#plural prefixes...

[exocynraku]

I think Tinycloud x Shrewtooth and Stormheart x Mistfeather kits would be very cool

Also there is a big moth in my room and I am scared

wolvesbay (mist x storm), emberhunter (shrew x tiny)

[nekomogai]

• ｡❝ SHUMIHOST ❞ & ❝ SHUMINAUT ❞ . — A plural identity for hosts, frequent fronters, and outernauts who host or front frequently because they are from a media the collective or headmate likes, hyperfixates on, or has a special interest of, or is a fictive of a comfort/favorite character of the collective or headmate. Shumi- can also be attached to any role to indicate that they are this role because of those reasons, such as shumiprotector.

Shumi from Japanese & Chinese 趣味 meaning interest, delight, or hobby

ദ്ദി(˵ •̀ ᴗ - ˵ ) ✧ Coined by Mod Snailll ! ~ requested by @wubbforbrains [-: Tagging @daybreakthing @pluralterms @radiomogai

[bardan-jusik]

on my hands and knees begging all mando'a speakers to remember to drop the r off your verbs unless you want to be using an infinitive verb

[chaoticcutiewhirl]

Somethings Coming... And I want money to pay for it /Silly :3 0/5 slots filled

Okay feel free to send DMs or asks and I will DM you about a potential comm but simply to say... Mice Tea Felicia Plushie is coming and I need it so all I need is like just a more intricate full body commission with like a simple background given how much Margret was with shipping.

Also if you need more examples:

(Fun fact this one above is from art fight and is a character by the named Vespara owned by @Peachiheartz (Hi again :3)

Oh hey an OC owned by my best friend in the whole wide world Vee. She is on tumblr but I cannot for the life of me find her tumblr

Oh hey more art by me, anyway if you like my art style and want to commission, feel free to DM or send an ask and I will DM you- anyway off to me shilling in more places to try and get myself a Mice Tea Felicia Plushie and if I am successful more UTY plushies from a fan design thing, if anyone is wondering I will probably drop their shop if someone asks because I love them.

[frecht]

listening to these two guys talking and I'm 90% sure the one guy is making up everything he's saying or he just fell for facts online that are actually false and the other one is eating it UP

[ryanoftinellb]

When I graduated with a degree in physics, the biggest and smallest SI prefices were ‘yocto’ and ‘yotta’. Now, because the total amount of information available to humans is growing so quickly, we've had to expand upwards to ‘ronna’ and ‘quetta’. It's only the physicists love of symmetry that has given us ‘ronto’ and ‘quecto’.

I have 47 yoctobytes of Star Trek :D .

[translatingpostsinfrench]

can you provide any more. uh. vocabularies gay en français? (tried to ask in french, but couldn't make heads or tails of how to structure questions haha)

you don't know how big is my smile is right now

1. the basics of gender, sexuality and romantic labels

tldr: its the same as in english but with a french accent. really, once you know how to say "sexual", "romantic" and "gender", you just add the prefix of your choice and voilà. to make it even easier, those words are VERY close to their english counterparts:

sexual = sexuel.le -> homosexuel.le, bisexuel.le...

romantic = romantique -> aromantique, panromantique...

gender = genre -> transgenre, bigenre...

but in the end, still like in english, we often shorten these words to their prefix alone: "je suis bi", "il est aro"...

and if you wonder about labels which don't follow this structure, i suggest you look it up for yourself, but there's still a 98% chance the term is The Same With a French Accent, exemples:

gay = gay (i shit you not)

lesbian = lesbienne

sapphic = sapphique

achillean = achilléen

non binary = non binaire

c'est vraiment aussi simple que ça :)

2. how to fuck this binary shit

if you're familiar with french, you probably know it's a gendered language, and maybe wonder how you can speak about people who don't wish to be gendered as masc or fem. the answer is inclusive writing (écriture inclusive), which i actually already showed you above, see:

fem form: bisexuelle

masc form: bisexuel

inclusive form: bisexuel.le

works the same for gendered nouns:

fem form: musicienne

masc form: musicien

inclusive form: musicien.ne

as you can see, in most cases, you can obtain the inclusive form of a word by combining their masc and fem form and a "separator" . i chose to use a simple period, but a hyphen or median point ("·" <- this thing) and probably more* can also be used - edit after seeing comments : take note that using a dot can sometimes fuck up screen readers and also be read as a website url!

in other cases (especially for words ending in -eux/-euse or -teur/-trice), inclusive form can be obtained by smashing the fem and masc form all together:

fem form: actrice

masc form: acteur

inclusive form: acteurice

*however, i need you to keep in mind

i am not a french teacher, just trying my best to explain a pretty complex mess. @ french speakers, if you see any mistake or anything i missed, please speak up.

inclusive writing is still being heavily debated, so it has no official guidelines, tbh even i freestyle it whenever i'm too lazy to look up how i should write something. is "lea" the correct inclusive form for "le/la"? fuck if i know but i sure will use it because who even knows.

and ofc inclusive writing is not only useful for non binary people, but also a tool for feminism that allows to get past the "masculine wins" rule (= when writing plurals, if a single item/person in the group is masc, the entire group must be gendered as such)!

3. mmh pronpuns

again, if you know french, you know we have no equivalent to "they" as even the plural forms for "she" and "he" are gendered. so there goes your only option if you're uninterested in either of those : neopronouns, my beloveds.

the most common one (and the one you should use when unsure of a person's gender or paired with inclusive writing to fuck that "masculine wins" shit) : iel, iels for plural. some other french neopronouns i saw include ael, ul, ol, ille, xel... but feel free to make your own up, this is what neopronouns are about. btw les francophones je suis curieux.se, si vous utilisez d'autres pronoms que elle/il/iel, dites moi quoi !

4. important!

faggot = pédé (there are SO MANY synonyms but i'll just give you the most common)

dyke = gouine (alternatively : goudou)

tranny = travelot (trav for short)

[dragonpride17]

IDs in alt text

viruglitchal - an umbrella for terms connected to glitches, viruses, technological errors, malware, software gore, and similar themes!

terminology:

viru- / glitch- / mal(w) - prefixes

-(gli)tchal / -irus - suffixes

viru - gendered noun, equivalent to boy/girl (plural form: viri)

glitchan - gendered noun, equivalent to man/woman (plural form: glitchen)

virare - a word for a viruglitchal gender (plural form: viraren)

viruline - gender quality, equivalent to masculine/feminine (noun form: virulinity; shortended form: vil)

VIIN - viruglitchal-in-nature

VIINgender - a term for genders that are viruglitchal-in-nature

glitchvic - gender alignment, equivalent to xenic

tagging @radiomogai @daybreakthing !

[najia-cooks]

[ID: First image shows large falafel balls, one pulled apart to show that it is bright green and red on the inside, on a plate alongside green chilis, parsley, and pickled turnips. Second image is an extreme close-up of the inside of a halved falafel ball drizzled with tahina sauce. End ID]

فلافل محشي فلسطيني / Falafel muhashshi falastini (Palestinian stuffed falafel)

Falafel (فَلَافِل) is of contested origin. Various hypotheses hold that it was invented in Egypt any time between the era of the Pharoahs and the late nineteenth century (when the first written references to it appear). In Egypt, it is known as طَعْمِيَّة (ṭa'miyya)—the diminutive of طَعَام "piece of food"—and is made with fava beans. It was probably in Palestine that the dish first came to be made entirely with chickpeas.

The etymology of the word "falafel" is also contested. It is perhaps from the plural of an earlier Arabic word *filfal, from Aramaic 𐡐𐡋𐡐𐡉𐡋 "pilpāl," "small round thing, peppercorn"; or from "مفلفل" "mfelfel," a word meaning "peppered," from "فلفل" "pepper" + participle prefix مُ "mu."

This recipe is for deep-fried chickpea falafel with an onion and sumac حَشْوَة (ḥashua), or filling; falafel are also sometimes stuffed with labna. The spice-, aromatic-, and herb-heavy batter includes additions common to Palestinian recipes—such as dill seeds and green onions—and produces falafel balls with moist, tender interiors and crisp exteriors. The sumac-onion filling is tart and smooth, and the nutty, rich, and bright tahina-based sauce lightens the dish and provides a play of textures.

