as there are many tiers of racism there are many tiers of transphobia. Cismisogyny is one such tier that intersects with binarism and standard misogyny. People who aren't typically transphobic could still be cismisogynist. Even I can admit to experience cismisogyny in my life through sexual exploitation. My orientation is bisexual with a strong preference towards cis women, trans men, and dfab nonbinary people. I don't want it to be like that. And it's not like cis men, trans women, and dmab nonbinary people are not attractive to me, because they are (unf chris hemsworth 👌🏻🤤), but due to the social conditioning in my being born and raised a "straight white christian red blooded hoosier man" and the cismisogyny accompanying that, the entitlement complex that manifested side by side with my "nice guy in the friend zone" complex, that I didn't unlearn until after I was already a fully grown adult, that's how my brain be like. I recognize it in myself, and that's how I know that it exists. And it took that ignorant shitty post for me to actually be able to put these thoughts in writing.

I don't blame trans men and dfab nonbinary people for my social isolation and distinct lack of friends who are also trans women. I don't blame this new wave of drag kings and bio queens. I blame cissexism, cisheteropatriarchy, transphobia, transmisogyny, and cismisogyny. I blame the people responsible for the situation of our society. I don't blame my brothers, my siblings, my friends and family. I won't throw them under the bus, just as they didn't throw me under. We're all in this together, and I'm glad that they're having less difficulty than I am in that specific situation. Especially because due to my aforementioned objectivity, I've also noticed all of the hatred and vitriol hurled towards them, especially by dudebro gamer culture. I've seen it. I know it's there.

So I know I'm not really popular online. Very few people know me. My only claim to fame is the "aliens: [slide $40 to nasa] nasa: lmao what aliens" post and even then they don't know the individual URLs of the three of us involved. In fact I'm pretty sure the number of people I'm blacklisted by and blocked by is double my follower count. Even with the bots. Maybe even triple. Things I've said taken out of context have in the past made me look like I'm racist, transmisandrist, a sexual predator, a fucking rape apologist, and worst of all a person who "didn't get a joke" that I ignored heaving pile of religious intolerance that hates jews, muslims, christians, and... everyone else (people who weren't judeochristian didn't seem to care). Certain circlejerks herald me as a king of clowns of a sort (I'd say queen but they were mostly transphobic lmao). So I know that this post will get ignored. Maybe two or three people will like it. Maybe one person will reblog it... like that one crimson lady monarch, or the mildly irked homosexual wyvern, you two know who you are. Maybe nobody will. And looking back it's much more likely for a bunch of dumb uglyass terf cunts taking my sexual preferences bit out of context to make all trans women look like evil sex predators, than any people will see my vocabulary suggestion. But there is a reason why I'll hit post and not delete.

Cismisogynist trans women don't speak for me. Despite the problematic microaggressions my shit tier bad brain development perpetuates, despite what any ignorant cis tries to tell me, despite all of that shit... if you try to talk shit about my family I will obliterate you.

[oaesiir-beloved-of-heaven]

How Mowing Your Lawn will Save American Civilization

A little neglect may breed mischief ...

for want of a nail, the shoe was lost;

for want of a shoe the horse was lost;

and for want of a horse the rider was lost.

—Benjamin Franklin

Poor Richard's Almanac, preface (1758)

American habits our forefathers practiced are often the subject of ridicule today. The image of the American father has changed in modern perception; he is now fat, bumbling, politically backward, balding, an alcoholic who's chief indulgence is piss beer. The image of such a man in shorts drinking a Monster Zero riding his lawnmower at the crack of dawn is now a literal meme across the internet.

Make no mistake; such critical viewpoints are another symptom of the self-flagellating masochism which has gripped the American people for nearly a century. Optimism and zeal gave way in the modern discourse to malcontent and apathy after the first nuclear bombs were dropped on Japan. From our newfound place of unquestionable superiority Americans began to ask new questions from the safety of supremacy so far removed from the struggle that put them there: have we gone too far? Have we traveled across the last frontier and made it from sea to shining sea in the name of an Empire of Liberty only to have lost ourselves along the way? Can a nation such as ours even exist - does it deserve to exist?

