#the only restriction is zhongli cannot be any

[welcometoteyvat]

hello everyone. please give me inspiration.

in liyue who would be the most likely

screenwriter

story writer

costume designer

producer

production designer

movie music composer (optional)

editor

director

[yuellii]

allowed heaven, fill the empty me

𝐅𝐎𝐑𝐁𝐈𝐃𝐃𝐄𝐍 𝐋𝐎𝐕𝐄 ;; a world of secrecy and stuttered glances in which you cannot proclaim the man that is rightfully yours ( but for some, he would rather die just to claim you as his )

feat. priest! zhongli, psychiatrist! baizhu, prison warden! wriothesley, master! ayato ( separately )

notes. completely SFW, zhongli’s is a bit suggestive; baizhu’s is written kinda darker, arranged marriage and non-sexual infidelity ( ayato ), religious themes ( zhongli ), manipulated dependency + family issues ( baizhu )

ZHONGLI.

He lights a dim candle in the darkness. Perhaps it was too much of an allowance from the ever-so knowledgeable priest.

But it allows him to see you, nevertheless; you, with your wrists bloodily bound in front of your body, rows of rosaries with crosses in between each bead. They’re tight, they burn your skin with a cast of holiness he himself bestowed, for any trace of the Gods would rightfully etch into the body of a demon like you.

And yet, you still flash him the sickest of grins, little fang in your mouth and eyes of the devil looking at him with such excitement he wishes was not there. “You came down here?” you almost laughed, wrists writhing against their restraints as you angled your head to tilt up from the cold, stone dungeon floor. “All the way down here, just to see me?”

It truly was such a long way down where he kept you for now, locked far below at the deepest dwellings under the cathedral. No one must know the head priest was keeping a demon on a leash under such golden grounds.

“I could have you crucified,” he threatens with a glare, though even he himself knows it is one not upheld.

You smiled, “But you won’t.”

He hated that grin of yours. It pulled at the black and gold robes that adorned his body in a way that was sinful—an entity in which his restrictions as a priest could not reach. There was a fire much more ferocious than this dim candle carried carelessly in his hands. Such a spark was gifted from yourself to his growing desire just to set you free.

“Come a little closer,” you called out, quieter than before, “won’t you, Father Priest?”

There was not any fear to be held against you, not with the gold cross hanging from his neck or the pure water he carried around protecting his aura. But there was a fear for himself. For if he found himself closer, still, he doesn’t know if he’d control himself to keep you bounded. This was the way of demons, so tempting—even to a respected man well under faith like himself.

Perhaps he didn’t know quite yet you already owned his soul the moment he spared you.

He found himself kneeling before you, suddenly not caring for the dirty stone coming in contact with the purity of his clothes. You, in contrast, we’re all beaten, bruised, and bloodied from being locked down here, bound by the ropes of the Gods that the priest himself tied on you. And somehow, the sight of you like this only made him crave for you even more.

“Closer.” His stomach dropped at the tantalizing smirk on your face.

And when the feeling of your breath hit his face only inches away, his heart raced, and that was when he knew it was too late. Your lips captured his like a kiss from Judas, the taste of iron immediately filling his senses. And yet, he found it delightful. So grotesque and so sinful, and yet he was relishing in the taste of your lips like it was the last supper of his faith. If the Gods could see him now, on his knees and mouth locked with the devil, he was not sure if he’d be begging for forgiveness.

And when you finally let go, pulling back your head to look at him, you could already tell from the shift in his eyes alone that he was now a man of sin.

BAIZHU.

“I got you something.”

A packaged wrap of paint was placed into your hands as your psychiatrist sat down on the couch in front of you. He crossed his legs with a small smile on his face, though his eyes were clouded with certain expectations. Scrutinizing gaze, it was akin to a vulture.

Your eyes considerably lighten up in naivety. “Thank you, Doctor! My parents wouldn’t let me buy this set…”

“I figured,” he laughed off. And he did so with that same smile on his face, eyes even closing to show a false crinkle at the corner of his lids—a fabricated happiness that gave you the impression of a boundary between patient and doctor. “I thought that maybe I could at least provide you something they cannot give. Or, they refuse to give.”