Falafel with a filling is falafel مُحَشّي (muḥashshi or maḥshshi), from حَشَّى‎ (ḥashshā) "to stuff, to fill." While plain falafel may be eaten alongside sauces, vegetables, and pickles as a meal or a snack, or eaten in flatbread wraps or kmaj bread, stuffed falafel are usually made larger and eaten on their own, not in a wrap or sandwich.

Falafel has gone through varying processes of adoption, recognition, nationalization, claiming, and re-patriation in Zionist settlers' writing. A general arc may be traced from adoption during the Mandate years, to nationalization and claiming in the years following the Nakba until the end of the 20th century, and back to re-Arabization in the 21st. However, settlers disagree with each other about the value and qualities of the dish within any given period.

What is consistent is that falafel maintains a strategic ambiguity: particular qualities thought to belong to "Arabs" may be assigned, revoked, rearranged, and reassigned to it (and to other foodstuffs and cultural products) at will, in accordance with broader trends in politics, economics, and culture, or in service of the particular argument that a settler (or foreign Zionist) wishes to make.

Mandate Palestine, 1920s – early '30s: Secular and collective

While most scholars hold that claims of an ancient origin for falafel are unfounded, it was certainly being eaten in Palestine by the 1920s. Yael Raviv writes that Jewish settlers of the second and third "עליות"‎ ("aliyot," waves of immigration; singular "עליה" "aliya") tended to adopt falafel, and other Palestinian foodstuffs, largely uncritically. They viewed Palestinian Arabs as holding vessels that had preserved Biblical culture unchanged, and that could therefore serve as models for a "new," agriculturally rooted, physically active, masculine Jewry that would leave behind the supposed errors of "old" European Jewishness, including its culinary traditions—though of course the Arab diet would need to be "corrected" and "civilized" before it was wholly suitable for this purpose.

Falafel was further endeared to these "חֲלוּצִים‎" ("halutzim," "pioneers") by its status as a street food. The undesirable "old" European Jewishness was associated with the insularity of the nuclear family and the bourgeois laziness of indoor living. The קִבּוּצים‎ ("Kibbutzim," communal living centers), though they represented only a small minority of settlers, furnished a constrasting ideal of modern, earthy Jewishness: they left food production to non-resident professional cooks, eliding the role of the private, domestic kitchen. Falafel slotted in well with these ascetic ideals: like the archetypal Arabic bread and olive oil eaten by the Jewish farmer in his field, it was hardy, cheap, quick, portable, and unconnected to the indoor kitchen.

The author of a 1929 article in דאר היום ("Doar Hyom," "Today's Mail") shows unrestrained admiration for the "[]מזרחי" ("Oriental") food, writing of his purchase of falafel stuffed in a "פיתה" ("pita") that:

רק בני-ערב, ואחיהם — היהודים הספרדים — רק הם עלולים "להכנת מטעם מפולפל" שכזה, הנעים כל כך לחיך [...].

("Only the Arabs, and their brothers—the Sepherdi Jews—only they are likely to create a delicacy so 'peppered' [a play on the פ-ל-פ-ל (f-l-f-l) word root], one so pleasing to the palate".)

Falafel's strong association with "Arabs" (i.e., Palestinians), however, did blemish the foodstuff in the eyes of some as early as 1930. An article in the English-language Palestine Bulletin told the story of Kamel Ibn Hassan's trial for the murder of a British soldier, lingering on the "Arab" "hashish addicts," "women of the streets," and "concessionaires" who rounded out this lurid glimpse into the "underground life lived by a certain section of Arab Haifa"; it was in this context that Kamel's "'business' of falafel" (scare quotes original) was mentioned.

Mandate Palestine, late 1930s–40s: A popular Oriental dish

In 1933, only three licensed falafel vendors operated in Tel Aviv; but by December 1939, Lilian Cornfeld (columnist for the English-language Palestine Post) could lament that "filafel cakes" were "proclaiming their odoriferous presence from every street corner," no longer "restricted to the seashore and Oriental sections" of the city.

Settlers' attitudes to falafel at this time continued to range from appreciation to fascinated disgust to ambivalence, and references continued to focus on its cheapness and quickness. According to Cornfeld, though the "orgy of summertime eating" of which falafel was the "most popular" representative caused some dietary "damage" to children, and though the "rather messy and dubious looking" food was deep-fried, the chickpeas themselves were still of "great nutritional value": "However much we may object to frying, — if fry you must, this at least is the proper way of doing it."

Cornfeld's article, appearing 10 years after the 1929 reference to falafel in pita quoted above, further specifies how this dish was constructed:

There is first half a pita (Arab loaf), slit open and filled with five filafels, a few fried chips [i.e. French fries] and sometimes even a little salad. The whole is smeared over with Tehina, a local mayonnaise made with sesame oil (emphasis original).

The ethnicity of these early vendors is not explicitly mentioned in these accounts. The Zionist "תוצרת הארץ" "totzeret ha’aretz"; "produce of the land") campaign in the 1930s and 1940s recommended buying only Jewish produce and using only Jewish labor, but it did not achieve unilaterial success, so it is not assured that settlers would not be buying from Palestinian vendors. There were, however, also Mizrahi Jewish vendors in Tel Aviv at this time.

The WW2-era "צֶנַע" ("tzena"; "frugality") period of rationing meat, which was enforced by British mandatory authorities beginning in 1939 and persisting until 1959, may also have contributed to the popularity of falafel during this time—though urban settlers employed various strategies to maintain access to significant amounts of meat.

Israel and elsewhere, 1950s – early 60s: The dawn of de-Arabization

After the Nakba (the ethnic cleansing of broad swathes of Palestine in the creation of the modern state of "Israel"), the task of producing a national Israeli identity and culture tied to the land, and of asserting that Palestinians had no like sense of national identity, acquired new urgency. The claiming of falafel as "the national snack of Israel," the decoupling of the dish from any association with "Arabs" (in settlers' writing of any time period, this means "Palestinians"), and the insistence on associating it with "Israel" and with "Jews," mark this time period in Israeli and U.S.-ian newspaper articles, travelogues, and cookbooks.

During this period, falafel remained popular despite the "reintegrat[ion]" of the nuclear family into the "national project," and the attendant increase in cooking within the familial home. It was still admirably quick, efficient, hardy, and frequently eaten outside. When it was homemade, the dish could be used rhetorically to marry older ideas about embodying a "new" Jewishness and a return to the land through dietary habits, with the recent return to the home kitchen. In 1952, Rachel Yanait Ben-Zvi, the wife of the second President of Israel, wrote to a South African Zionist women's society:

I prefer Oriental dishes and am inclined towards vegetarianism and naturalism, since we are returning to our homeland, going back to our origin, to our climate, our landscape and it is only natural that we liberate ourselves from many of the habits we acquired in the course of our wanderings in many countries, different from our own. [...] Meals at the President's table [...] consist mainly of various kinds of vegetable prepared in the Oriental manner which we like as well as [...] home-made Falafel, and, of course vegetables and fruits of the season.

Out of doors, associations of falafel with low prices, with profusion and excess, and with youth, travelling and vacation (especially to urban locales and the seaside) continue. Falafel as part and parcel of Israeli locales is given new emphasis: a reference to the pervasive smell of frying falafel rounds out the description of a chaotic, crowded, clamorous scene in the compact, winding streets of any old city. Falafel increasingly stands metonymically for Israel, especially in articles written to entice Jewish tourists and settlers: no one is held to have visited Israel unless they have tried real Israeli falafel. A 1958 song ("ולנו יש פלאפל", "And We Have Falafel") avers that:

הַיּוֹם הוּא רַק יוֹרֵד מִן הַמָּטוֹס [...] כְבָר קוֹנֶה פָלָאפֶל וְשׁוֹתֶה גָּזוֹז כִּי זֶה הַמַּאֲכָל הַלְּאֻמִּי שֶׁל יִשְׂרָאֵל

("Today when [a Jew] gets off the plane [to Israel] he immediately has a falafel and drinks gazoz [...] because this is the national dish of Israel"). A 1962 story in Israel Today features a boy visiting Israel responding to the question "Have you learned Hebrew yet?" by asserting "I know what falafel is." Recipes for falafel appear alongside ads for smoked lox and gefilte fish in U.S.-ian Jewish magazines; falafel was served by Zionist student groups in U.S.-ian universities beginning in the 1950s and continuing to now.

