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akathecentimetre · 4 years

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Hey there, so I really like history as a subject, and I'm pretty good at it. The thing is, I don't know what my career options would be if I studied it, or if I would be able to make money. My parents are heavily discouraging me from taking it as a major. As a 'historian' in training' what's your take? Thank you

Hi there! Sorry for the delay, ‘tis the hectic season…

Oh man, I have so many thoughts for you. Full disclosure: this is something I have worked on a LOT over the course of my graduate career both at my uni and on a national level; most of my advice, however, comes from a PhD candidate’s perspective and may not be directly helpful to an undergraduate, and I should also emphasize that everything I can say on this is very firmly based on the U.S. market only. That being said, a lot of what I can say can be universally applied, so here we go -

The number of history undergraduates in the U.S. has plummeted in the last decade or so, from it previously being one of the most popular majors. There are many interacting reasons for this: a changeover from older to younger, better-trained, energetic professors who draw in and retain students has been very slow to occur, partly because of a lack of a mandatory retirement age; the humanities have been systematically demonized and minimized in favor of the development of STEM subjects, to the occasional benefit of students of color and women but to the detriment of critical public discourse and historical perspective on current events; with many liberal arts colleges going under financially and the enormous expansion of academic bureaucracy everywhere, resources are definitely being diverted away from social and human studies towards fields which are perceived to pay better or perceived, as mentioned in the article above, as being more ‘practical.’ (We do need a ton more healthcare workers/specialists, but that’s a different conversation to have.) But now I feel like quoting a certain Jedi Master: everything your parents say is wrong. Let’s dive into why being a historian is a positive thing for you both as a person and as a professional -

You will be a good reader. As you learn to decipher documents and efficiently and thoroughly read secondary literature, you will develop a particular talent for understanding what is important about any piece of writing or evidence (and this can go for visual and aural evidence as well). This will serve you well in any position in which you are collecting/collating information and reporting to colleagues or superiors, and evaluating the worth of resources. Specific example - editorial staff at publishing houses either private or academic, magazines, etc.

You will be a good writer. This will get you a good job at tons of places; don’t underestimate it. I can’t tell you how many times I’ve been astonished (not in a punitive way, of course, but definitely with a sense of befuddlement) by how badly some of my Ivy-league students can write. Good writing is hard, good writing is rare, and good writing is a breath of fresh air to any employer who puts a high premium upon it in their staff. History in principle is the study of change; history in practice is presenting information in a logical, interesting, and persuasive manner. Any sort of institution which asks you to write reports, summaries, copy, etc. etc. will appreciate your skills.

You will be a good researcher. This sounds like a given, but it’s an underappreciated and vital skill. Historians work as consultants. Historians work in government - almost every department has an Office of the Historian - and in companies, writing company histories and maintaining institutional archives. A strong research profile will also serve you well if you want to go on to work in museum studies and in libraries public or private/academic. As a historian, you will know not just where to find information, but what questions you have to ask to get to the answer of how to tackle, deconstruct, and solve a problem. This is relevant to almost any career path.

You will provide perspective. Historians react to current events in newspapers and online - not just on politics, but culture as well (my favorite article of this week is about the historicity of The Aeronauts). Historians act as expert witnesses in court proceedings. Historians write books, good books, not just meant for academic audiences but for millions upon millions of readers who need thoughtful, intelligent respite from the present. Historians work for thinktanks, providing policy analysis and development (a colleague of mine is an expert on current events of war in Mali and works for multiple thinktanks and organizations because of it). Historians work for nonprofits or lobbying groups on issues of poverty, environmental safety, climate change, and minority and indigenous rights. In a world when Texas school textbooks push the states’ rights narrative, historians remind us that the Civil War was about slavery. Historians remind us that women and people of color have always existed. In this time and world where STEM subjects are (supposedly) flooding the job market, we need careful historical perspective more than ever. We need useful reactions to the 2016 election, to the immigration travesties on display at the southern border, to the strengthening of right-wing parties in Europe - and history classes, or thoughtfully historical classes on philosophy and political science, are one of the few places STEM and business students gain the basic ability to participate in those conversations. [One of my brightest and most wonderful students from last year, just to provide an anecdote, is an astrophysics major who complained to me in a friendly conversation this semester that she never got the chance to talk about ‘deep’ things anymore once she had passed through our uni’s centralized general curriculum, which has a heavy focus on humanities subjects.]

You will be an educator. Teaching is a profession which has myriad challenges in and of itself, but in my experience of working with educators there is a desperate need for secondary-school teachers in particular to have actual content training in history as opposed to simply being pushed into classrooms with degrees which focus only on pedagogical technique. If teaching is a vocation you are actually interested in, getting a history degree is not a bad place to start at all. And elementary/high schools aside, you will be teaching someone something in every interaction you have concerning your subject of choice. Social media is a really important venue now for historians to get their work out into the world and correct misconceptions in the public sphere, and is a place where you can hone a public and instructive voice. You could also be involved in educational policy, assessment/test development (my husband’s field, with a PhD in History from NYU), or educational activism.

If some of this sounds kind of woolly and abstract, that’s because it is. Putting yourself out there on the job market is literally a marketing game, and it can feel really silly to take your experience of 'Two years of being a Teaching Assistant for European History 1500-1750’ and mutate it to 'Facilitated group discussions, evaluated written work from students [clients], and ran content training sessions on complex subjects.’ But this sort of translation is just another skill - one that can be learned, improved, and manipulated to whatever situation you need it to fit.