Key word differences, but he was far in too deep to have them matter too much. Then you beamed quite genuinely, “I can always rely on you.”

Good, he liked hearing that. Devotion was built on loyalty, and loyalty was built from a constant source of trust. That’s why he bought you those paint brushes last session, and that sketchbook the previous section. It’s why he keeps denouncing your parents to shift your reliance.

“So,” he started up. A facade he kept on to pose as your doctor, oh, how was he so lucky? “Anything new since we last spoke together?” ‘Together’; as long as he kept pushing the word—as long as he kept pushing the mere idea of it—surely it will stick in your head.

Your smile suddenly fell, and he took careful notice of how your hands suddenly grip at the paints like you value them.

He stops himself from grinning.

“Not a surprise,” you start, “but my father took away the sketchbook you gave me.” Oh, you poor thing. He immediately pushed out his bottom lip to resemble a pout. Surely, you’d see how much this saddens him. And so surely, you’d value the gifts he gives you even more. “I may have overreacted, and then an argument with both my parents started…”

“Oh no, not at all,” he dismissed. “They just don’t understand how much art means to you.”

Your face held desperation as he said that—confirming whatever thoughts you had in hopes that at least someone would understand you, if not your family. But he understands you, and he wants to make sure you know that. “Yeah, exactly!”

The doctor stood up. He made his way around the coffee table that was in between the both of you, stopping just to take a seat right next to you. You visibly tensed; he’s never been so close before. “Is this alright?” he asked as innocently as he could, placing a steady hand down on your shoulder.

You stuttered, eyes shifting away. “Yeah…”

And then he leaned in, using the length of his body against yours to pull closer until you were on his shoulder for some sort of half-embrace. “You need to learn that not everyone will understand you, especially when your parents are like that.” He spoke such mutters into your ear—a close proximity he was almost dying to have. “But, eventually someone will.” And that someone is me, and only me.

“I know you understand me, doctor,” you mumbled.

He could not see your face, but oh, he was glad you could not see his. Because your words, so unsure of yourself yet so naive, were like music to his ears.

WRIOTHESLEY.

“Careful, careful with ‘em, now,” the scruffy voice of the man behind you said, yanking at the cuffs bounding your wrists together. “This one’s the warden’s favorite.”

This was happening a little too often, happenings in which you were cuffed and brutally thrown down onto a cold chair in the prison administrator’s office. Being a criminal locked down here in the deepest depths of the Nation of Justice was no small feat, especially when it was kilometers under the ocean.

But how romantic is that? You, and him… oceans underneath.

“Aww,” you smiled, in sore pain from the way the previous guards threw you down. But the black haired warden in front of you sat with perfectly calm posture, the scars on his face only crinkling in his movements to sip at his tea. “I missed you too, Your Grace, but don’t you think you’re a little obsessed with seeing me?”

He did not have to look up to see the smirk on your face—it was practically audible via your words alone.

“A warden must check on his convicts,” the Duke merely replied. “Especially the most rowdy of them.” His tone when he said ‘rowdy’; that was the most interest you’d ever get from his voice. And yet, even as his eyes scanned his morning Fontainian newspaper in absolute boredom, you could tell. It was obvious with how much he called you in here, all the effort just to see you.

You scoffed. “You and I both know that’s far from true.” This finally earned you a glance from him—a glare, sure, but a glance nevertheless. It was like you succeeded, almost. “But anyways,” you dismissed. His gaze moved down to the table, right where you tossed a full pouch of Mora on top.

He gave it a toothy grin. “Heh, bail money or lawyer funds this time?”

“Both,” you shrugged.

Your eyes followed as he stood up from his chair, making his way around to the back of your seat. You wish you could move, you really did. But the very handcuffs that were restricting your wrists just now got pulled by the calloused fingers of his hand. “Where’d you even get money like this?” he questioned you so suddenly. He was bent down almost to the level of your chair, head right close to yours. And when you made the mistake of turning your face towards him, you could feel the cold air of his breath hit your cheek. “I’m sure the other convicts here wouldn’t just cough it up.”

“Well aren’t you touchy today…” you scowled. “And here I thought you liked me enough to just take the coins.” His grip was unwavering, and you felt your arms being pulled at your shoulders. Such a calm man, he was, but his strength could change that in seconds. “Then why have you been calling me in everyday? Where’s my Mora going?”