These de-Arabization and nationalization processes were possible in part because it was often Mizrahim (West Asian and North African Jews) who introduced Israelis to Palestinian food—especially after 1950, when they began to immigrate to Israel in larger numbers. Even if unfamiliar with specific Palestinian dishes, Mizrahim were at least familiar with many of the ingredients, taste profiles, and cooking methods involved in preparing them. They were also more willing to maintain their familiar foodways as settlers than were Zionist Ashkenazim, who often wanted to distance themselves from European and diaspora Jewish culture.

Despite their longstanding segregation from Israeli Ashkenazim (and the desire of Ashkenazim to create a "new" European Judaism separate from the indolence and ignorance of "Oriental" Jews, including their wayward foodways), Mizrahim were still preferable to Palestinian Arabs as a point of origin for Israel's "national snack." When associated with Mizrahi vendors, falafel could be considered both Oriental and Jewish (note that Sephardim and Mizrahim are unilaterally not considered to be "Arabs" in this writing).

Thus food writing of the 1950s and 60s (and some food writing today) asserts, contrary to settlers' writing of the 1920s and 30s, that falafel had been introduced to Israel by Jewish immigrants from Syria, Yemen, or Morocco, who had been used to eating it in their native countries—this, despite the fact that Yemen and Morocco did not at this time have falafel dishes. Even texts critical of Zionism echoed this narrative. In fact, however, Yemeni vendors had learned to make falafel in Egypt on their way to Palestine and Israel, and probably found falafel already being sold and eaten there when they arrived.Meneley, Anne2007 Like an Extra Virgin. American Anthropologist 109(4):678–687

Meanwhile, "pita" (Palestinian Arabic: خبز الكماج; khubbiz al-kmaj) was undergoing in some quarters a similar process of Israelization; it remained "Arab" in others. In 1956, a Boston-born settler in Haifa wrote for The Jewish Post:

The baking of the pittah loaves is still an Arab monopoly [in Israel], and the food is not available at groceries or bakeries which serve Jewish clientele exclusively. For our Oriental meal to be a success we must have pittah, so the more advance shopping must be done.

This "Arab monopoly" in fact did not extent to an Arab monopoly in discourse: it was a mere four years later that the National Jewish Post and Opinion described "Peeta" as an "Israeli thin bread." Two years after that, the U.S.-published My Jewish Kitchen: The Momales Ta'am Cookbook (co-authored by Zionist writer Shushannah Spector) defined "pitta" as an "Israeli roll."

Despite all this scrubbing work, settlers' attitudes towards falafel in the late 1950s were not wholly positive, and references to the dish as having been "appropriated from the [Palestinian] Arabs" did not disappear. A 1958 article, written by a Boston-born man who had settled in Israel in 1948 and published in U.S.-ian Zionist magazine Midstream, repeats the usual associations of falafel with the "younger set" of visitors from kibbutzim to "urban" locales; it also denigrates it as a “formidably indigestible Arab delicacy concocted from highly spiced legumes rolled into little balls, fried in grease, and then inserted into an underbaked piece of dough, known as a pita.”

Thus settlers were ambivalent about khubbiz as well. If their food writing sometimes refers to pita as "doughy" or "underbaked," it is perhaps because they were purchasing it from stores rather than baking it at home—bakeries sometimes underbake their khubbiz so that it retains more water, since it is sold by weight.

Israel and elsewhere, late 1960s–2010s: Falafel with even fewer Arabs

The sanitization of falafel would be more complete in the 60s and 70s, as falafel was gradually moved out of separate "Oriental dishes" categories and into the main sections of Israeli cookbooks. A widespread return to כַּשְׁרוּת‎ (kashrut; dietary laws) meant that falafel, a פַּרְוֶה (parve) dish—one that contained no meat or dairy—was a convenient addition on occasions when food intersected with nationalist institutions, such as at state dinners and in the mess halls of Israeli military forces.

This, however, still did not prohibit Israelis from displaying ambivalence towards the food. Falafel was more likely to be glorified as a symbol of Jewish Israel in foreign magazines and tourist guides, including in the U.S.A. and Italy, than it was to be praised in Israeli Zionist publications.

Where falafel did maintain an association with Palestinians, it was to assert that their versions of it had been inferior. In 1969, Israeli writer Ruth Bondy opines:

Experience says that if we are to form an affection for a people we should find something admirable about its customs and folklore, its food or girls, its poetry and music. True, we have taken the first steps in this direction [with Palestinians]: we like kebab, hummous, tehina and falafel. The trouble is that these have already become Jewish dishes and are prepared more tastily by every Rumanian restaurateur than by the natives of Nablus.

Opinions about falafel in this case seem to serve as a mirror for political opinions about Palestinians: the same writer had asserted, on the previous page, that the "ideal situation, of course, would be to keep all the territories we are holding today—but without so many Arabs. A few Arabs would even be desirable, for reasons of local color, raising pigs for non-Moslems and serving bread on the Passover, but not in their masses" (trans. Israel L. Taslitt).

Later narratives tended to retrench the Israelization of falafel, often acknowledging that falafel had existed in Palestine prior to Zionist incursion, but holding that Jewish settlers had made significant changes to its preparation that were ultimately responsible for making it into a worldwide favorite. Joan Nathan's 2001 Foods of Israel Today, for example, claimed that, while fava and chickpea falafel had both preëxisted the British Mandate period, Mizrahi settlers caused chickpeas to be the only pulse used in falafel.

Gil Marks, who had echoed this narrative in his 2010 Encyclopedia of Jewish Food, later attributed the success of Palestinian foods to settlers' inventiveness: "Jews didn’t invent falafel. They didn’t invent hummus. They didn’t invent pita. But what they did invent was the sandwich. Putting it all together. And somehow that took off and now I have three hummus restaurants near my house on the Upper West Side.”

Israel and elsewhere, 2000s – 2020s: Re-Arabization; or, "Local color"

Ronald Ranta has identified a trend of "re-Arabizing" Palestinian food in Israeli discourse of the late 2000s and later: cooks, authors, and brands acknowledge a food's origin or identity as "Arab," or occasionally even "Palestinian," and consumers assert that Palestinian and Israeli-Palestinian (i.e., Israeli citizens of Palestinian ancestry) preparations of foods are superior to, or more "authentic" than, Jewish-Israeli ones. Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian brands and restaurants market various foods, including falafel, as "אסלי" ("asli"), from the Arabic "أَصْلِيّ" ("ʔaṣliyy"; "original"), or "בלדי" ("baladi"), from the Arabic "بَلَدِيّ" ("baladiyy"; "native" or "my land").

This dedication to multiculturalism may seem like progress, but Ranta cautions that it can also be analyzed as a new strategy in a consistent pattern of marginalization of the indigenous population: "the Arab-Palestinian other is r­e-colonized and re-imagined only as a resource for tasty food [...] which has been de-politicized[;] whatever is useful and tasty is consumed, adapted and appropriated, while the rest of its culture is marginalized and discarded." This is the "serving bread" and "local color" described by Bondy: "Arabs" are thought of in terms of their usefulness to settlers, and not as equal political participants in the nation. For Ranta, the "re-Arabizing" of Palestinian food thus marks a new era in Israel's "confiden[ce]" in its dominance over the indigenous population.

So this repatriation of Palestinian food is limited insofar as it does not extend to an acknowledgement of Palestinians' political aspirations, or a rejection of the Zionist state. Food, like other indicators and aspects of culture, is a "safe" avenue for engagement with colonized populations even when politics is not.

The acknowledgement of Palestinian identity as an attempt to neutralize political dissent, or perhaps to resolve the contradictions inherent in liberal Zionist identity, can also be seen in scholarship about Israeli food culture. This scholarship tends to focus on narratives about food in the cultural domain, ignoring the material impacts of the settler-colonialist state's control over the production and distribution of food (something that Ranta does as well). Food is said to "cross[] borders" and "transcend[] cultural barriers" without examination of who put the borders there (or where, or why, or how, or when). Disinterest in material realities is cultivated so that anodyne narratives about food as “a bridge” between divides can be pursued.