Will you make money? That’s a question only you can answer, because only you know what you think is enough money. That being said, many of the types of careers I’ve mentioned already are not low-paying; in my experience expertise is, if you find the right workplace and the rewarding path, usually pretty well-remunerated.

Specific advice? Hone your craft. Curate an active public presence as a historian, an expert, a patient teacher, and as as person enthusiastic about your subject. Read everything and anything. Acknowledge and insist upon complexity, and celebrate it when you can.

And finally - will any of what I’ve said here make it easy? No, because no job search and no university experience is easy these days. It’s a crazy world and there are a lot of awful companies, bosses, and projects out there. But I do very firmly believe that you can find something, somewhere, that will suit your skills, and, hopefully, your passions too.

Resources for you: the American Historical Association has a breakdown of their skills-based approach to the job market, reports on the job market(s) for history PhDs collectively called ‘Where Historians Work,’ and a mentorship program, Career Contacts, which could connect you with professional historians in various workplaces. There is a very active community of historians on Twitter; search for #twitterstorians. For historians who identify as female, Women Also Know History is a newer site which collates #herstorian bios and publications to make it easier for journalists to contact them for expert opinions. ImaginePhD provides career development tools and exercises for graduate students, but could probably be applied to undergrads as well. The Gilder Lehrman Institute is one of the premier nonprofits which develops and promotes historical training for secondary school teachers and classroom resources (U.S. history only). Job listings are available via the AHA, the National Council on Public History, and the IHE, as well as the usual job sites. And there’s an awful lot more out there, of course - anyone who reads or reblogs this post is welcome to add field-specific or resource-specific info.

I hope this helps, Anon, or at least provides you with a way to argue in favor of it to your parents if it comes to that. Chin up!

#replies #anon #history #academia #education #career diversity #grad school #Caz rambles

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riichardwilson · 4 years

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How to Start a Consulting Business: Determining Your Rates

The rates you set send a message to perspective clients.

March 10, 2020 9 min read

Opinions expressed by Entrepreneur contributors are their own.

How much should you charge as a consultant? This can be an extremely challenging question to answer because it involves doing research, taking risks and proper planning. Fortunately, all three of these skills will come in handy as an entrepreneur so you may as well get used to it now.

In most cases, I strongly suggest asking the prospect what their budget is. If they have a number in mind, you can see how well that aligns with what you were going to charge. You might find the prospect has a much higher budget than you anticipated. However, they may respond to that question by asking what your rate is. To avoid volleying back and forth before one of you gives up, you’ll need to have this established from the start.

It’s important to remember the rate you charge will have a direct impact on how people perceive you. Too low? They could take that as a sign that you aren’t that good. Too high? You better really good — and prove it — or people are going to pass. I’ll always be in favor of doing what is required to deliver what your client needs and charging for a more premium service. You have the opportunity to build your own businesses, why wouldn’t you want to be the best solution out there for your specific audience?

Keep in mind, “premium” for your audience may not be viewed as premium — or even applicable — for other audiences. That’s why it’s so important to do deep research on who you’ll be helping. This allows you to genuinely say, “I understand you have this challenge, this is the impact it’s having on you, and I’ve developed a solution to alleviate it. Would you like my help?”

Once you’ve honed in on your audience, it is time to figure out how much to charge them for the solution you’ve developed. Here are some simple methods.

Related: How to Start a Consulting Business: Determine Your Business Model

1. Ask people how much they paid for a similar service

This is an approach I stumbled across by accident when I first started consulting. I asked a friend if she needed help optimizing her Instagram profile so she could land more clients. She politely informed me she was already working with a consultant, with whom she was very happy. I was somewhat disappointed but decided to turn it into a learning opportunity. I asked her how much her consultant charged so I could get a feel for the going rate in New York City. I then asked her another question, “What else could they do, that would justify you paying even more?” This is a crucial question for all of us to ask. If you charge the average rate, you’ll get average results. Her response let me know exactly what I needed to do in order to be positioned as a more premium service.

If possible, get input from 5-10 people. If you operate locally, you’ll want to inquire about the rates in your area or a similar metro.

Related: Grow Your Side Hustle With Instagram Direct Messaging

2. Research competitors rates online

Some consultants publish their rates on their site, including me. The reason being, I don’t like yelling “Surprise!” at the end of an enrollment call as I finally disclose my rate. From my perspective, being upfront about my rate is a huge timesaver for both me and the prospect I’m connecting with. If I can’t help them on their terms (which includes their budget) it’s not worth spending 30 minutes to figure that out. I should note, the value of publishing your rates is hotly debated. Jake Savage, Sales Coach at Grow Savagely, states, “Having pricing on your website leaves everything up to a numbers game. It becomes an endless battle of trying to increase your conversion rates. Instead, get your potential client on the phone. Be persuasive and close the deal.”

That said, being able to openly disclose a rate is more aligned with a time-based or retainer model as some projects can be challenging to scope without bespoke input. For example, Jake Savage trains sales teams. If he’s training three people the rate would be lower than if he was training a team of thirty.

Do some competitive research and keep track of the results you’re seeing in a spreadsheet. Be sure to take note of the services your competitors are offering, too. It could help improve the value you deliver to your audience.

Related: How Not to Benchmark Your Way to the Bottom

3. Directly ask other consultants what they charge

This one may sound counterintuitive but you’ll be surprised at how many “competitors” are willing to help you out. If you offer in-person public peaking consulting in San Francisco, you’re not much of a threat to someone who offers the same service in Chicago. Consider reaching out to other consultants on LinkedIn and asking for some friendly advice.