Self-criticism is indeed a virtue and it has been practiced in the American people since household names like Paul Revere and Patrick Henry questioned the merit of the Constitution we now know as our founding document. Later it manifested when people like Henry David Thoreau refused to pay taxes which he knew would go to support the Mexican-American War which he - wrongly - felt was an unjustified act of imperialist aggression.

It’s important to be able to have something to measure yourself against whether it be a moral standard or a friend who is the whetstone that keeps your mind sharp. But what we see now is quite different. We are not seeing critics of American policy and culture coming from a place of love and admiration but rather malice. These critics do not want to see America do better because we can be better but rather they want the Republic to fail and be replaced with something more to their liking, damn the rest of the American people.

Let’s ask ourselves not just what today’s criticisms of American habits are but where they come from. Isn’t there a difference between a friend at the bar telling you that you’ve had a bit too much to drink and an adversary among your peers who considers the mere presence of a bottle of whiskey in your home as a sign of crippling dependency?

Who really is benefiting from the collapse of American self-confidence? It’s not you or me, it’s not our allies, it’s not the free world, nor our communities, municipalities, states, and greater democracy. What Americans need now is to reclaim themselves and their virtues and not abandon them wholesale.

The unique and truly powerful aspect of America’s democracy is that its maintenance falls to all citizens and not a political class. The already quoted Benjamin Franklin was an advocate of the necessity of an educated class of voters who were politically and civically active. The goals of such virtue can be found all over the many institutions of America he helped establish like fire departments and public libraries. It does not fall to the government alone or the elite to maintain society but the active efforts of us all. Civic virtue is the heart and soul of a voluntary society.

Now that I’ve impressed all this upon you the inevitable question must be arising: what does this have to do with lawn care?

Have you ever remarked on the true difference between a cultured and uncultured lawn? Many people consider the mere act of attempting to tame the wilderness on their property a Sisyphean one to be delegated to others if it is to be done at all. But allow me to describe to you the consequences of not tending one’s lawn particularly if you are like me and live in the wilderness where nature is not far away.

In tall grass parasites and other harmful insects come to reside. Ants inevitably make their homes in the soil with the other smaller creatures nearby being a natural source of food with the tall grass providing excellent protection for their mounds. Mice, opossums, armadillos, squirrels, badgers and other small mammals will also find solitude and resources within the fields. Then come snakes looking for meals and like the ants shelter in the soil beneath the tall grass. Soon coyotes and wolves will come looking for food as well with the overgrown ground being perfect hunting ground. Trees and other thick foliage can grow making traversing the ground and assessing it difficult. Nevermind the hazard and untended tree can pose to people or their property. Not all the plants will be benign either; thorns, poison ivy, thistles and other harmful nuisances will emerge. The more wild the acre the more wildlife will come to call it home. Soon enough you’re living in the middle of a small forest that is anything but suited to your comfortable living or the pleasure of your guests and neighbors. A hole or two could appear in the ground as well and you’d never be the wiser or perhaps a bog.

It is clear now to the astute reader what merit my quote has at the beginning of this essay. A simple weekly ritual taking only a few hours of your day might prevent all of these calamities. Though many of us would rather others do it or simply not do it at all I believe it is an edifying exercise of body and mind. A well-groomed property has many possibilities. New spaces for recreation and projects, habitation for animals that might prove beneficial for food, work, or as companions. Trees, plants and crops which while not enough to take to market might prove a healthy snack while out and about or simply a conversation piece and another reason your friends and neighbors love to visit because it means succulent pears or juicy persimmons.

This is not a simple statement of my love for landscaping or a suggestion you take up the hobby; it is an allegory for how our own virtue in daily life can and will improve our democracy. Too often we shove off our duties as citizens on government functionaries and when we do this we exchange a piece of our freedom for security and hope it doesn’t backfire or such powers do not come into the hands of villains and despots.