Raviv, for example, acknowledges that falafel's de-Palestinianization was inspired by anti-Arab sentiment, and that claiming falafel in support of "Jewish nationalism" was a result of "a connection between the people and a common land and history [needing] to be created artificially"; however, after referring euphemistically to the "accelerated" circumstances of Israel's creation, she supports a shared identity for falafel in which it can also be recognized as "Israeli." She concludes that this should not pose a problem for Palestinians, since "falafel was never produced through the labor of a colonized population, nor was Palestinian land appropriated for the purpose of growing chickpeas for its preparation. Thus, falafel is not a tool of oppression."

Palestine and Israel, 1960s – 2020s: Material realities

Yet chickpeas have been grown in Israel for decades, all of them necessarily on appropriated Palestinian land. Experimentation with planting in the arid conditions of the south continues, with the result that today, chickpea is the major pulse crop in the country. An estimated 17,670,000 kilograms of chickpeas were produced in Israel in 2021; at that time, this figure had increased by an average of 3.5% each year since 1966. 73,110 kilograms of that 2021 crop was exported (this even after several years of consecutive decline in chickpea exports following a peak in 2018), representing $945,000 in exports of dried chickpeas alone.

The majority of these chickpeas ($872,000) were exported to the West Bank and Gaza; Palestinians' inability to control their own imports (all of which must pass through Israeli customs, and which are heavily taxed or else completely denied entry), and Israeli settler violence and government expropriation of land, water, and electricity resources (which make agriculture difficult), mean that Palestine functions as a captive market for Israeli exports. Israeli goods are the only ones that enter Palestinian markets freely.

By contrast, Palestinian exports, as well as imports, are subject to taxation by Israel, and only a small minority of imports to Israel come from Palestine ($1.13 million out of $22.4 million of dried chickpeas in 2021).

The 1967 occupation of the West Bank has besides had a demonstrable impact on Palestinians' ability to grow chickpeas for domestic consumption or export in the first place, as data on the changing uses of agricultural land in the area from 1966–2001 allow us to see. Chickpeas, along with wheat, barley, fenugreek, and dura, made up a major part of farmers' crops from 1840 to 1914; but by 2001, the combined area devoted to these field crops was only a third of its 1966 value. The total area given over to chickpeas, lentils and vetch, in particular, shrank from 14,380 hectares in 1966 to 3,950 hectares in 1983.

Part of this decrease in production was due to a shortage of agricultural labor, as Palestinians, newly deprived of land or of the necessary water, capital, and resources to work it—and in defiance of Raviv's assertion that "falafel was never produced through the labor of a colonized population"—sought jobs as day laborers on Israeli fields.

The dearth of water was perhaps especially limiting. Palestinians may not build anything without a permit, which the Israeli military may deny for any, or for no, reason: no Palestinian's request for a permit to dig a well has been approved in the West Bank since 1967. Israel drains aquifiers for its own use and forbids Palestinians to gather rainwater, which the Israeli military claims to own. This lack of water led to land which had previously been used to grow other crops being transitioned into olive tree fields, which do not require as much water or labor to tend.

In Gaza as well, occupation systematically denies Palestinians of food itself, not just narratives about food. The majority of the population in Gaza is food-insecure, as Israel allows only precisely determined (and scant) amounts of food to cross its borders. Gazans rely largely on canned goods, such as chickpeas (often purchased at subsidized rates through food aid programs run by international NGOs), because they do not require scarce water or fuel to prepare—but canned chickpeas cannot be used to prepare a typical deep-fried falafel recipe (the discs would fall apart while frying). There is, besides, a continual shortage of oil (of which only a pre-determined amount of calories are allowed to enter the Strip). Any narrative about Israeli food culture that does not take these and other realities of settler-colonialism into account is less than half complete.

Of course, falafel is far from the only food impacted by this long campaign of starvation, and the strategy is only intensifying: as of December 2023, children are reported to have died by starvation in the besieged Gaza Strip.

Support Palestinian resistance by calling Elbit System’s (Israel’s primary weapons manufacturer) landlord; donating to Palestine Action’s bail fund; buying an e-sim for distribution in Gaza; or donating to help a family leave Gaza.

Equipment:

A meat grinder, or a food processor, or a high-speed or immersion blender, or a mortar and pestle and an enormous store of patience

A pot, for frying

A kitchen thermometer (optional)

Ingredients:

Makes 12 large falafel balls; serves 4 (if eaten on their own).

For the فلافل (falafel):

500g dried chickpeas (1010g once soaked)

1 large onion

4 cloves garlic

1 Tbsp cumin seeds

1 Tbsp coriander seeds

2 tsp dill seeds (عين جرادة; optional)

1 medium green chili pepper (such as a jalapeño), or 1/2 large one (such as a ram's horn / فلفل قرن الغزال)

2 stalks green onion (3 if the stalks are thin) (optional)

Large bunch (50g) parsley, stems on; or half parsley and half cilantro

2 Tbsp sea salt

2 tsp baking soda (optional)

For the حَشوة (filling):

2 large yellow onions, diced

1/4 cup coarsely ground sumac

4 tsp shatta (شطة: red chili paste), optional

Salt, to taste

3 Tbsp olive oil

For the طراطور (tarator):

3 cloves garlic

1/2 tsp table salt

1/4 cup white tahina

Juice of half a lemon (2 Tbsp)

2 Tbsp vegan yoghurt (لبن رائب; optional)

About 1/4 cup water

To make cultured vegan yoghurt, follow my labna recipe with 1 cup, instead of 3/4 cup, of water; skip the straining step.

To fry:

Several cups neutral oil

Untoasted hulled sesame seeds (optional)

Instructions:

1. If using whole spices, lightly toast in a dry skillet over medium heat, then grind with a mortar and pestle or spice mill.

2. Grind chickpeas, onion, garlic, chili, and herbs. Modern Palestinian recipes tend to use powered meat grinders; you could also use a food processor, speed blender, or immersion blender. Some recipes set aside some of the chickpeas, aromatics, and herbs and mince them finely, passing the knife over them several times, then mixing them in with the ground mixture to give the final product some texture. Consult your own preferences.

To mimic the stone-ground texture of traditional falafel, I used a mortar and pestle. I found this to produce a tender, creamy, moist texture on the inside, with the expected crunchy exterior. It took me about two hours to grind a half-batch of this recipe this way, so I don't per se recommend it, but know that it is possible if you don't have any powered tools.

3. Mix in salt, spices, and baking soda and stir thoroughly to combine. Allow to chill in the fridge while you prepare the filling and sauce.

If you do not plan to fry all of the batter right away, only add baking soda to the portion that you will fry immediately. Refrigerate the rest of the batter for up to 2 days, or freeze it for up to 2 months. Add and incorporate baking soda immediately before frying. Frozen batter will need to be thawed before shaping and frying.

For the filling:

1. Heat olive oil in a skillet over medium heat. Fry onion and a pinch of salt for several minutes, until translucent. Remove from heat.

2. Add sumac and stir to combine. Add shatta, if desired, and stir.

For the tarator:

1. Grind garlic and salt in a mortar and pestle (if you don't have one, finely mince and then crush the garlic with the flat of your knife).

2. Add garlic to a bowl along with tahina and whisk. You will notice the mixture growing smoother and thicker as the garlic works as an emulsifier.

3. Gradually add lemon juice and continue whisking until smooth. Add yoghurt, if desired, and whisk again.

4. Add water slowly while whisking until desired consistency is achieved. Taste and adjust salt.

To fry:

1. Heat several inches of oil in a small or medium pot to about 350 °F (175 °C). A piece of batter dropped in the oil should float and immediately form bubbles, but should not sizzle violently. (With a small pot on my gas stove, my heat was at medium-low).

2. Use your hands or a large falafel mold to shape the falafel.

To use a falafel mold: Dip your mold into water. If you choose to cover both sides of the falafel with sesame seeds, first sprinkle sesame seeds into the mold; then apply a flat layer of batter. Add a spoonful of filling into the center, and then cover it with a heaping mound of batter. Using a spoon, scrape from the center to the edge of the mold repeatedly, while rotating the mold, to shape the falafel into a disc with a slightly rounded top. Sprinkle the top with sesame seeds.