“I’ll buy you something pretty, don’t you worry.” There was a small chuckle in his voice. You didn’t particularly like the sound when it came from right behind you.

“A lawyer is pretty.”

“You’re not getting a lawyer.”

If you were able to turn around and glare at him, you would. “Why, you just wanna keep me here forever until I die?”

There was an oncoming silence that made your stomach drop. Surely. Surely not. Surely he was not infatuated enough to want to keep you imprisoned just because he wanted to see you every day. But when he spoke no words, and when you felt a coldness that creeped up your spine, his intentions as he stared down at your collar like a preying wolf were more than obvious.

“Oh. Oh, you’re sick.”

“Can’t help it.”

You were quick to thrash your hands against the handcuffs until he let go of you, but that wasn’t the case. And by then, all you could feel was the looming presence of the weight of his body pressed to the chair behind you. Because if you were let go from his place, he wouldn’t get to see you every day like he does now. And if you leave, well, there’d be this ocean separating the two of you apart.

And if you were freed, then… He wouldn’t get the authority over you like this anymore—archons, the twisted fantasy in his eyes as he watched you struggle in front of him—right?

KAMISATO AYATO.

Scarlet roses adorn scarlet letters in this garden of Eden.

What surfaced as a lovely night was truly a raging tempest, though he could not have it any other way. He kisses you with the lips of a married man, though he was already wed to a woman of status and riches. And you, all the meanwhile, felt like a homewrecker.

Of course, their marriage was arranged. Your lover was not a cheater. But if that was true, then why did you feel so dirty?

“The wedding was awful,” he groaned against your neck, arms snaking tight around your waist as he leaned into you for comfort. You could only hate yourself for feeling loved among his embrace; your fingers weaved through his hair, garden hedges shaded you from scrutinizing moonlight. Perhaps if the divine Gods of the moon could see you in the light, they’d be frowning. “All I could imagine was you walking down the aisle just to force a smile on my face.”

You could only mutter, “And how was the lovely bride?”

“I didn’t bother to pay attention, I’m afraid,” he sighed. You wondered why you cared so much about a woman you didn’t even know. Surely, she didn’t wish for an arranged marriage too, right? “I just wanted to get out of there.”

You stayed silent.

Perhaps he noticed it, the way you were tense. You were not like this before the wedding actually happened. And you were all for it—these stolen glances and longing gazes. A forced, loveless marriage with a woman he only met on the day of the wedding is a means to keep your relationship, sure; but the band on his finger spun you back to reality.

And that was when you leaned back, forcing his head to tilt up towards you. Your gaze, it looked so solemn. “What’s wrong, my love?” The shakiness in his voice… Perhaps he feared the same thing.

“I…” There was a lump in your throat. But when his left hand reached up to cup the side of your cheek—the stinging cold of his metal ring practically burned at your skin. “I don’t think I can do this anymore.”

He sat up straight immediately, eyes widening and hands locking around your body in a sudden panic that cut his breath short. And for the first time, he stutters in his speech. “What…?” There’s a breathlessness in his voice, one that forces you to bite your tongue. “Please, no, don’t say things like that—What are you saying?”

“This relationship,” you continued through gritted teeth, much to his horror. “Don’t you think this has gone too far? You’re married now!”

“If the clan let me marry you, I promise I would’ve—” His words were beginning to slur together; it was clear he was at a complete loss of composure and clarity. His eyes held a desperation you never wanted to see. “I promise, I tried!”

This was only a losing game. “But you couldn’t,” you solidified. Did your voice always sound this close to tears?

“Then I’ll try again!” he countered. His hands moved up to grasp your face, both of them holding your cheeks as if he waited any longer, you would disappear from his sight. Archons. You hated seeing him cry. “Tomorrow, I promise you. I’ll meet with the other clans and commissioners for however long it takes just to call on a divorce so we can—”

“But your reputation,” you argued. To that, he immediately opened his mouth again, but you cut him off. “Think of what the citizens of Inazuma would speak of you? Words denouncing respect and calling you a disgrace… I don’t want your name to go to shambles if it just means being with me.”

He wanted to say he didn’t care about his family name, he really did. But you both already know: He would not have married that woman and her status if it were true at all.