“Hi Mary, I see you’re a Public Speaking consultant in Chicago. I’m starting a similar business here in San Francisco and would greatly appreciate it if you could answer just one question for me. How much do you charge for your services?”

One of three things will happen:

Mary will ignore you or refuse to disclose her rates. If that’s the case, keep it moving and ask someone else.

She’ll get back to you with a quick response. Thank her and continue doing your research.

She’ll get back to you with a longer response and potentially offer to connect with you via phone.

In the last scenario, you could potentially pick up some valuable tips that will help you accelerate the growth of your business.

You can also ask consultants who serve the same audience, with a different service. This will give you an idea of how much they typically pay for outside help.

Related: The 7 Deadly LinkedIn Sins

4. Charge based on the value you create

Being able to determine the return on investment a prospect can expect is a gift to any consultant. It’s much easier for a prospect to justify an investment if they understand what they’ll get out of it. If you operate in a market that allows you to do so, it’s worth digging deep and crunching the numbers.

Heads up, there’s some math coming at you.

Let’s say you’re a business process consultant, and you help clients keep better track of their leads. You’re currently talking to a prospect who has the following data points.

Leads per quarter: 200

Conversion rate: 20%

New deals per quarter: 40

Average deal value: $6,000

Average revenue per quarter: $240,000

During your enrollment call with the prospect, you discover their process for tracking leads is horrendous. They forget to call people back, aren’t taking proper notes and don’t have a clear handle on their sales pipeline. With your help, it’s obvious they could increase their conversion rate by at least 20%, which would give them a new conversion rate of 24%.

Through working with you, here’s how the new scenario could look.

Leads per quarter: 200

Conversion rate: 24%

New deals per quarter: 48

Average deal value: 6,000

Average revenue per quarter: $288,000

By helping them get a better handle on their business process, you can help them generate another $48k in just one quarter. Over the course of a year, all things being equal, that’s almost $200k in incremental revenue. Assuming they’re going to be in business for more than one year, the benefits of your work will continue to pay off. If you show them this data and tell them your rate is $25K, it’s much easier to justify the investment.

You may be working with clients who generate more or less revenue, but the process is the same. That said, if you want to increase your rates, solve more expensive problems.

This same approach can be applied when you’re consulting individuals. Helping an established keynote speaker further hone their public speaking skills will most likely yield greater results than helping someone who is just starting out. The established speaker knows they can get on stages, they just want to get on more, and be able to increase their rates. You can charge more because you’re solving a more expensive problem.

Related: How to Forecast Revenue and Growth

5. Do a feasibility analysis

Once you arrive at a rate, you have to determine whether or not it makes sense based on your desired income and lifestyle. If you want to make $100k/yr before taxes and charge $2,000 per project, you need to book 50 projects per year. That’s a whole lot of enrollment calls, emails, admin work, etc. I’m not saying this isn’t doable, but you may be better off creating a solution worth $10,000 and connecting with an audience that can afford it. You’ll only need to land 10 clients per year, and will most likely have a deeper relationship with them. This can easily lead to more business through referrals and testimonials.

6. Close with confidence

Your rate will evolve over time, but it shouldn’t evolve over the course of your first conversation. Never say “It depends” or “That’s negotiable.” Tell it to them your rate like they asked you what time it is. I know its tempting to discount fees just to win business, but that can easily throw off your projections and lead to more people wanting to work with you at a reduced rate. Referrals are one of the best ways to grow your business. If you do a good job, you’ll earn them. However, you don’t want people to say “You should work with Spencer Bell, he’s amazing, and he only charges …”

Establish a reputation based on the quality of service you provide, not a discounted rate.

If you need any help, I’m available for remote consulting on Entrepreneur’s Ask an Expert platform. Be sure to follow along on Instagram as well.

Website Design & SEO Delray Beach by DBL07.co

Delray Beach SEO

source http://www.scpie.org/how-to-start-a-consulting-business-determining-your-rates/ source https://scpie.tumblr.com/post/612220800806895616

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laurelkrugerr · 4 years

Text

How to Start a Consulting Business: Determining Your Rates

The rates you set send a message to perspective clients.

March 10, 2020 9 min read

Opinions expressed by Entrepreneur contributors are their own.

Once you’ve honed in on your audience, it is time to figure out how much to charge them for the solution you’ve developed. Here are some simple methods.

Related: How to Start a Consulting Business: Determine Your Business Model

1. Ask people how much they paid for a similar service

If possible, get input from 5-10 people. If you operate locally, you’ll want to inquire about the rates in your area or a similar metro.

Related: Grow Your Side Hustle With Instagram Direct Messaging

2. Research competitors rates online

Related: How Not to Benchmark Your Way to the Bottom

3. Directly ask other consultants what they charge

One of three things will happen:

Mary will ignore you or refuse to disclose her rates. If that’s the case, keep it moving and ask someone else.

She’ll get back to you with a quick response. Thank her and continue doing your research.

She’ll get back to you with a longer response and potentially offer to connect with you via phone.

In the last scenario, you could potentially pick up some valuable tips that will help you accelerate the growth of your business.

You can also ask consultants who serve the same audience, with a different service. This will give you an idea of how much they typically pay for outside help.

Related: The 7 Deadly LinkedIn Sins

4. Charge based on the value you create

Heads up, there’s some math coming at you.

Let’s say you’re a business process consultant, and you help clients keep better track of their leads. You’re currently talking to a prospect who has the following data points.