It is easy to mock older people and past generations for their seemingly provincial passions and lifestyles. But when we do so we lose something valuable as when we discard a culture or people because we view them as savage and uncouth. I’m not suggesting we should wholesale revive the past with all its ill trappings but consider that perhaps there is something to the more grounded practices of our parents and grandparents and beyond. Think about all the things they know/knew how to do but you’re clueless on. How does that negatively impact you? How does it negatively impact your community? Let’s not get bogged down in archaic reaction and get locked into the idea of turning back the lock; that’s not what this is about. It’s about sifting through the living examples of our ancestors and harvesting gold from mud. It goes beyond simple lawncare. America is not a nation of blood and soil but almost a religion maintained by our beliefs and the practice of those beliefs. That the best person to govern a community is its constituents. How can we maintain such a free society without a morally astute, self-reliant people? We cannot. Our goal should be to mold ourselves into such people. A man who can take care of himself is a free man. Together with the product of our own labor in hand we can contribute to the common weal overall. This is the frontier mindset. The free man’s mindset. We do not sit idly by and let our world pass us by; we ride the tiger, we tame the bucking bronco.

Now the full breadth and scope of this practical analogy is revealed to you. We must reclaim the American spirit of independence and self-reliance to maintain a voluntary and democratic society. Put down the comic book and grab a newspaper. Seek out real edifying literature that informs you about the doctrines and theories of our government and practical books that can make you more handy. Go less to the auto shop and pick up a Hayne’s manual and some tools. Learn some simple homespun recipes and stop eating out whenever hunger calls. Pay more attention to your local government and find ways you can make your voice heard and exert your will in the ballot box. This is the truest way to a free society: one where we are less dependent and more independent. One where we have the power and tools to more readily help and advise our neighbors and we have the skills and resources to collaborate. It makes our modern society with all its hard-won excess and bounty a boon and not a dependence to survive.

It’s warming up outside; the sun is out more and a cold breeze is always at your back. So why not roll up your sleeves and do your part to make your community that much greener and yourself that much more free?

[inhumansforever]

Inhuman of The Day

July 18th - Luna

Luna Maximoff-Amaquelin is the daughter of Crystal of The Inhuman Royal Family and the Mutant speedster known as Quicksilver. Luna was the first child born on Attilan following the city’s relocation to the Blue Area of the Moon and was named after Attilan’s new home.   She is additionally the first recorded offspring of an Inhuman/Mutant pairing.

Despite her parents’ lineage, Luna was born a seemingly human infant with no mutant powers nor pre-established Inhuman abilities.  Luna’s mother, Crystal, was not concerned with her daughter being born a human.  Her father, however, was incensed.  Quicksilver saw himself as the son and heir to Magneto, the long-heralded figurehead of Mutant supremacy.  Quicksilver looked down on regular ‘flatscan’ humans as inferior to Mutants and he was outraged and embarrassed that his own daughter, the granddaughter of Magneto, should be born a human.  

So intense was Quicksilver’s consternation over this matter that he attempted to take his infant daughter to the chamber of Terrigen Mists so to have her mutated by way of Terrigenesis.  He was stopped by Lockjaw along with The Thing of The Fantastic Four.  The Thing dissuaded Quicksilver from exposing his daughter to the mists.  The Thing had spent much of his life alienated from society due to his monstrous appearance.  Terrigensis could render young Luna into a similar form and The Thing convinced Quicksilver not to take this risk and threaten his daughter’s chances of a normal, happy childhood. 

Her humanity notwithstanding, Quicksilver soon came to love his daughter as much as her mother did.  Unfortunately, being the human granddaughter of Magneto put her at considerable risk.  Exodus, the powerful Mutant leader of the Acolytes (a Mutant supremacy sect), set out to abduct Luna as a means of consolidating power.  After realizing that Luna was human, Exodus declared her an abomination and attempted to kill her. Exodus was defeated and Luna was saved by her parents along with the assistance of The Avengers and The X-Men. 