It’s you, or his family.

You both stay silent. The moonlight stretches overhead, shining down on the finale of sad, saccharine sin.

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[organized-peach]

Dad Impact!!

Aka the Genshin men as fathers

Warnings: for the most part none, I’m not psychologists so my prediction are probably not entirely accurate but its what I envision so.most of them have a sorta reader insert partner raising the kid with them, minus pierro.Also pierro’s is real angsty cuz his kiddo dies.

Zhongli: Perfect

With the experience this man has he will have little trouble raising a child. I like to imagine that once they’re a bit older he might bring them to work so his partner can have a day to themselves every so often, and also because he finds it delightful when they take nap on his lap while he’s doing paperwork. It fills him with this primal satisfaction. He is quite protective at times however. The child is never out of his sight nor out of the adepti’s actually.

If he and darling need a break he knows Cloud Retainer or Madame Ping is all the more eager to baby sit for his child, and he trusts their abilities in child care and their diligence in protecting the child.

One thing that is more difficult with him however is managing his child’s emotions. Specifically comforting them.He’s always been a more stoic and polite person. He isn’t quite used to hugging people but he embraces his sobbing child anyways. He only lets a deep hum fill the air as he just focuses on bringing them to their sense again. Their little whimpers and gasps eventually stop as he presses a kiss to their forehead.

“You’re alright now child, your father is here. And you can tell him anything you wish to.”

Diluc

The emotions he experienced when his partner informed him of their pregnancy took a while to deal and handle but he made sure to settle it all down before the baby arrived. He fussed over everything in the nursery until he was certain it was all 100% baby safe. All of Mondstadt practically celebrated the birth of his child which he did not participate in as he instead stayed home with his partner having their first family dinner. He even invited Kaeya to join which Adelinde practically dragged him too.

As a father he’s rather mixed. Sometimes he’s rather restrictive, often not letting them explore or do things by themselves. He’s fearful that at any moment the abyss or the fatui may snatch his child. They’re taught how to fight and never left alone. For the most part they remain more isolated than most children, except for when Uncle Kaeya comes to take them to the city, so Diluc and his partner can relax. Diluc trusts that Kaeya will keep to his word when it comes to his child.

But despite being admired and protected it would likely cause some resentment from the child later on. As a teenager they may rebel against him by staying out later or exploring the countryside without a guard. Whats the use of all this strength if they can’t take even have a actual fight? It really gives Diluc a run for his sanity. This will require a sit down where Diluc will explain every reason why he is so worried and probably a mediator (Lisa) to come to a compromise. But he will always love his child. He fights more bravely and does more to ensure he will come home. He will not leave his child the way his father left him. He won’t force his child to burden his dreams, he wishes they only know his love, and not his trauma. But he can only control so much right?

“I can’t lose you. If i lose you then I truly can never forgive myself. You are my heart and soul, I cannot risk losing you. I have many enemies child, many who would have no hesitation in…. I can’t.. i can’t lose you… because then I truly will have lost everything.”

Childe: Fun dad!

When Childe’s home he’s all over his family. He will spend every hour with his children and dedicate time to pampering his lover. He’ll always make sure to have some one on one time with each of his kids such as taking them ice fishing. He won’t shy from any chores either. Its part of the domestic life he misses so dearly.

His children are very well protected nonetheless. Guards are stationed around the house to ensure no one comes to do any harm to them. His children will receive endless gifts from his travels.

But being the fun isn’t all there is to being a dad. The day his oldest daughter went missing broke his heart. She was found yes but for the first time he had to introduce his beloved daughter to the very bloodshed and battle he fought to keep from tainting his domestic little paradise, to protect his family. He knew he failed when he looked her though. The guards were changed out. But he knew that wouldn’t reverse what had been done.

“She’s a teenager now, she should just get over it. Its been a month!” His father had said. It didn’t anger him as much as it disgusted him. “She’s gotten into several fights too. She takes too much after you it seems, she didn’t lose a single one either.” Childe had shaken those thoughts from his head though. He had specifically requested more time off to be there for her, it almost seemed like he was the only one who truly understood her.