To use your hands: wet your hands slightly and take up a small handful of batter. Shape it into a slightly flattened sphere in your palm and form an indentation in the center; fill the indentation with filling. Cover it with more batter, then gently squeeze between both hands to shape. Sprinkle with sesame seeds as desired.

3. Use a slotted spoon or kitchen spider to lower falafel balls into the oil as they are formed. Fry, flipping as necessary, until discs are a uniform brown (keep in mind that they will darken another shade once removed from the oil). Remove onto a wire rack or paper towel.

If the pot you are using is inclined to stick, be sure to scrape the bottom and agitate each falafel disc a couple seconds after dropping it in.

4. Repeat until you run out of batter. Occasionally use a slotted spoon or small sieve to remove any excess sesame seeds from the oil so they do not burn and become acrid.

Serve immediately with sauce, sliced vegetables, and pickles, as desired.

[serpentface]

Wardi singular pronouns

Wardi language has a large set of pronouns, which are mostly differentiated along lines of gender and social familiarity and/or deference. Some older predecessors of the Wardi language were heavily gendered (with most parts of speech having a linguistic gender, trending towards -a sounds being masculine and -e/-i being feminine). This feature has been greatly reduced over time, but has trace remains in many nouns and is still present in verb and pronoun forms.

Here's most of the singular pronouns.

notes:

- a vowel with a diacritic (ä ë ï ö ü) indicates that this vowel begins/forms a new syllable where it otherwise wouldn't (within the spelling conventions I use). IE: 'oüye is pronounced [oʊ u: je] with three syllables, while 'ouye' would be pronounced [oʊ: je] with two syllables.

-a (') symbol indicates two words/parts of speech contracted and spoken as one (often with a glottal stop).

-a (-) symbol indicates two words/parts of speech spoken separately, with meaning formed in their adjacent positions.

I/me

[masculine]: Ya

[feminine]: Yi

ex. "I'm from Odkoto" = "Odkoto-ande (yi) oüye" (1:1 literal english: "Odkoto from I (I) am") Odkoto- city Ande - postposition meaning 'from' Yi- "I" (feminine). This is wholly optional in this sentence, as the verb already implies "I am". Both options are grammatically correct, but including the pronoun sounds highly formal and unnatural for everyday speech. Accessory pronouns like this will typically only be added for heavy emphasis, and often only in formal register. Oüye - the verb 'ouy' ('to be', constant state) in its I-feminine form.

My/mine (possessive)

[masculine]: A'ya

[feminine]: A'yi

ex: "my eyes are brown" "Jië-achital a'ya oüta wareg" (1:1 literal english) "(dual) eye mine are brown" Jië-achital - 'achital' is the anatomical eye, 'jië' is a plural article always denoting dual quantities. A'ya - my (masculine), possessive Oüta- the verb 'ouy' ('to be' (constant state)) conjugated in its object-neutral form. Wareg- a color word for dark brown

Me (receiver of an object/postposition)

[masculine] : Ya-(postposition)

[feminine]: Yi-(postposition)

ex: "bring the olives to me" " As'aloga ya-on basatse." (1:1 literal english) "(the many) olive me-to bring" Ya-on- me (masculine) with the postposition 'on' meaning 'to' Basatse - the verb 'basat' ('to bring') in its 2nd person masculine informal) conjugated form. As'aloga: 'aloga' is olive, in plural form via the prefix article 'as' (denotes a quantity greater than two). (Some words will register as plural with the otherwise singular article 'a' (if you're talking about a field of barley, you can say "a'wainyota" (the barley) instead of "as'wainyota" (the many barley) unless you Really want to emphasize just how much barley there is)

---

3rd person forms are divided by gender and level of familiarity and/or deference. Exclusively high-deference 3rd person singular pronouns exist, but are somewhat antiquated and rare in common vernacular. These are the ones an average person will use in their daily life.

3rd person singular - He + She

He- (familiar/nondeferential): At

He- (unfamiliar/deferential): Ataya

She- (familiar/nondeferential): Et

She- (unfamiliar/deferential): Eteya

Ex: "He is a lowly thief" - "Cu'dagiba sonetil (at) oäye" (1:1 literal english) "a thief lowly (he) he is" Cu'dagiba- 'dagiba' means 'thief', 'one who steals', the 'cu' prefix functions as 'a/an'. Use of the 'cu' article is antiquated and only tends to be retained in formal register, most people will just say 'dagiba' here (the function of 'a'/'an' is strongly implied by using any noun unaccompanied by a 'the/that' or plural article). Sonetil - 'lowly', 'disgraceful' At- non-deferential 'he' pronoun, not necessary in this sentence. Oäye- the verb 'ouy' 'to be' (constant state) in 3rd person non-deferential masculine present tense form.

3rd person possessive - His + Her

His- (familiar/nondeferential): a'at

His- (unfamiliar/deferential): a'ataya

Her- (familiar/nondeferential): a'et

Her- (unfamiliar/deferential): a'eteya

Ex: "Her brother is handsome" - "Hittiba a'eteya oächuya emsut" (1:1 literal english) "brother her is handsome" Emsut- "handsome", "good-looking", usually implies masculine beauty. The word "coutomara" can work here too (this one specifies facial features). Hittiba- "brother" A'eteya - deferential possessive form of 'her' Oächuya- 'ouy' (to be, constant) conjugated in present tense 3rd person masculine deferential form.

3rd person him + her (receiver of an object/postposition)

Him (familiar): at-(postposition)

Him (deferential): ataya-(postposition)

Her (familiar): et-(postposition)

Her (deferential): eteya-(postposition)

Ex: "Give the medicine to her" - "A'jenum eteya-on gaibeyatse" or 'A'jenum eteya-on goëye" (1:1 literal english) "The medicine her-to (you) give." "the medicine her-to (you) GIVE." A'jenum - 'jenum' means medicine, the 'a' prefix places it in 'the' singular form. Gaibeyatse- the verb gaibeyat ('to give' or 'to provide') in present tense non-deferential second person masculine form. This version of 'to give' is non-urgent and can describe both literal and figurative acts of giving. Goëye- the verb 'gouy' ('to give') in present tense non-deferential second person masculine form. This version of 'to give' is squarely practical and commanding, and suggests urgency. Eyeta-on- 'her' pronoun with the '-on' postposition, which corresponds to 'to'.

---

There are three other major 3rd-person singular pronouns.

Neutral (personified): Ou

Ou/A'Ou/Ou-(postposition)

This pronoun doesn't translate very well. It is used for people/animals/spirits of unknown gender, plants, weather, bodies of water, landscapes, etc. Anything considered to have a soul, living spirit, or to be an aspect of God's living spirit (which is essentially everything) can be referred to as such. Most things referred to with 'ou' (for any reason outside of simple gender uncertainty) might instead be given male/female pronouns instead, context depending.

This is only used for humans when the gender is completely uncertain (usually referring to an unknown individual). If someone's appearance is androgynous, the average Wardi speaker will just make a guess rather than using 'ou'.

Neutral (non-personified): Tlay

Tlay/A'Tlay/Tlay-(postposition).

This functions as an 'it' pronoun, and is only used in cases of complete non-personification. This is often on a subjective basis, the same object or concept may be referred to with 'ou' instead depending on the context.

Deified neutral personified: Ouyii

Ouyii/A'Ouyii/Ouyii-(postposition)

Translated as the capital I 'It', used for direct invocations of God and Its aspects.

---

There is only one standard form of second person pronoun, which is non-gendered (older gendered 'you's are fully obsolete) and always expresses familiarity.

You: datse

Ex: "You look beautiful." - "(datse) Dachetse jaimara " or "(datse) Uyetse jaimara" (1:1 literal english) "beautiful you appear" "beautiful you are" Jaimara- 'pretty' or 'beautiful', usually describing feminine qualities Datse- you, not necessary in this sentence Dachetse- the verb 'dachat 'to appear' in you (familiar/nondeferential feminine) present tense conjugation. Uyetse- the verb 'uyat' ('to be' (impermanent state)) in present tense 2nd person feminine-familiar conjugated form.