Luna’s parents eventually separated and they worked out a joint custody arrangement whereby Luna would spend half her time with her mother on Attilan, and the other half with her father, residing on Mount Wundagore (home of the High Evolutionary).   It was a happy childhood and Luna made many friends, both among the Inhumans of Attilan as well as the evolved animal beings of Wundagore.  

Luna had two nannies while living on Attilan.  First there was Maya whose powers enabled her to project pockets of swirling air.  Black Bolt had chosen Maya to look after Luna because her powers allowed her to protect Luna from the polluted air of earth.  Maya was later replaced by Marilla, who had been the nanny to Luna’s mother and aunt.  Tragically, Marilla was killed by Iron Man whilst under the mental control of Kang the Conquerer.

Some time later, Luna’s father lost his mutant powers in the wake of M-Day (where roughly 90% of the Earth’s Mutant population were mystically de-powered).  Desperate to regain these powers, Quicksilver snuck into Attilan and exposed himself to the Terrigen Mists.  Terrigenesis imbued Quicksilver with the ability to travel short distances through time.  He then stole a large cache of the crystals and coerced his daughter to return with him to New York.  

Hidden away in an apartment in Manhattan, Quicksilver outfitted a device that allowed one to breath in the Terrigen Mists through a retrofitted oxygen tank.  He used this device to have Luna exposed to the mists.  Terrigenesis endowed Luna with the ability to see and read the emotional auras of others.   Hoping to further augment his daughter’s powers, Quicksilver had Luna breath in the mists successive times.  This indeed acted to enhance Luna’s abilities, making her a functional empath, able to read and manipulate the emotions of others; yet it additionally left her effectively addicted to the Terrigen Mists and being denied the mists caused Luna to experience severe withdrawal pains.  

Unsure how to handle the addiction he had unwittingly subjected his daughter to, Quicksilver took Luna back to Attilan and left her in the care of her mother, Crystal.  Inhuman physicians were able to cure Luna of the addiction, although she maintained some degree of her heightened powers.  Karnak helped to train Luna to utilize her abilities to read auras as an asset to her skills as a combatant. 

Being able to read and understand the emotions of others seemed to accelerate Luna’s psychological maturation.  She became a much more serious and solemn child, very compassionate and kind, but no longer as happy and carefree as she once was.  It was as if the exposure to all of the different emotions of others caused her to know and understand things well ahead of other children her age; and this enhanced knowledge has essentially robed her of the joyful innocence of childhood.  

Maximus later tricked Luna into using her newfound powers to undo the mental shackles that suppressed his own manipulative powers.  Freed from these bonds, Maximus staged yet another coup in an effort to dethrone his brother, Black Bolt, and take the crown for himself.  Angry and remorseful over being tricked in such a way, Luna attempted to make amends by using her abilities to help the king’s son, Ahura, gain grater control of his mental abilities and thus cure him of his alleged madness. 

Following his theft of the Terrigen Crystals, Luna’s father was dubbed a traitor of the highest order.  After the events of the Skrulls’ near-successful invasion of Earth, Quicksilver returned to Attilan and explained to the Royal Family that he was innocent.  He stated that the being who stole the crystals was actually a Super Skrull imposter who had taken on the guise of Quicksilver as part of a plot to cripple the Inhumans capacities for Terrigenesis.  Many Inhumans had been similarly replaced with Skrull imposters, including Black Bolt himself, and Crystal and the others believed Quicksilver’s claim.  With her abilities to read emotional auras, however, Luna was able to tell that her father was lying.  Luna whispered to her father that she knew the truth, that he had never been replaced with a Skrull imposter.  She added that she would keep her father’s secret, but that it would forever cost him the respect of his daughter.  

Quicksilver later admitted his false claims and recanted this tale of being replaced by a Skrull.  Although this made Quicksilver a pariah once again on Attilan, it won him back the love and respect of his daughter.  