“You’re my daughter. You’ll never be a monster to me, you’ll never have to face those monsters again, so long as I breathe. I will love and cherish you no matter how you retaliate or fight, you’ll always be my little baby. And I’ll always be your dad.”

Thoma: Best

He’s the kind of a dad who doesn’t pretend to be perfect, he’ll admit to his mistakes and flaws, and he will do his best to improve. Of course his child will learn the importance of domestic chores so that they may help alleviate some of the pressure on his partner and be prepared for the real world. He always makes time for them. He’ll even bring them to the estate to meet Ayaka and Ayato to delight in being Uncles and Aunties to this little child. Ayaka will often have a tea party with her little niece or nephew while Thoma caters. Surprisingly Ayato was quite fond of the child. Often letting them bare witness to diplomatic meetings and even explaining to them his tactics. The child is a Kamisato in their eyes as Thoma is. Therefore any mean or unruly servants are not tolerated.

His child will likely be very happy even in teen years. Thoma isn’t one to restrict his child in anyway he doesn’t deem necessary. Do they wish to dye their hair? Alright he’ll help fetch the materials and supplies. They want to go out with friends? Amazing, just make sure to to be safe and be home on time. He will cherish and love them no matter what.

“You did it! You did such a good job! See! I told you! You were amazing! I can’t believe how far you’ve come. Its like yesterday you were my little baby and now you’re my little champion! I’m so proud of you.”

Al-haitham

He’ll probably struggle the most. Emotions are hard for him (personally i see him as autistic) and children are full of those. When he hears the news he’s shocked but not too surprised. He reads up on dad manuals etc. he’s a man of logic, yet he still can’t understand exactly how children work. Why should his child be sad their favorite toy is missing? They have plenty of other ones. Why does his child cry about to him about mean kids at school? Other people’s opinions don’t affect their way of life. He isn’t too dense, he tries not to sound so harsh but he’s not that great with it. You’re going to have to help him through the motions and explain to him what he should do.

So maybe his child might wonder why their father never seems to be very emotional. When they accomplish something he just congratulates them while keeping a mostly straight face. They’re confused when their other parent just says that’s how he is. So maybe they might doubt he truly loves or values them. As they get older they’ll come to understand it better. Their father does love them, he just doesn’t show it the way everyone else’s dad does.

“Its only natural for a animal to value the life and significance of its offspring. Therefore it would be illogical to assume I don’t care about my child. Of course I care about them. I may not express my emotions well, but I can still feel them.”

Kaveh

Very much the kind of dad to be more dramatic and funny. The kind to take his kid on goofy adventures and make memories with them. He’ll encourage his child to be passionate and determined. But also to feel okay with their emotions. He may not always have the best advice, and he can be a bit too emotional at times, but he will always love his child.

“My child is my most proudest project yet. Their smile rivals any ornate frames, and their eyes light up more than stained glass. No building I produce will ever bring as much pride as being their father.”

Pierro

(Warning: angst, child death, mans misses his daughter)

As a man who had worked almost every day of his life to be promoted and recognized he often had little energy for his child. He’d still help out if he could but only if asked. When he was home he was there to relax. Yet still he adored his daughter. She was a passionate and fiery soul. He’d hear of her accomplishments as she’d eagerly tell him of what inventions she made today, or what things she learned. It felt like he hadn’t blinked before she grew into a adult. Working as a scientist making breakthroughs, he couldn’t be more proud.

And when his country burned to the ground he couldn’t feel more regretful. He searched through the survivors and found his daughter was no where. His daughter, his little joy, she’d make no more silly inventions, she’d never finish her latest experiment, she’d never get to grow old, she was still so young. He knew he couldn’t simply cry forever. So he found a god he could trust, to rid this world of its filth, to take power from the gods who’s hands were stained in her blood. And to make it the paradise she once deserved.

Meanwhile Dottore was getting sick of all of Pierro’s criticisms. Yes Pierro paid him very much for this experiment yet he could never seem to be successful. The face was always off. The eyes weren’t the right shape. At least it was just the skin, although there were complaints about her being too skinny or how she actually was a bit taller. If Pierro wasn’t his superior he would’ve gave up by now. Although it was still rather interesting today at least. As the leader of the harbingers approached the latest face mask he saw a look of sorrow cloud the old mans eyes. His stoic demeanor faltered as he almost seemed horrified.