Your (possessive): a'datse

Ex: "Your fucking dog bit me!" "Chin dlacoupiba a'datse ya kotagare!" (1:1 literal english) "Dog sodomizer your me bit" Chin: dog Dlacoupiba: translates closer to 'buggerer/sodomizer' than 'fucking', but translation as 'fucking' is more tonally accurate (both are being used as adjectives, both are expressing intense disdain, both are utilizing sexual vulgarity) a'datse: your (possessive) ya: me kotagare: the verb "kotat" ("to bite)" in 3rd-person neutral past tense conjugation.

You (receiver of an object/postposition) : datse-(postposition)

Ex: "The horse belongs to you" = "A'tsimouna datse-on toleye" A'tsimouna: "horse" with the "a" ("the"/singular) article prefix Datse-on: "you" with the 'on' (to) postposition. Toleye: the verb "toluy" (to belong, in a sense of being owned as property) in its 3rd person present tense feminine non-deferential form (gendering the horse).

Use of the datse/"you" pronoun implies familiarity and is inappropriate to use in situations requiring deference or with unfamiliar company. In these situations, it can be replaced with a person's family name or an honorific.

ie:

"Odebinae uyetse jaimara" (polite, non-deferential, uses family name) (while a 'you' pronoun could be entirely omitted in this sentence (thus avoiding the need for 'you' avoidance to begin with), including the name in its implied place is very polite and emphasizes this compliment)

"Chin dlacoupiba a'hachata-Haidamane ya kotagare!" (polite(?), uses both the highly deferential 'lord' honorific and family name, while still calling the dog a sodomizer)

"A'tsimouna amsa-on toleye" (polite, uses deferential 'amsa' ('sir') honorific)

[transvirtualangel]

PlurmID (prefix plur- or plurmi-)

(comes from the Latin phrase, 'plures homines' which means multiple people)

> when an individual has lots of different and contradicting (trans)identities because they feel like they have multiple personas. this does not imply plurality, it is different!!!! it just means that the individual has multiple identities, all of which are still them.

does this make sense....? aaaaaaaahhhh... whatever

[louisirl]

“Thespiad”: Proposing a New Term for Fictionkin Who Involuntarily Identify as Fictional Characters (Under Discussion...)

This proposal contains extensive research and thoughts that I have spent considerable time processing and organizing. It is still in the early stages despite hours poured in, and I am finally opening it up for public feedback. I value your perspectives, as they will help me identify areas I may have overlooked while developing this terminology. If you have suggestions for a more fitting term or wish to share your own experiences, please feel free to contact me.

Purpose

While the term “Fictionkin” is predominately used, it is often now associated with fandom culture and the 'voluntary' exploration of new identities. The community no longer fully captures the complex experiences of those of us who view our fictional identities as intrinsic rather than chosen.

The current community primarily emphasizes exploration and acquisition of new fictional identities, much more than the further development and understanding of existing ones. As a result, I have struggled to find a sense of belonging within community spaces in recent years as I actively seek to express my fictotype in my daily life as that is who I am. My fictotype expands beyond just online expression and would exist regardless as to my involvement in the community.

For those who involuntarily identify as fictional characters and have a desire to live them out physically, I believe we deserve our own distinct community. The fictionkin community faces challenges in being taken seriously, both internally and externally, and it is crucial that we begin to assert our identities with the seriousness it deserves.

The “New Term”: Thespiad (Θεσπιάδης)

Pronunciation: /THES·PI·AD/ Etymology: The prefix "Thes-" is derived from Thespis, the ancient Greek actor who is often credited as the first person to perform as an actor in the context of Greek theater. The suffix "-iad" is a classical suffix used to denote a group of people with shared characteristics or traits.

Usage:

Thespiad: A person who involuntarily identifies as a fictional character and actively desires to express it.

Thespic: An adjective to describe traits or actions related to being a Thespiad.

Thesp/Thespiotype: A specific fictional character that an individual identifies with (e.g., Pikachu from Pokémon).

Thespiades: Plural form of Thespiad.

This term, though rooted in the Greek language, is not synonymous with the modern term “Thespian” (actor), which has become more generalized.

Who This Term Is For?

The term “Thespiad” is intended for those who experience an involuntary identification as a fictional character; When you are a Thespiad you identify 'as' that character. This distinction is critical: it is not merely an identification or connection with a character, but a deeply felt, intrinsic sense of self. In contrast to the broader Fictionkin label, “Thespiad” emphasizes the desire for active transformation and alignment with one’s fictional self physically.

This can involve actions such as changing one's name, relocating to a place reminiscent of your source's setting/location, or altering one's appearance to match that of the fictional character. These practices reflect an attempt to embody the fictional identity in real life.

The Process of Development

In developing a new term, I explored various linguistic roots from Latin, Greek, and Old English. However, many of the terms I curated with this method were too vague or didn't come across as practical. These terms didn't feel inclusive and seemed shaky in definition.

So, I turned to researching about historical people who showcased a similar nature to that of fictionkin (though maybe not exactly) or significantly influenced the storytelling we create and consume today.

Historical Origins

Thespis (Θέσπις) could provide a meaningful historical precedent for this term. Often considered the first actor in the context of Greek theater, Thespis revolutionized storytelling by stepping out of the chorus to portray individual roles, thus creating the idea of the actor as someone who "becomes" the character they portray. His contributions laid the groundwork for modern theater, in which performers transform themselves into characters, not merely to portray them but to bring life to them.

This historical figure could serve as a metaphor for our experiences as Thespiades—individuals who identify with fictional characters not as an act of fan admiration, but as a form of personal and transformative expression.

Metafiction and Fictional Identity

Fictionkin identities often intersect with the concept of metafiction, which explores the boundary between fiction and reality. For Thespiades, the experience of identifying with a fictional character is not purely imaginative but is an essential part of our reality. By acknowledging the gap between the real and the fictional, we can better understand the nuances of this identity. This intersection underscores the need for a term that encompasses the lived reality of these individuals—one that acknowledges both the fictional nature of the identity and its deep roots in personal experience.

Our Symbol: The Drama Masks 🎭

As part of this proposal, I suggest adopting the drama masks—symbols of comedy and tragedy—as a unifying emblem for the Thespiad identity. These masks have long been associated with theater, transformation, and self-expression, making them an apt symbol for those who seek to align their real-world selves with their fictional counterparts. Just as these masks convey the performative nature of theater, they also reflect the process of self-discovery and transformation that many Thespiades undergo.

If you find that this new terminology resonates with your experience, I would greatly appreciate your feedback. Similarly, if it does not fully align with your perspective, I welcome your input as well. Please note that this post is still a work in progress, and I will continue to refine and update it over time. Thank you for taking the time to read and engage with this content.

[exocynraku]

how do you come up with such creative names and designs? once ive made over 200 ocs its hard to try and find names for new ones that dont seem repetitive or overlap too much with canon names ... love ur art sm you truly inspire me ! you are kinda the reason ive got all my little feral cat ocs !! thank u for sharing ur art and ideas !

wow!!! thank you!!! i'm so glad you have so many funny guys!!! for names, i try to create names that 1) sound funny (eggfluff, fishweed, firfur, spikypike, etc) 2) have a prefix and suffix that either rhyme or sound similar (... firfur, spikypike, calamusmoon, skinkslither, squirrelslug, tangerinetwig) or 3) use words that you wouldn't see in canon/are really unusual! (virevalley, coyotegame, sphagnumstar, boreweb, martenwink, doverstick, bellweather, stellarsspeckling, basiliskhaze, lindwormstar, etc!). truthfully it's just about coming up with weird words! i also love to reference warrior cats name generators (here's mine). i try to avoid words overused in canon, -stripe, -heart, -claw, -tail unless the prefix is something really cool. a rule i tend to abide by is if i have a really cool/really long prefix or suffix, the other half of the name needs to be really simple! (lambsearleaf, ponderinglight, shepherdbelly, tangerinetwig). however at the same time, i do break this rule, mostly if i'm using one of the three points i mentioned above (chimingchaffinch, steppingsquirrel, etc). try to think of really weird words! i like using words which end in -ing or -ed or even a plural s! (stellarSspeckling, martyrSomen). lately i've also enjoyed translating cat's names into other languages! (aimaorasi, korakifovia, heidelandkit, kasanagon'silo, langitlap-ok). for designs, a lot of it is just... designing nonstop for ~~~4 years.... you get good at it eventually.... well there are some pieces of advice i can give! 1) trying your goddamn hardest to avoid same face syndrome!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! giving your characters different faces is a really good tactic to making them look cool, especially if you give them really unique features! (differently shaped nose leather, nose ridges, chins, head shape, ear shape, weird shaped eyes, funny eyebrows, etc). something else that i make note of is you should also try to avoid giving your characters the same Body and Anatomy! make some really wide & fat or thin with long noses and tails. short legs with a long body, a completely unnatural and un-cat-like build! even if it isn't "realistic", making your cats look weird will make their designs even better! 2) this is something i'm very specific about but: place markings with purpose! markings should wrap around the body where there are curves and such. i try to make marking sizes, placement, and style cohesive throughout the design, unless i have a specific reason to go against it. i don't place markings willy nilly, like some may think to do for pelts like tortoiseshells. unless you have a really detailed style, try to keep small teeny markings to a minimum. 3) have fun with weird body traits or accessories! recently i've been liking giving cats really weirdly shaped ears and giving them funny markings inside of their ear leather. fur can help with this. i love giving cats weird accessories and scars too! i think it helps my designs that i change my artstyle so often. difference in artstyle for me also means difference in how i draw pelt markings. i have a really big tutorial about how i think about designing here! i hope this helps? maybe?