Luna was a student for a short while at The Future Foundation.  While with The FF, Luna made a dear friend in Adolf The Impossible Boy who shared in her love of Shojo Anime.  Luna assisted The Future Foundation in a battle against Doctor Doom, piloting a Thing-suit android via remote control alongside Adolf and the other FF students.  

Some time thereafter, Luna decided to spend time with her father in his duties with the latest iteration of X-Factor.   She had visited her dad without her mother’s consent and, at first, Crystal was worried that Quicksilver had once again abducted their daughter.  Gorgon was sent to take care of Quicksilver and return Luna to Attilan.  This resulted in a short battle between Gorgon and X-Factor which ended when Crystal arrived and Luna explained that she had come to see her father of her own volition.  

Luna was enrolled in the prestigious Braddock Academy of the United Kingdom, a boarding school for students with extraordinary gifts and abilities.  Her parents had believed that such a school located in England might result in fewer threats to safety as so frequently bedevil similar institutions, such as The Xavier School, The Future Foundation and The Avengers Academy.  Yet it turned out that The Braddock Academy was no different and the students and faculty had to contend with all manner of threats and subsequent perilous adventures.  

Luna did not care for the academy, she dropped out and had Lockjaw take her aboard the RIV where she was just in time to help set up a surprise birthday party for her mom.  Luna remained on The RIV until its destruction during the initial salvos of the Inhumans/X-Men War.  

Luna was later seen living on New Attilan following the war.  Her mother, Crystal had decided to venture off into space with the other Royals in search of a new source of Terrigen to secure the future of their people and way of life.  Luna was left in the care of Lockjaw and told to seek out her Uncle Karnak if ever she needed assistance (a terrible idea).  

Fortunately, Lockjaw was able to keep Luna safe and prevented her being taken into custody when New Attilan fell at the beginning of the Secret Empire ordeal.   Luna was most recently seen back in her mother’s care on the new Inhuman city of New Arctillan on the dark side of the moon.  She has also made a brief appearance in the Quicksilver miniseries.  

What the future holds for young Luna remains to be seen.  

[diarrheaworldstarhiphop]

‘Blade Runner 2049 has a women problem,” cried the internet this weekend, as the critically praised sci-fi sequel hit cinemas. Tweets and blogs cited the fact that female characters were treated as sex objects, and that the narrative was almost entirely driven by men, including Ryan Gosling’s replicant-hunter K and his predecessor Rick Deckard (Harrison Ford). Outrage quickly spread, including from those who had not yet seen the film.

As someone who has, I’m not surprised. While I was transfixed by the film’s visual prowess, score, fascinating plot and fidelity to the original, I was troubled by the character of Joi (Ana de Armas) in particular. An operating system who is bought by K to act as a doting, doe-eyed housewife, she appears to him in hologram form as and when he dictates, wearing and saying whatever she thinks suits his mood. Understandably, Joi has been called “a sci-fi fanboy’s wet dream”. Her owner’s emotional demands dictate whether she is in sexy or demure mode (flashback to Arnold Schwarzenegger creating his dream girl in Total Recall). How are we supposed to admire a hero whose key relationship is with a woman of his own creation who will submit to his every demand and can be switched on and off as he pleases?

I was reminded of the highly problematic scene in Ridley Scott’s 1982 original, Blade Runner, in which Deckard strong-arms replicant Rachael (Sean Young) into kissing him. This scene was on my mind when I interviewed Blade Runner 2049 director Denis Villeneuve, who said he was attracted to the script (written by two men) partly due to the many female characters. “It’s a movie that shows different facets of femininity,” he said. I was hopeful.

And, indeed, there are a number of characters. Robin Wright is terrific but underused as K’s slick, strong, black-clad boss, Lieutenant Joshi, and Sylvia Hoeks’s icy baddie Luv is great fun, but in thrall to her male boss (sinister replicant-creator Wallace, played by Jared Leto). Mackenzie Davis’s Mariette shows initial promise as a strong character who can give as good as she gets, but she is also a sex worker who is literally used as a puppet. Visually, sexualised images of women dominate the stunning futuristic cityscapes, from pirouetting ballerinas to giant statues of naked women in heels looming over K as he goes on his journey. Of course, one of the themes of Blade Runner 2049 is a world littered with artifice, from replicants to sexbots – but these mainly seem to cater to heterosexual males. A hint of a woman considering a “pleasure model” is brief and unexplored. Meanwhile Wright’s Joshi appears attracted to K, but she is not permitted to use him for her sexual pleasure. Where is her holographic lover, her Joi?