Leads per quarter: 200

Conversion rate: 20%

New deals per quarter: 40

Average deal value: $6,000

Average revenue per quarter: $240,000

Through working with you, here’s how the new scenario could look.

Leads per quarter: 200

Conversion rate: 24%

New deals per quarter: 48

Average deal value: 6,000

Average revenue per quarter: $288,000

You may be working with clients who generate more or less revenue, but the process is the same. That said, if you want to increase your rates, solve more expensive problems.

Related: How to Forecast Revenue and Growth

5. Do a feasibility analysis

6. Close with confidence

Establish a reputation based on the quality of service you provide, not a discounted rate.

If you need any help, I’m available for remote consulting on Entrepreneur’s Ask an Expert platform. Be sure to follow along on Instagram as well.

Website Design & SEO Delray Beach by DBL07.co

Delray Beach SEO

source http://www.scpie.org/how-to-start-a-consulting-business-determining-your-rates/ source https://scpie1.blogspot.com/2020/03/how-to-start-consulting-business.html

0 notes

scpie · 4 years

Text

How to Start a Consulting Business: Determining Your Rates

The rates you set send a message to perspective clients.

March 10, 2020 9 min read

Opinions expressed by Entrepreneur contributors are their own.

Once you’ve honed in on your audience, it is time to figure out how much to charge them for the solution you’ve developed. Here are some simple methods.

Related: How to Start a Consulting Business: Determine Your Business Model

1. Ask people how much they paid for a similar service

If possible, get input from 5-10 people. If you operate locally, you’ll want to inquire about the rates in your area or a similar metro.

Related: Grow Your Side Hustle With Instagram Direct Messaging

2. Research competitors rates online

Related: How Not to Benchmark Your Way to the Bottom

3. Directly ask other consultants what they charge

One of three things will happen:

Mary will ignore you or refuse to disclose her rates. If that’s the case, keep it moving and ask someone else.

She’ll get back to you with a quick response. Thank her and continue doing your research.

She’ll get back to you with a longer response and potentially offer to connect with you via phone.

In the last scenario, you could potentially pick up some valuable tips that will help you accelerate the growth of your business.

You can also ask consultants who serve the same audience, with a different service. This will give you an idea of how much they typically pay for outside help.

Related: The 7 Deadly LinkedIn Sins

4. Charge based on the value you create

Heads up, there’s some math coming at you.

Let’s say you’re a business process consultant, and you help clients keep better track of their leads. You’re currently talking to a prospect who has the following data points.

Leads per quarter: 200

Conversion rate: 20%

New deals per quarter: 40

Average deal value: $6,000

Average revenue per quarter: $240,000

Through working with you, here’s how the new scenario could look.

Leads per quarter: 200

Conversion rate: 24%

New deals per quarter: 48

Average deal value: 6,000

Average revenue per quarter: $288,000

You may be working with clients who generate more or less revenue, but the process is the same. That said, if you want to increase your rates, solve more expensive problems.

Related: How to Forecast Revenue and Growth

5. Do a feasibility analysis

6. Close with confidence

Establish a reputation based on the quality of service you provide, not a discounted rate.

If you need any help, I’m available for remote consulting on Entrepreneur’s Ask an Expert platform. Be sure to follow along on Instagram as well.

Website Design & SEO Delray Beach by DBL07.co

Delray Beach SEO

source http://www.scpie.org/how-to-start-a-consulting-business-determining-your-rates/

0 notes

katebushwick · 7 years

Text

Patricia Hill Collins

Afro-American women have long been privy to some of the most intimate secrets of white society. Countless numbers of Black women have ridden buses to their white "fami- lies," where they not only cooked, cleaned, and executed other domestic duties, but where they also nurtured their "other" children, shrewdly offered guidance to their employers, and frequently, became honorary members of their white "families." These women have seen white elites, both actual and aspiring, from perspectives largely obscured from their Black spouses and from these groups themselves.' On one level, this "insider" relationship has been satisfying to all involved. The memoirs of affluent whites often mention their love for their Black "mothers," while accounts of Black domestic workers stress the sense of self-affirmation they experienced at seeing white power demystified-of knowing that it was not the intellect, talent, or humanity of their employers that supported their superior status, but largely just the advantages of racism. But on another level, these same Black women knew they could never belong to their white "families." In spite of their involvement, they remained "outsiders." This "outsider within" status has provided a special standpoint on self, family, and society for Afro-American women. A careful review of the emerging Black feminist literature reveals that many Black intellectuals, especially those in touch with their marginality in academic settings, tap this standpoint in producing distinctive analyses of race, class, and gender. For example, Zora Neal Hurston's 1937 novel, Their Eyes Were Watching God, most certainly reflects her skill at using the strengths and transcending the limitations both of her academic training and of her background in traditional Afro-American community life. Black feminist historian E. Frances White (1984) suggests that Black women's ideas have been honed at the juncture between movements for racial and sexual equality, and contends that Afro-Ameri- can women have been pushed by "their marginalization in both arenas" to create Black femi- nism. Finally, Black feminist critic Bell Hooks captures the unique standpoint that the outsider within status can generate. In describing her small-town, Kentucky childhood, she notes, "living as we did-on the edge-we developed a particular way of seeing reality. We looked both from the outside and in from the inside out . . . we understood both" (1984:vii). In spite of the obstacles that can confront outsiders within, such individuals can benefit from this status. Simmel's (1921) essay on the sociological significance of what he called the "stranger" offers a helpful starting point for understanding the largely unexplored area of Black female outsider within status and the usefulness of the standpoint it might produce.