[the-banks-of-lethe]

⋆˚࿔ Pasithea ࿔˚⋆

"Hypnos (Sleep) swiftly flew to Pasithea's couch. From slumber woke all nations of the earth." - Quintus Smyrnaeus, Fall of Troy 5. 395 ff (trans. Way) (Greek epic C4th A.D.)

Yes, that's right, it's finally here - let's talk about Lady Pasithea; one of the younger Kharites (Graces); the goddess of rest, relaxation, and hallucinations; and the wife of Lord Hypnos.

Now a small disclaimer !! I am not an expert. I am not a religious authority. Nor am I a professional of any kind. I simply love researching and I love the gods. So if you have anything you'd like to add to this lil info post, or you find any faults, please don't hesitate to let me know! Without further adieu, let's go.

A Younger Kharite (Graces):

"Hera answered him [Hypnos god of sleep] : ‘. . . I will give you one of the younger (hoploterai) Kharites (Charites, Graces) for you to marry, and she shall be called you lady; Pasithea.’" - Homer, Iliad 14. 231 ff (trans. Lattimore) (Greek epic C8th B.C.)

 In the Iliad itself (xiv. 269) Pasithea is called one of the younger Charites, who is destined to be the wife of Sleep, and the plural Charites occurs several times in the Homeric poems. (Od. xviii. 194.)

One of the swiftshoe Kharites (Charites) [namely Pasithea] . . . in a forest not far off she saw the madness of Lyaios (Lyaeus) [Dionysos] her father. She wept for sorrow and tender affection, and tore her cheeks with her nails in mourning." - Nonnus, Dionysiaca 33. 4 ff

"Hera answered him [Hypnos god of sleep] : ‘. . . I will give you one of the younger (hoploterai) Kharites (Charites, Graces) for you to marry, and she shall be called you lady; Pasithea.’" - Homer, Iliad 14. 231 ff (trans. Lattimore) (Greek epic C8th B.C.)

"[Pasithea] one of the swiftshoe Kharites (Charites, Graces) was gathering the shoots of the fragrant reeds in the Erythraian garden, in order to mix the flowing juice of Assyrian oil with Indian flowers in the steaming cauldrons of Paphos, and make ointment [or perfume] for her Lady [Aphrodite]." - Nonnus, Dionysiaca 33. 4 ff (trans. Rouse) (Greek epic C5th A.D.)

Goddess of Rest, Relaxation, Hallucinations, and All Altered States of Consciousness:

There isn't many excerpts on Pasithea as a goddess of rest, relaxation, and hallucinations. This idea comes from Her being the wife of Hypnos and Her associations with Him and His domains. As well as one of the interpretations of the meaning of Her name; "Aquired-sight" or "Aquired-goddess". I'll add some commentary as well as some excerpts that can be interpreted to support this idea.

Pasithea as the wife of Hypnos, god of sleep and dreams, may have been envisaged as the goddess of hallucinations and hallucinogenic drugs. Her name is difficult to translate--the prefix pasis can be translated equally as "all", "possessed" or "acquired" and the suffix thea as "sight", "seeing", "contemplation", "goddess" or "divine". Translating it as "Acquired-Sight" may suggest a goddess of hallucination, however, in the story of the Iliad, where Hypnos acquires her from Hera in exchange for certain favours, the "Acquired-Goddess" meaning is quite apt. The name pasithea was also given to some unidentified "magical" plant, perhaps even an hallucinogenic. Hypnos was himself associated with poppies and opiates. - Commentary from theoi.om

The notion that she was “acquired sight” is presented as evidence that she was a source of hallucinations. It is known that Pasithea’s name is also found in the world of botany; there is a specific plant called Pasithea that may have been known for causing hallucinations. The other prominent interpretation of her name is that it means “acquired goddess” and this meaning has evidence in the story of how she became wed to Hypnos. It is also worth mentioning that her connection to Hypnos may have also meant that Pasithea was associated with rest and relaxation; indeed, some interpret her divine portfolio to extend to rest, meditation, hallucination and other states of altered consciousness. - Greek Gods & Goddess

Wife of Hypnos:

Then in turn the lady ox-eyed Hera answered him : ‘Hypnos, why do you ponder this in your heart, and hesitate? Or do you think that Zeus of the wide brows, aiding the Trojans, will be angry as he was angry for his son, Herakles? Come now, do it, and I will give you one of the younger (hoploterai) Kharites (Charites, Graces) for you to marry, and she shall be called you lady; Pasithea, since all your days you have loved her forever.’ So she spoke, and Hypnos was pleased and spoke to her in answer : ‘Come then! Swear it to me on Styx' ineluctable water. With one hand take hold of the prospering earth, with the other take hold of the shining salt sea, so that all the undergods who gather about Kronos (Cronus) may be witnesses to us. Swear that you will give me one of the younger Kharites, Pasithea, the one whom all my days I have longed for.’ - Homer, Iliad 14.231 ff (trans. Lattimore) (Greek epic C8th B.C.)

He also says that Hypnos was a lover of Pasithea, and in the speech of Hypnos there is this verse :--‘Verily that he would give me one of the younger Kharites.’ - Pausanias, Description of Greece 9. 35. 1 (trans. Jones)

"Hypnos (Sleep) swiftly flew to Pasithea's couch. From slumber woke all nations of the earth." - Quintus Smyrnaeus, Fall of Troy 5. 395 ff (trans. Way)

"[Hera commands Iris summon the god of sleep Hypnos :] ‘Promise him Pasithea for his bride, and let him do my need from desire of her beauty. I need not tell you that one lovesick will do anything for hope.’ At these words, Iris goldenwing flew away peering through the air . . . seeking the wandering track of vagrant Hypnos (Sleep). She found him on the slopes of nuptial Orkhomenos (Orchomenus) [i.e. the home of the Kharites (Charites)]; for there he delayed again and trailed his distracted foot, a frequent visitor at the door of his beloved Pasithea . . . [Iris disguised as Nyx, Hypnos' mother, spoke to the god :] ‘I have heard that you want one of the Kharites (Charites, Graces); then if you have in your heart an itch for her bedchamber, have a care! Do not provoke Pasithea's mother, Hera the handmaid of wedded love!’" - Nonnus, Dionysiaca 31. 103 ff 

"Has Eros (Love) perhaps flicked you also with the cestus, like Eos (the Dawn) once before?--Ah, I know why your cheeks are pale : shadowy Hypnos (Sleep), the vagabond, woos you as a bridegroom woos a maid! I will not compel you if you are unwilling; I will not join Hypnos the blackskin to Pasithea the lilywhite!’ When Aphrodite had said this, the Kharis weeping replied : ‘O mother of the Erotes (Loves)! O sower of life in the everlasting universe! No herdsman troubles me, no bold desire of Hypnos (Sleep). I am no lovesick Eos (Dawn) or Selene (Moon)." - Nonnus, Dionysiaca 33. 4 ff

Epithets:

Given how little we know about Pasithea, all of these epithets and titles come from me, looking at the above excerpts, and coming to conclusions based on how She has been refered to in them.