Tweeters have also declared that Blade Runner 2049 fails the Bechdel test, which requires a film to feature two named female characters talking to each other about something other than a man. Personally, I think Blade Runner 2049 could narrowly pass, but the point remains: the film revolves around its male heroes and their needs. And it is not just strong women who are under-represented; there are very few non-white characters. One of the few who does appear on screen is a sex worker who barely speaks – so it is little surprise that the film is being criticised for its lack of diversity.

Meanwhile, 2049’s defenders have said the film is set in a dystopian future – and that it is not our future, but the future of the Blade Runner universe, as set by the 1982 film based on Philip K Dick’s 1968 sci-fi novel. This much is true: so why not explore that world’s treatment of women, rather than have it as a decorative backdrop, huge breasts and ballet-dancing holograms included?

While some women are questioning whether or not they should see the new film, I would not suggest boycotting it for its depiction of women. That audiences today are alert to discussing depictions of female characters in film is progress in itself. But it is worth thinking about whether this is the future we want for women in film. I hope Blade Runner 2049 gets its own sequel: there is the raw material for a much more nuanced depiction of gender relations. And perhaps a woman could write or direct the next one, too.

>joi is a signifier of K’s and man’s obsession with artificial, vapid material delights. The purely fantasy driven, unrealistic expectation of women as companion.

>she is even introduced to the audience by emerging from the kitchen, literally, in a 1950s housewife outfit. That is no accident and serve a purpose in being performed within a dystopian landscape.

>this realization washes over him while looking at the massive, sexualized holographic advertisement of the Joi commercial product near the end of the film, bashing the realization over his head how foolish he was for being so endeared by a product explicitly made to cater to every one of this shallow desires.

Of course, one of the themes of Blade Runner 2049 is a world littered with artifice, from replicants to sexbots – but these mainly seem to cater to heterosexual males. A hint of a woman considering a “pleasure model” is brief and unexplored.

The author completely steps over the role of Joshi, who owns K the way K owns Joi. Joshi is also not immune from the impulse that robots are for personal and professional gain as she too projects her own loneliness and insecurity onto her property, the way K does to Joi.

All of this part of a broader feminist commentary prevalent throughout the movie of the mysticism of woman through female reproduction and the male rage over being unable to master everything about nature, as seen in Jared Leto’s Niander Wallace who OWNS everything, produces much with his face across it throughout the galaxy, yet is wrapped up in his rage over his inability to master female fecundity. The limits of his power. He slashes a newly produced female replicant on her belly, in sharp rage toward his impotence. He can build “women” and robots to serve him, but there’s still something even the most powerful man can not do. So by extension, and related to K’s relationship to Joi, woman can not be mastered, simulated or replicated by male supremacy. The male supremacy in this dystopia just yields artifice and shallow fantasies.

This much is true: so why not explore that world’s treatment of women, rather than have it as a decorative backdrop, huge breasts and ballet-dancing holograms included?

...

I hope Blade Runner 2049 gets its own sequel: there is the raw material for a much more nuanced depiction of gender relations.

omg, the nuance was IN THIS MOVIE THO. This author’s entire gripe is that the gender relations were TOO NUANCED!

Hell, the whole *SPOOOOOOILERS* twist at the end is that K is sooooo wrapped up in the fantasy of being the nascent male hero of this story that he is crushed to find out that no, he’s not, but rather it’s a woman. He’s merely an accessory to her ascent. An ascent that hints at a greater story than his, now that his is abruptly cut short. A cherry on top of a series of REALITY CHECKS to K’s assumed artificial male fantasies as he lays, dying, contemplating his newfound humanity as knowing he died for a cause greater than himself.