Some of the potential benefits of outsider within status include: (1) Simmel's definition of "objectivity" as "a peculiar composition of nearness and remoteness, concern and indiffer- ence"; (2) the tendency for people to confide in a "stranger" in ways they never would with each other; and (3) the ability of the "stranger" to see patterns that may be more difficult for those immersed in the situation to see. Mannheim (1936) labels the "strangers" in academia "marginal intellectuals" and argues that the critical posture such individuals bring to aca- demic endeavors may be essential to the creative development of academic disciplines them- selves. Finally, in assessing the potentially positive qualities of social difference, specifically marginality, Lee notes, "for a time this marginality can be a most stimulating, albeit often a painful, experience. For some, it is debilitating. . . for others, it is an excitement to creativ- ity" (1973:64).6 Sociologists might benefit greatly from serious consideration of the emerging, cross-disci- plinary literature that I label Black feminist thought, precisely because, for many Afro-Ameri- can female intellectuals, "marginality" has been an excitement to creativity. As outsiders within, Black feminist scholars may be one of many distinct groups of marginal intellectuals whose standpoints promise to enrich contemporary sociological discourse. Bringing this group-as well as others who share an outsider within status vis-a-vis sociology-into the center of analysis may reveal aspects of reality obscured by more orthodox approaches. In the remainder of this essay, I examine the sociological significance of the Black femi- nist thought stimulated by Black women's outsider within status. First, I outline three key themes that characterize the emerging cross-disciplinary literature that I label Black feminist thought.7 For each theme, I summarize its content, supply examples from Black feminist and other works that illustrate its nature, and discuss its importance. Second, I explain the significance

these key themes in Black feminist thought may have for sociologists by describing why Black women's outsider within status might generate a distinctive standpoint vis-a-vis existing sociological paradigms. Finally, I discuss one general implication of this essay for social scientists: namely, the potential usefulness of identifying and using one's own standpoint in con- ducting research. Three Key Themes in Black Feminist Thought Black feminist thought consists of ideas produced by Black women that clarify a stand- point of and for Black women. Several assumptions underlie this working definition. First, the definition suggests that it is impossible to separate the structure and thematic content of thought from the historical and material conditions shaping the lives of its producers (Berger and Luckmann 1966; Mannheim 1936). Therefore, while Black feminist thought may be re- corded by others, it is produced by Black women. Second, the definition assumes that Black women possess a unique standpoint on, or perspective of, their experiences and that there will be certain commonalities of perception shared by Black women as a group. Third, while living life as Black women may produce certain commonalities of outlook, the diversity of class, region, age, and sexual orientation shaping individual Black women's lives has resulted in different expressions of these common themes. Thus, universal themes included in the Black women's standpoint may be experienced and expressed differently by distinct groups of Afro-American women. Finally, the definition assumes that, while a Black women's stand- point exists, its contours may not be clear to Black women themselves.

Therefore, one role for Black female intellectuals is to produce facts and theories about the Black female experience that will clarify a Black woman's standpoint for Black women. In other words, Black feminist thought contains observations and interpretations about Afro-American womanhood that de- scribe and explain different expressions of common themes. No one Black feminist platform exists from which one can measure the "correctness" of a particular thinker; nor should there be one. Rather, as I defined it above, there is a long and rich tradition of Black feminist thought. Much of it has been oral and has been produced by ordinary Black women in their roles as mothers, teachers, musicians, and preachers.8 Since the civil rights and women's movements, Black women's ideas have been increasingly docu- mented and are reaching wider audiences. The following discussion of three key themes in Black feminist thought is itself part of this emerging process of documentation and interpreta- tion. The three themes I have chosen are not exhaustive but, in my assessment, they do represent the thrust of much of the existing dialogue. The Meaning of Self-Definition and Self-Valuation An affirmation of the importance of Black women's self-definition and self-valuation is the first key theme that pervades historical and contemporary statements of Black feminist thought. Self-definition involves challenging the political knowledge-validation process that has resulted in externally-defined, stereotypical images of Afro-American womanhood

In contrast, self-valuation stresses the content of Black women's self-definitions-namely, replac- ing externally-derived images with authentic Black female images. Both Mae King's (1973) and Cheryl Gilkes' (1981) analyses of the importance of stereo- types offer useful insights for grasping the importance of Black women's self-definition. King suggests that stereotypes represent externally-defined, controlling images of Afro-American womanhood that have been central to the dehumanization of Black women and the exploita- tion of Black women's labor. Gilkes points out that Black women's assertiveness in resisting the multifaceted oppression they experience has been a consistent threat to the status quo. As punishment, Black women have been assaulted with a variety of externally-defined negative images designed to control assertive Black female behavior. The value of King's and Gilkes' analyses lies in their emphasis on the function of stereo- types in controlling dominated groups. Both point out that replacing negative stereotypes with ostensibly positive ones can be equally problematic if the function of stereotypes as con- trolling images remains unrecognized. John Gwaltney's (1980) interview with Nancy White, a 73-year-old Black woman, suggests that ordinary Black women may also be aware of the power of these controlling images in their everyday experiences. In the following passage, Ms. White assesses the difference between the controlling images applied to Afro-American and white women as being those of degree, and not of kind: My mother used to say that the black woman is the white man's mule and the white woman is his dog. Now, she said that to say this: we do the heavy work and get beat whether we do it well or not. But the white woman is closer to the master and he pats them on the head and lets them sleep in the house, but he ain't gon' treat neither one like he was dealing with a person (1980:148).