Pasithea the Lilywhite

Beloved Pasithea

The Younger Charite

The Aquired Goddess

Swiftshoe Charite

Of Rest / Relaxation

Offerings:

Excluding traditional / universal offerings, some things you could offer / devote to Pasithea are:

poppies

lilies

flowers (any)

pillows

couches (imagery of)

plushies

any medications that you take

meditation

taking some time out of your day to unwind

breathing exercises

worshipping / honouring Her family

worshipping / honouring the Kharites

Resources:

-> dividers made by @/uzmacchiato

[max1461]

@raginrayguns You asked how measure words work in Japanese. Here is an explanation:

Measure words in Japanese do work somewhat differently than their Chinese counterparts. In Japanese they are not really independent words, and are better analyzed as suffixes that attach to numerals. Some measure words are commonly used as independent nouns (i.e. they can occur dislocated from a corresponding numeral, and behave syntactically/morphologically like ordinary Japanese nouns do), most prominently time words like 週間 shuukan "week", but many are either only used rarely as nouns or not at all. For instance, the measure word 枚 mai "sheets" does not occur as a noun. Measure words are phonologically bound to their preceding numerals, in the sense that

they form part of an intonational unit with the numeral, and

they often fuse with the numeral phonologically in irregular or semi-regular ways.

For instance, here are the numbers one through ten with a few common measure words:

Bare numerals:

一 二 三 四　 五 ichi ni san yon go 六　 七　 八　 九　 十 roku nana hachi kyuu juu

Counting people (using 人 nin):

一人 二人 三人 四人　 五人 hitori futari sannin yonin gonin 六人 七人　 八人　 九人　 十人 rokunin nananin hachinin kyuunin juunin

Counting small animals (using 匹 hiki):

一匹 二匹 三匹 四匹　 五匹 ippiki nihiki sanbiki yonhiki gohiki 六匹 七匹　 八匹　 九匹　 十匹 roppiki nanahiki happiki kyuuhiki juppiki

Counting books/volumes (using 冊 satsu):

一冊 二冊 三冊 四冊　 五冊 issatsu nisatsu sansatsu yonsatsu gosatsu 六冊 七冊　 八冊　 九冊　 十冊 rokusatsu nanasatsu hassatsu kyuusatsu jussatsu

Counting machines (using 台 dai):

一台 二台 三台 四台　 五台 ichidai nidai sandai yondai godai 六台 七台　 八台　 九台　 十台 rokudai nanadai hachidai kyuudai juudai

Counting small objects:

一つ 二つ 三つ 四つ　 五つ hitotsu futatsu mittsu yottsu itsutsu 六つ 七つ　 八つ　 九つ　 十 muttsu nanatsu yattsu kokonotsu tō

There's a lot going on here. For one you have phonological interaction, as I mentioned. This is how you get ippiki from ichi + hiki, and so on. These rules are mostly regular within the large stratum of Chinese loan vocabulary in Japanese, but in the case of these measure words they are somewhat unpredictable. Importantly, these phonological phenomenon are not things you would get from just putting two independant words next to each other in Japanese; they occur only at morpheme boundaries within a single word.

Other than that you have suppletion, where morphemes from different sources are mixed and matched to create a full paradigm. For instance, hitori "one person" and futari "two people" are sourced from native Japonic numerals (as are the "small object" numerals in -tsu), whereas the other numerals for counting people (all in -nin) are sourced from borrowed Chinese numerals.

Due to all the above, the picture that emerges is that Japanese numeral + counter pairs are in fact individual words, sometimes composed transparently out of a numeral prefix and a counter suffix, and sometimes composed opaquely or irregularly. I think it's completely fair to say issatsu is "a special form of the word 'one' used for counting books" and so on. Now, I'll admit that I don't think this has much philosophical importance at all. For example, English dogs could be called "a special form of the word 'dog' used when there is a group of them", indeed this is precisely what a plural is. But that doesn't really tell you anything important; Japanese (mostly) lacks plurals and it gets on fine. Sometimes a language just has a rule that says "use this special word (or form of a word) in the particular circumstance".

Uh, for instance, Tok Pisin (an English-based creole of Papua New Guinea) has this particle i, used in expressions with a third-person subject:

mi bin tok 1sg PST speak "I spoke"

vs.

praim minista i bin tok prime minister 3 PST speak "the prime minister spoke"

Here "3" is just the standard gloss for a third-person morpheme, nothing to do with the numeral 3. "1sg" means "first-person singular" and "PST" means "past tense". Anyway, you might ask... what sort of word is i? It's not a pronoun, you can't (to my knowledge) say "i bin tok" on its own, you have to say

em i bin tok 3sg 3 PST speak "he spoke"

What does it correspond to in English translation? Well, it doesn't correspond to anything in English translation, it's just a little thingy that Tok Pisin grammar says you have to put there. Far from being remarkable this is wholly ordinary. I think Quine is making a lot of this fact when it really doesn't mean anything at all.

[neopronouns]

flag id: two images of the same flag with a dark silver background. in the center of the flag are 6 slightly wavy stripes, which dip down near their left edges and go up near their left edges, forming the shape of a waving flag within the flag itself. they are medium light purple, light turquoise, very light yellow-green, cream, soft golden yellow, and tan. in the center of the left flag is a simple, stylized, dark silver symbol of a pencil, which is angled to the right, writing on a piece of paper with its edges rolled like a scroll. end id.

banner id: a 1600x200 teal banner with the words ‘please read my dni before interacting. those on my / dni may still use my terms, so do not recoin them.’ in large white text in the center. the text takes up two lines, split at the slash. end id.

comuniterm: a neogender umbrella for terms conceptually related to participating in mogai/liom community

[pt: comuniterm: a neogender umbrella for terms conceptually related to participating in mogai/liom community. end pt]

concepts included under comuniterm:

coining terms

creating flags

archiving terms

requesting terms

collecting/hoarding terms

using neopronouns, identifying as neolabels, etc.

making edits of flags, masterlists of terms/pronouns, etc. (basically any other types of mogai/liom posts not listed above)

helping others find terms that fit them, either through locating existing terms or coining new ones

knowledge and preservation of liom/mogai history

neolabel, subtliden, and liom inclusionism

running mogai/liom blogs

feeling connection with other members of the community

the joy, community, and creativity found in mogai/liom spaces

and more!

derived terms:

niol: a comuniterm person. plural is niolae.

comut: a comuniterm gender. plural is comuts.

ctin: comuniterm-in-nature (ex: ctingender)

cotermine: having comuniterm qualities. noun form is coterminity.

transcotermine: transitioning towards coterminity/a comuniterm identity. can be shortened to transcoter.

termaic: gender alignment to comuniterm/coterminity.

comu, comut, muni, munit, iterm, term, coter: optional/potential prefixes and suffixes for comuniterm genders.

the term is 'comunité' (old french for 'community') + 'term'! most of the derived terms are just various permutations of 'comuniterm', but 'niol' comes from 'neolabel' and 'liom'!

i've been thinking recently about just how the liomogai community has affected my identity over the years and how those effects feel like aspects of my gender in themselves, so... here's a neogender umbrella!

i took inspiration from the coinergender, requestgender, archivigender, and flagmakergender flags, so i went with cool colors, warm light neutrals, and golden yellow. the flag is meant to look like a flag in an editing software, post editor (as a new post or reblog), or other site/software (ex: being put into a rentry or carrd)!

here's the template if anyone wants to coin comuts!

the symbol is a pencil and paper, inspired by both the flag creation and writing (definitions, tags, lists, etc.) aspects of the community! i made the pencil myself and the paper is edited from scroll (2) in this folder. here's the symbol by itself:

[image id: a simple, stylized, dark silver symbol of a pencil, which is angled to the right, writing on a piece of paper with its edges rolled like a scroll. a blank image is next to the image so that it doesn't take up the whole width of the post. end id.]

tags: @radiomogai, @liom-archive, @macchiane, @genderstarbucks, @sugar-and-vice-mogai

tags cont: @freezingnarc, @skrimbliest, @seraphtrix, @en8y, @spadescrewcoining

tags cont: @mogai-sunflowers

dni link