Human, and replicant destiny belongs to and requires women, not male aspiration.

The entire movie is produced in the trappings of K’s self-absorbed fantasies, so exploring “gender relations” the way the author wants would distract from and fuck the film up.

Considering 2049 was intended to set up a series of films, it’s entirely likely that future additions would indeed explore this. But now it’s unlikely, because it’s a box office failure, particularly because it’s reputation got dragged online for it’s sexist themes. By people who didnt see the movie, no less..

why cant these bbbbasic “feminist” media journos grasp metaphor and symbolism?

There’s alot of feminist critique to draw from this film, but people again get whipped up by social media and get lost in the surface depiction of sexism on screen without realizing there’s a purpose to that and a greater meaning to draw from it than the simple, stupid brainlet reading who is only concerned by whether or not the female representation is POSITIVE rather than having profundity or depth. Or about whether or not one woman talks to another woman about eggo waffles or something that doesnt involve a man at any point in the movie.

This is why we have stupid, fucking, vapid shallow protags like Rey from star wars, who face no adversity or really represent much else than female power fantasies.

im kinda pissed that 2049 is being passed off by because it fails to offer the same shallow fantasies found in other pandering, transparently cashgrab movies. but whatever, it’s cult following and appreciation will develop long after it falls out of theatres.

[aliozeri]

Trump’s Grandchildren Hide In The Attic: A Secret Letter From Their Au Pair

Hello, my name is Poppy Allen and I’m the Au Pair to President Trump’s darling grandchildren. I’ve come from the English town East Sussex, London all the way to the great American White House, where I’m known as “Mary Poppins to the three little Jews.” It’s a complimentary moniker, and it suits me and my situation well. I, indeed, have an extraordinary position unlike any other nanny or caretaker. These are the first Jewish members of the first family in the history of the presidency, and I must keep them safe from the commander-in-chief. If you’ve seen him, you know he looks like a man who means business. Sure, bad business, but business nonetheless. If you’ve heard him speak, you know he is quite the bigoted antisemite, a firm upholder of white supremacy, and a great man.

Working for the Kushner’s means you must be up-to-date on all of things “Trump.” There is so much to admire! The time the President tweeted an image of Hillary Clinton’s face atop a pile of cash next to the Star of David and the phrase, “Most Corrupt Candidate Ever!” Or when he had released an ad featuring the faces of four high profile Jewish people using a voiceover, referring to them as “those who control the levers of power in Washington,” part of a “global power structure” that “robbed our working class,” and “stripped our country of its wealth.” A humorous one was in Ypsilanti, Michigan, when he praised Henry Ford- a notoriously famous antisemite who was an ardent advocate of eugenics- for his “good bloodlines." The commander does love to boast about his “German blood!” One of my favorites was when, in a room full of Jewish men and women in Hollywood, Florida, he openly taunted, “You’re brutal killers, not nice people at all...but you have to vote for me—you have no choice.” He then accused them of “dual loyalty.” And, of course, his most acclaimed defense of the Neo-Nazis in Charlottesville shouting “Jews will not replace us” while making the “Heil Hitler” salute by saying there are “very fine people on both sides.”