This passage suggests that while both groups are stereotyped, albeit in different ways, the function of the images is to dehumanize and control both groups. Seen in this light, it makes little sense, in the long run, for Black women to exchange one set of controlling images for another even if, in the short run, positive stereotypes bring better treatment. The insistence on Black female self-definition reframes the entire dialogue from one of determining the technical accuracy of an image, to one stressing the power dynamics underly- ing the very process of definition itself. Black feminists have questioned not only what has been said about Black women, but the credibility and the intentions of those possessing the power to define. When Black women define themselves, they clearly reject the taken-for- granted assumption that those in positions granting them the authority to describe and ana- lyze reality are entitled to do so. Regardless of the actual content of Black women's self-defini- tions, the act of insisting on Black female self-definition validates Black women's power as human subjects. The related theme of Black female self-valuation pushes this entire process one step fur- ther. While Black female self-definition speaks to the power dynamics involved in the act of defining images of self and community, the theme of Black female self-valuation addresses the actual content of these self-definitions. Many of the attributes extant in Black female stereo- types are actually distorted renderings of those aspects of Black female behavior seen as most threatening to white patriarchy (Gilkes, 1981; White, 1985). For example, aggressive Afro- American women are threatening because they challenge white patriarchal definitions of femininity. To ridicule assertive women by labeling them Sapphires reflects an effort to put all women in their place. In their roles as central figures in socializing the next generation of Black adults, strong mothers are similarly threatening, because they contradict patriarchal views of family power relations. To ridicule strong Black mothers by labelling them ma- triarchs (Higginbotham, 1982) reflects a similar effort to control another aspect of Black female behavior that is especially threatening to the status quo. When Black females choose to value those aspects of Afro-American womanhood that are stereotyped, ridiculed, and maligned in academic scholarship and the popular media, they are actually questioning some of the basic ideas used to control dominated groups in general.

It is one thing to counsel Afro-American women to resist the Sapphire stereotype by altering their behavior to become meek, docile, and stereotypically "feminine." It is quite another to advise Black women to embrace their assertiveness, to value their sassiness, and to continue to use these qualities to survive in and transcend the harsh environments that circumscribe so many Black women's lives. By defining and valuing assertiveness and other "unfeminine" qualities as necessary and functional attributes for Afro-American womanhood, Black wo- men's self-valuation challenges the content of externally-defined controlling images. This Black feminist concern-that Black women create their own standards for evaluat- ing Afro-American womanhood and value their creations-pervades a wide range of literary and social science works. For example, Alice Walker's 1982 novel, The Color Purple, and Ntozake Shange's 1978 choreopoem, For Colored Girls Who Have Considered Suicide, are both bold statements of the necessity for Black female self-definition and self-valuation. Lena Wright Myers' (1980) work shows that Black women judge their behavior by comparing themselves to Black women facing similar situations and thus demonstrates the presence of Black female definitions of Afro-American womanhood. The recent spate of Black female historiography suggests that self-defined, self-valuating Black women have long populated the ranks of Afro- American female leaders (Giddings, 1984; Loewenberg and Bogin, 1976). Black women's insistence on self-definition, self-valuation, and the necessity for a Black female-centered analysis is significant for two reasons. First, defining and valuing one's con- sciousness of one's own self-defined standpoint in the face of images that foster a self-defini- tion as the objectified "other" is an important way of resisting the dehumanization essential to systems of domination.

The status of being the "other" implies being "other than" or different from the assumed norm of white male behavior. In this model, powerful white males define themselves as subjects, the true actors, and classify people of color and women in terms of their position vis-a-vis this white male hub. Since Black women have been denied the author- ity to challenge these definitions, this model consists of images that define Black women as a negative other, the virtual antithesis of positive white male images. Moreover, as Brittan and Maynard (1984:199) point out, "domination always involves the objectification of the domi- nated; all forms of oppression imply the devaluation of the subjectivity of the oppressed." One of the best examples of this process is described by Judith Rollins (1985). As part of her fieldwork on Black domestics, Rollins worked as a domestic for six months. She describes several incidents where her employers treated her as if she were not really present. On one occasion while she sat in the kitchen having lunch, her employers had a conversation as if she were not there. Her sense of invisibility became so great that she took out a pad of paper and began writing field notes. Even though Rollins wrote for 10 minutes, finished lunch, and returned to work, her employers showed no evidence of having seen her at all. Rollins notes, It was this aspect of servitude I found to be one of the strongest affronts to my dignity as a human being. . . . These gestures of ignoring my presence were not, I think, intended as insults; they were expressions of the employers' ability to annihilate the humanness and even, at times, the very exist- ence of me, a servant and a black woman (1985:209). Racist and sexist ideologies both share the common feature of treating dominated groups-the "others"-as objects lacking full human subjectivity. For example, seeing Black women as obstinate mules and viewing white women as obedient dogs objectifies both groups, but in different ways. Neither is seen as fully human, and therefore both become eligible for race/gender specific modes of domination. But if Black women refuse to accept their assigned status as the quintessential "other," then the entire rationale for such domina- tion is challenged. In brief, abusing a mule or a dog may be easier than abusing a person who is a reflection of one's own humanness. A second reason that Black female self-definition and self-valuation are significant con- cerns their value in allowing Afro-American women to reject internalized, psychological op- pression (Baldwin, 1980). The potential damage of internalized control to Afro-American