“Congratulations, you’ve managed to recreate her facial features. Although the hair isn’t the same color, it was darker than mine, more.. colorful. Fetch the other parts you have prepared.” Pierro never once looked back at Dottore. Staring in aw at the mold that eerily resembled his late daughter.

“I promise you, I will rid this world of the impurities that killed you, and once you are reborn, we will bare witness to a world you will prosper in. I won’t let this world hurt you once more. I will always be here from now and ever more.”

[opalesense]

nsfw headcanons

zhongli & gn!reader [NSFW]

1.1k words • ~9 min. read

summary: some headcanons of what zhongli is like in bed!

warnings: liyue arc spoilers, breeding

notes: you might be able to tell i got some zhongli favoritism by how long this is lol

zhongli, in his sophisticated and traditional nature, will be extremely respectful of you and will only have sex at times and places where you want to. he believes your body is a temple and he does not want to consistently impurify it with selfish human desires. very rarely will he force himself onto you (that's not to say that he wouldn't though, more on that later!)

he is always turned on when you're in his vicinity. one look at you will send his thoughts racing. he definitely won't show it outwardly all the time, but he is always ready when you are.

no sharing. at all, ever. you are his for as long as time exists. anyone who dares to even shoot a suggestive glance at you will meet zhongli's wrath, or at the very least, his cold, intimidating stare. he gets very upset if you even attempt to mention the possibility of polygamy in bed. he is very possessive.

there are two sides to zhongli in bed. he is either gently making love with you, relishing in the slow paced pleasure and heat of the moment, or he is purely animalistic, mindlessly destroying you and following instinct alone, paying no mind to what you want.

his gentler side in bed is simply a projection of his true love for you. he will endlessly praise you with words, loving the way your face lights up with each compliment and getting turned on when he knows he is pleasuring you. he will constantly be muttering that he loves you, cherishes you, and will never let you go. reminding you that he loves you while he's indulging in such a dirty act with you is VERY important to him.

slow, careful, and calculated moves. he will observe each twitch, moan, and facial expression you make to determine his next moves. if you're visibly uncomfortable, he will immediately try something else. if you're in extreme pleasure, he will make sure to remember what he is doing so he can do it again and again.

zhongli's incredible memory encapsulates your likes and dislikes in and out of the bedroom. he uses this to his advantage to overload you with pleasure every time. the more times you make love with him, the more he can use his knowledge to make each time an enjoyable one.

if you can remember the things he likes too, he will be overjoyed! he doesn't expect you to focus on pleasuring him though. in fact, each time you have sex is an opportunity for him to serve you.

he LOVES releasing himself inside of you. more on that later, but know that he doesn't like seeing his fluids splayed across your body or seeing you covered in tears or saliva. again, your body is a temple. to him, it must stay as orderly and pure as possible.

zhongli is not into hurting you or leaving any drastic marks on you for a similar reason. he doesn't mind leaving a hickie here and there, but that's probably the most he would do without feeling ashamed in himself, even if you asked for more.

he doesn't lean strongly towards dom or sub... that is, until you see his animalistic side. by then, he is undoubtedly a dom.

he can usually control his temper very easily. but if he's having a terrible day or something awakens the god of war, the unforgiving dragon inside of him, he will lose any ties to his normal human persona. he will immediately revert to his past self, the part of him that is engulfed in the thought of having domination over everything he lays a finger on – this includes you.

before being fully consumed by this darkness, he will make sure to get your consent for the things he will do to you. he wants to use that last spark of the kind, caring, and gentle zhongli that you're used to in order to ask for your permission. it is his utmost priority as soon as he can feel the darkness swallowing him.

but if he doesn't get to you in time or does not get your permission at all, you will need to restrict him somehow. otherwise, he will do everything in his power to get his hands on you no matter what. the urge is uncontrollable. it's unfortunate that you have to put up with this, but thankfully this rarely happens anyway that you don't mind dealing with a tied up, cranky, and extremely horny zhongli until the phase passes naturally.

admittedly, the first time you saw this side, you were terrified!