Fond memories aside, I feel a duty not just to the Kushner family, but to the powerful and brilliant mind of the man everyone in the family nicknames “Eichmann”. When the commander, in fact, does get some free time (god bless him, he’s always so busy golfing and lying to dying Americans) he visits his favorite daughter in her Kalorama home. He skips inside, miles ahead of his wife, and calls out his own pet name for Mrs. Kushner, “my only daughter”, and greets Mr. Kushner as “christ killer.” Oh dear, they’re all so close. During this time I help my three greedy Jews, the Kushner children, scurry up to their large estate’s secret attic (there are four total) and keep quiet while reading, signing to each other, and keeping their own diaries. While they’re hiding, the President will ask where they are, and when they shall be returning. Mrs. Kushner assures her father that the future lawyers are at their own special school designed for people like them who only care about themselves, but they still know their place. The commander sometimes follows up to ask if he can go visit them in school, to which Mr. Kushner replies with a distinguished, “you don’t want to get our Jew dirt all over your beautiful suit, do you?” The President agrees, but then searches for me just to make certain. My task at that moment is to be preparing mediocre meals and less comfortable beds for the youngsters upon their arrival home. The meals are one small rutabaga and a tablespoon of marmalade. The beds are early 1940s style bunk beds with no mattresses. For the first couple of years on the job, the commander was generally neutral to me. But afterwards, especially these past few months, it has been terrifying. He’ll look me up and down and ask me if I’m sure the kids are at Jew school. I nod silently, but I’ve never thought of myself as a favorable liar. It’s quite burdensome to walk this line, between remaining loyal to the parents of these adorable hook nosed children and being forthcoming with the President of the United States of America. 

This is why I wish to part from my current employment and request that you send me to care for another family. I feel I would be of more valuable service not bearing such conflict in my heart and fear for my own life. One should not have to live in terror, after all, I’m not a Jew. Thank you for your consideration.

Best, Miss Poppy Allen

[tcolmstead-horror-su20]

The Persistence of Monstrous Queerness

In her examination of the history of the lesbian vampire as a trope in contemporary horror, Zimmerman argues that such films employ many traditional stereotypes of lesbianism including that "lesbianism is streile and morbid; lesbians are rich, decadent women who seduce the young and powerless." It is the seduction of the powerless that I find to be the most common element in these texts, and indeed in many texts featuring monstrous queer sexuality. The idea the heteronormative characters are powerless to resist the pull of gothic queer sexualities, and that monstrous queers will force their sexualities upon the other or kill/die trying is an unfortunate trope that still persists in the 21st century despite the progress made by the LGBTQIA movement.

Zimmerman identifies this trope particularly in Daughters of Darkness (1971), wherein a countess seduces a female newlywed via apparent mind control and then manipulates her into killing and drinking the blood of her husband. In this way, Daughters acts out the framework Zimmerman puts forth for the vampiric bond as a means of expressing "a fundamental male fear that female bonding will exclude men and threaten male supremacy." Indeed, throughout Daughters we see the new husband, Stefan, displaying disgust and envy any time his wife converses with either of the female vampires. He is also constantly attempting to learn more about their murders and intrude into the private world of their sapphic relationship. And though his violation of their privacy ultimately results in his death and consumption, it upholds the very fear that Zimmerman postulates:

By showing the lesbian as a vampire-rapist who violates and destroys her victim, men alleviate their fears that lesbian love could create an alternate model, that two women without coercion or morbidity might prefer one another to a man.

This unfortunate foreclosure of romantic possibility for lesbian lovers continues into 21st century cinema with Thelma (2017). Here a young girl receives mysterious powers from her paternal grandmother and uses them to bend the will of friends and family to suit her needs or kills them if they prove ultimately unwilling to comply. The series of disappearances and killings prepetrated by Thelma and her grandmother introduce dicussions of serial killers as put forth by Griggers, who writes that "the emergence of a lesbian serial killing-machine is occuring at precisely a time when the state is in contention with women over abortion practcies and combat status...the lesbian serial killer is not an abberation of feminity, but...it signs a new symptomology of 'normative' feminity which we see emerging in postmodernity." Thelma's telepathic acts of desire are contrasted in the film against the mediating actions of her female classmate/love interest and her overbearing parents. While her classmate Anja slowly convinces her to embrace herself and open up her parents continually try to surpress her actions through religion and coercion. When, at the film's climax, Thelma kills her father and makes Anja re-appear from the void we are forced to wonder whether Anja has real feelings for Thelma or if her affection was a result of Thelma's manipulation the entire time. Though the lovers get to walk off into the sunset hand-in-hand, it is unclear whether they actually love each other or if Thelma is just another monstrous queer seducing her young powerless prey.