women's self-esteem can be great, even to the prepared. Enduring the frequent assaults of controlling images requires considerable inner strength. Nancy White, cited earlier, also points out how debilitating being treated as less than human can be if Black women are not self-defined. She notes, "Now, you know that no woman is a dog or a mule, but if folks keep making you feel that way, if you don't have a mind of your own, you can start letting them tell you what you are" (Gwaltney, 1980:152). Seen in this light, self-definition and self-valua- tion are not luxuries-they are necessary for Black female survival. The Interlocking Nature of Oppression Attention to the interlocking nature of race, gender, and class oppression is a second recurring theme in the works of Black feminists (Beale, 1970; Davis, 1981; Dill, 1983; Hooks, 1981; Lewis, 1977; Murray, 1970; Steady, 1981).9 While different socio-historical periods may have increased the saliency of one or another type of oppression, the thesis of the linked nature of oppression has long pervaded Black feminist thought. For example, Ida Wells Bar- nett and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, two prominent Black feminists of the late 1800s, both spoke out against the growing violence directed against Black men. They realized that civil rights held little meaning for Black men and women if the right to life itself went unprotected (Loewenberg and Bogin, 1976:26). Black women's absence from organized feminist move- ments has mistakenly been attributed to a lack of feminist consciousness. In actuality, Black feminists have possessed an ideological commitment to addressing interlocking oppression yet have been excluded from arenas that would have allowed them to do so (Davis, 1981).

As Barbara Smith points out, "the concept of the simultaneity of oppression is still the crux of a Black feminist understanding of political reality and . . . is one of the most signifi- cant ideological contributions of Black feminist thought" (1983:xxxii). This should come as no surprise since Black women should be among the first to realize that minimizing one form of oppression, while essential, may still leave them oppressed in other equally dehumanizing ways. Sojourner Truth knew this when she stated, "there is a great stir about colored men getting their rights, and not colored women theirs, you see the colored men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as before" (Loewenberg and Bogin, 1976:238). To use Nancy White's metaphors, the Black woman as "mule" knows that she is perceived to be an animal. In contrast, the white woman as "dog" may be similarly dehumanized, and may think that she is an equal part of the family when, in actuality, she is a well-cared-for pet. The significant factor shaping Truth's and White's clearer view of their own subordination than that of Black men or white women is their experience at the intersection of multiple struc- tures of domination.'0 Both Truth and White are Black, female, and poor. They therefore have a clearer view of oppression than other groups who occupy more contradictory positions vis-a-vis white male power-unlike white women, they have no illusions that their whiteness will negate female subordination, and unlike Black men, they cannot use a questionable ap- peal to manhood to neutralize the stigma of being Black

The Black feminist attention to the interlocking nature of oppression is significant for two reasons. First, this viewpoint shifts the entire focus of investigation from one aimed at expli- cating elements of race or gender or class oppression to one whose goal is to determine what the links are among these systems. The first approach typically prioritizes one form of oppres- sion as being primary, then handles remaining types of oppression as variables within what is seen as the most important system. For example, the efforts to insert race and gender into Marxist theory exemplify this effort. In contrast, the more holistic approach implied in Black feminist thought treats the interaction among multiple systems as the object of study. Rather than adding to existing theories by inserting previously excluded variables, Black feminists aim to develop new theoretical interpretations of the interaction itself. Black male scholars, white female scholars, and more recently, Black feminists like Bell Hooks, may have identified one critical link among interlocking systems of oppression. These groups have pointed out that certain basic ideas crosscut multiple systems of domination. One such idea is either/or dualistic thinking, claimed by Hooks to be "the central ideological com- ponent of all systems of domination in Western society" (1984:29). While Hooks' claim may be somewhat premature, there is growing scholarly support for her viewpoint." Either/or dualistic thinking, or what I will refer to as the construct of dichot- omous oppositional difference, may be a philosophical lynchpin in systems of race, class, and gender oppression. One fundamental characteristic of this construct is the categorization of people, things, and ideas in terms of their difference from one another. For example, the terms in dichotomies such as black/white, male/female, reason/emotion, fact/opinion, and subject/object gain their meaning only in relation to their difference from their oppositional counterparts.

Another fundamental characteristic of this construct is that difference is not complementary in that the halves of the dichotomy do not enhance each other. Rather, the dichotomous halves are different and inherently opposed to one another. A third and more important characteristic is that these oppositional relationships are intrinsically unstable. Since such dualities rarely represent different but equal relationships, the inherently unstable relationship is resolved by subordinating one half of each pair to the other. Thus, whites rule Blacks, males dominate females, reason is touted as superior to emotion in ascertaining truth, facts supercede opinion in evaluating knowledge, and subjects rule objects. Dichotomous op- positional differences invariably imply relationships of superiority and inferiority, hierarchi- cal relationships that mesh with political economies of domination and subordination. The oppression experienced by most Black women is shaped by their subordinate status in an array of either/or dualities. Afro-American women have been assigned the inferior half of several dualities, and this placement has been central to their continued domination. For example, the allegedly emotional, passionate nature of Afro-American women has long been used as a rationale for their sexual exploitation. Similarly, denying Black women literacy- then claiming that they lack the facts for sound judgment-illustrates another case of as- signing a group inferior status, then using that inferior status as proof of the group's inferi- ority. Finally, denying Black women agency as subjects and treating them as objectified