even though he will retain his human form, he will pounce on you with nothing on his mind but to conquer and make you fully his. that being said, he goes crazy at the thought of pinninf you down and breeding you, filling you up multiple times to guarantee that you will get pregnant, even if you can’t have children. it must be done multiple times. he is not convinced that one round is enough.

but during this phase, one round is pretty short! since he's focusing on reaching his goal to breed you quickly, he will make sure to get the job done as efficiently as possible.

he will use you mindlessly and treat you like a doll, a simple object made to pleasure him and him alone. he will not hear your cries, screams, or begging to stop if he is engulfed in rage. if you are not filled to the brim with his seed, he does not care about what you want or how you feel in the moment. even if you manage to get fucked unconscious somehow, he will continue fulfilling his pleasure as if nothing happened.

he might use another hole if filling one up wasn't enough for him.

if any cum spills out, he will make sure you pick it back up and swallow it to make sure all of him is inside you. a single drop wasted will make him angrier.

once the phase wears off and he's practically emptied everything he's got into you, he will apologize profusely and go overboard with aftercare. he probably won't have sex with you for quite some time, drowning in guilt even if you enjoyed it.

he will smother you in expensive gifts, luxuries, food, and acts of kindness for the next week or so. he cannot carry the guilt of doing such dirty things to you without compensation.

if you're the type to get easily bored or tired of the same gentleness he treats you with and want to ask him to purposely go through this phase of rage, he will politely decline. there is no convincing him that he should treat you so poorly, even if you tell him it brings you pleasure. he truly hates that side of him and hates taking it out on you even more. it doesn't remind him of very good memories.

but if you really nag enough all day, maybe enough to get him angry or annoyed with you? you might get what you wish for without him even realizing...

[livingalifeofasimp]

YANDERE GENSHIN REACTING TO THEIR DARLING BREAKING UP WITH THEM

DILUC

✧ Will let you go SIKE! for now, he knew this would be coming him being so overprotective which was unbearable for you but what can he do?, he can't leave you like that among all those people who are there out trying to hurt you. Diluc loves you with his everything, can fullfil all your wishes and the only thing he ask for is you affection, love. You are his only home where he can rest, those words left your mouth pierced his heart. Diluc will gladly give you some time before taking you back, after all he is your home and you are his. Pampering you even more than before maybe it was his fault that you wanted to go away, for you he will try to be more affectionate so stay.

ZHONGLI

✧Girl stop what are you doing? End it you are his, you are gonna stay his, the freedom you had will be gonna now, you are just being ungrateful to him, his kindness and his love. You said you want to be free because you are a free spirit and you can't do what you want to because of his stupid restrictions. He was too controlling, sending guards behind you expecting you to not know anything, he knows it but you can't seems to do anything on your own he needs to take you under his wings. He will forgive you just speak that one sentence and he will forget that you said something, everything will be fine. But you don't want to be with him , so he had to make you stay with him, chains will will be your best friend, he will show you, why you should choose him instead of the world every night.

Xiao

✧Xiao felt like his heart can stop any moment, how can you say that ? How can you even......think that ?. Tears streaming down his eyes, it felt like his whole world is destroy you are joking right ? Please say that?. But you weren't taking any of his tears. Xiao's clingingness was overwhelming and the excuses he would give you for not going out was like every bad luck will find it's way to you. He will be nothing if you left him, he will be at your disposal crying and begging you to not go, he can do better. Repeating and reminding you all the times when you were in danger and was at the verge of dying, he can't lose you. Xiao will never let go of you begging you till you decide to live with him as this is all to protect you from any danger that can take you away......or worst kill you!

Scaramouche

✧"Let's break up it's not gonna work" , that's what you said to him before leaving, when suddenly you were siezed from behind and hot breathe airing your ear. "Feels like I have been too nice to you",  scaramouche  never expected for you to say that he always thought you both were perfect, there's no way out once he laid his eyes on you. He likes it when you come willing to him in order to keep you docile he will gladly bestow threats on you "You are gonna listen to whatever I say or else your so called friends are gonna die" . You had to give up shivering underneath him, his powers cannot be doubted when you know how far he can go. "Now be a good girl and hug me like you always do", scaramouche said before hugging you affectionate as if nothing happened. 

[malleux]

☆ introduction ☆ masterlist ☆

-> various characters x fem!reader | royalty au!