"others" represents yet another dimension of the power that dichotomous oppositional con- structs have in maintaining systems of domination. While Afro-American women may have a vested interest in recognizing the connections among these dualities that together comprise the construct of dichotomous oppositional differ- ence, that more women have not done so is not surprising. Either/or dualistic thinking is so pervasive that it suppresses other alternatives. As Dill points out, "the choice between identi- fying as black or female is a product of the patriarchal strategy of divide-and-conquer and the continued importance of class, patriarchal, and racial divisions, perpetuate such choices both within our consciousness and within the concrete realities of our daily lives" (1983:136). In spite of this difficulty, Black women experience oppression in a personal, holistic fashion and emerging Black feminist perspectives appear to be embracing an equally holistic analysis of oppression. Second, Black feminist attention to the interlocking nature of oppression is significant in that, implicit in this view, is an alternative humanist vision of societal organization. This alternative world view is cogently expressed in the following passage from an 1893 speech delivered by the Black feminist educator, Anna Julia Cooper: We take our stand on the solidarity of humanity, the oneness of life, and the unnaturalness and injustice of all special favoritisms, whether of sex, race, country, or condition. ... The colored wo- man feels that woman's cause is one and universal; and that . . . not till race, color, sex, and condi- tion are seen as accidents, and not the substance of life; not till the universal title of humanity to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness is conceded to be inalienable to all; not till then is woman's lesson taught and woman's cause won-not the white woman's nor the black woman's, nor the red woman's, but the cause of every man and of every woman who has writhed silently under a mighty wrong (Loewenberg and Bogin, 1976:330-31).

I cite the above passage at length because it represents one of the clearest statements of the humanist vision extant in Black feminist thought.'2 Black feminists who see the simulta- neity of oppression affecting Black women appear to be more sensitive to how these same oppressive systems affect Afro-American men, people of color, women, and the dominant group itself. Thus, while Black feminist activists may work on behalf of Black women, they rarely project separatist solutions to Black female oppression. Rather, the vision is one that, like Cooper's, takes its "stand on the solidarity of humanity." The Importance of Afro-American Women's Culture A third key theme characterizing Black feminist thought involves efforts to redefine and explain the importance of Black women's culture. In doing so, Black feminists have not only uncovered previously unexplored areas of the Black female experience, but they have also identified concrete areas of social relations where Afro-American women create and pass on self-definitions and self-valuations essential to coping with the simultaneity of oppression they experience. In contrast to views of culture stressing the unique, ahistorical values of a particular group, Black feminist approaches have placed greater emphasis on the role of historically- specific political economies in explaining the endurance of certain cultural themes. The fol- lowing definition of culture typifies the approach taken by many Black feminists. According to Mullings, culture is composed of

the symbols and values that create the ideological frame of reference through which people attempt to deal with the circumstances in which they find themselves. Culture ... is not composed of static, discrete traits moved from one locale to another. It is constantly changing and transformed, as new forms are created out of old ones. Thus culture . . . does not arise out of nothing: it is created and modified by material conditions (1986a:13). Seen in this light, Black women's culture may help provide the ideological frame of refer- ence-namely, the symbols and values of self-definition and self-valuation-that assist Black women in seeing the circumstances shaping race, class, and gender oppression. Moreover, Mullings' definition of culture suggests that the values which accompany self-definition and self-valuation will have concrete, material expression: they will be present in social institu- tions like church and family, in creative expression of art, music, and dance, and, if unsup- pressed, in patterns of economic and political activity. Finally, this approach to culture stresses its historically concrete nature. While common themes may link Black women's lives, these themes will be experienced differently by Black women of different classes, ages, regions, and sexual preferences as well as by Black women in different historical settings.

Thus, there is no monolithic Black women's culture-rather, there are socially-constructed Black women's cultures that collectively form Black women's culture. The interest in redefining Black women's culture has directed attention to several unex- plored areas of the Black female experience. One such area concerns the interpersonal rela- tionships that Black women share with each other. It appears that the notion of sisterhood- generally understood to mean a supportive feeling of loyalty and attachment to other women stemming from a shared feeling of oppression-has been an important part of Black women's culture (Dill, 1983: 132). Two representative works in the emerging tradition of Black feminist research illustrate how this concept of sisterhood, while expressed differently in response to different material conditions, has been a significant feature of Black women's culture. For example, Debra Gray White (1985) documents the ways Black slave women assisted each other in childbirth, cared for each other's children, worked together in sex-segregated work units when pregnant or nursing children, and depended on one another when married to males living on distant farms. White paints a convincing portrait of Black female slave com- munities where sisterhood was necessary and assumed. Similarly, Gilkes' (1985) work on Black women's traditions in the Sanctified Church suggests that the sisterhood Black women found had tangible psychological and political benefits.

The attention to Black women's culture has stimulated interest in a second type of inter- personal relationship: that shared by Black women with their biological children, the chil- dren in their extended families, and with the Black community's children. In reassessing Afro-American motherhood, Black feminist researchers have emphasized the connections be- tween (1) choices available to Black mothers resulting from their placement in historically- specific political economies, (2) Black mothers' perceptions of their children's choices as com- pared to what mothers thought those choices should be, and (3) actual strategies employed by Black mothers both in raising their children and in dealing with institutions that affected their children's lives. For example, Janice Hale (1980) suggests that effective Black mothers are sophisticated mediators between the competing offerings of an oppressive dominant cul- ture and a nurturing Black value-structure. Dill's (1980) study of the childrearing goals of Black domestics stresses the goals the women in her sample had for their children and the strategies these women pursued to help their children go further than they themselves had gone. Gilkes (1980) offers yet another perspective on the power of Black motherhood by ob- serving that many of the Black female political activists in her study became involved in community work through their role as mothers. What typically began as work on behalf of their own children evolved into work on behalf of the community's children.

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