-> warnings: cursing, arranged marriage, arguing, typical princess gender roles and expectations

a/n: hi everyone! we’ve officially hit 2k, so welcome to “pick a prince”! please enjoy your stay as these seven princes try their best to win your hand.

When a princess is born, the first story she is ever told is a tale of another princess finding true love, marrying said love, and living happily ever after.

Nearly every princess story follows this plot, save for the wicked witch messing things up. You were read the stories of Cinderella, Sleeping Beauty, and Snow White more times than you could count. Because you were a princess, and one day you would find your very own true love.

These ideals had been drilled into your head- when you were older, you were to find a sweet prince, or princess, and settle down. So why was it such a surprise when your mother came knocking one day, claiming that it was time? That you were old enough to be consider such things?

“Your mother and I are getting older.”

It was your father’s favorite explanation. He claimed that it was time for you to make big decisions such as these to prepare you for the throne.

“Decisions, such as marrying a man I don’t love?”

“You’re lucky we’re giving you a choice at all.” He’d respond, “Your mother and I didn’t choose each other at first. We fell in love years later.”

And who was to say you’d fall in love with your prince at all? You could be miserable, just like hundreds of other royals who were in your exact same situation. Those who have had the exact conversation with their parents that you’re having with yours in this moment.

“I don’t know any princes. How will I choose like that?”

“I have written letters to 7 kingdoms. They have respectable princes and rulers your age, all of whom your mother and I would approve of. They will arrive Sunday, and you will spend time with each of them. You will make your decision two weeks from then. Or else we will choose for you.”

Your eyebrows furrowed. “Sunday-? That’s only a few days away.”

“So I suggest you prepare yourself. Freshen up on your manners and customs. I’ll give you a list of the kingdoms the princes are coming from, and I expect you to go to the library and read up on them. No prince wants a clueless wife.”

“No wife wants a degrading, judgemental, shitty husband.” You scoffed.

“Language.” Your mother snapped. “Go prepare. We’ll see you at dinner.”

☆ ☆ ☆

It’s not fair.

You smoothed out your outfit in front of your mirror, shuddering when the tight material restricted your movements.

It’s not fair.

Your shoes were too tight. So was your chest. Were you really this nervous?

Mother always said princesses needed to keep their heads high during trying times.

It’s not fair.

The walk from your room to the large dining room seemed eternal. Did the halls always echo this loudly? What terror did you cause in your past life to be born as a princess- a pawn in a game played only by heartless conquerors called kings?

Mother always said to put the good of the kingdom first. Think about the greater good. To be selfish is to deprive your country.

No, it’s not fair. But life isn’t fair, is it?

“Ah, Y/N!” Your father laughed jovially, greeting you from the head of the table.

Around him, sat seven men. They all had drinks in their hand- alcoholic or not, you couldn’t tell. You knew that you’d like yours to be. You smiled shyly at them and sat down beside your father, on the row that had only three men. You didn’t see your mother anywhere.

Food was served, and awkward was not the word to describe the meal. You picked at your plate in silence, save for your father’s small whispers for you to initiate small talk. You didn’t.

“Now, gentlemen.” The King coughed, getting all of their attention. “Starting tomorrow, you have seven days to gain the approval of my daughter, Princess Y/N. I expect you all to be polite, courteous, and respectful to her. If I hear a single complaint that you weren’t, you will go home. Now, I believe we should start with a few introductions. Dear, you start.”

Your father gazed at you expectantly, and you flushed, avoiding his eyes. “Uh, hi. I’m Y/N.”

Another silence followed. The princes were probably expecting more. Unfortunately for them, you only moved your hands towards them, gesturing for someone to pick up the ball that you had so-ungracefully dropped.

Suddenly, a gloved hand was held out in front of you. You looked up, only to gaze into one icy eye. “Hello, my dear. I am Prince Kaeya.”

You took his hand and he lifted it up to his lips, pressing a kiss against the knuckle before sending you a smile and sitting back down in his seat in front of you.

“I’m Diluc.” The red-headed man beside him said. He looked like he wanted to be anywhere but here almost as much as you did.

“My name is Albedo.” A shorter, blonde boy grinned at you from beside Diluc.

“I’m Xiao.”

“I am Zhongli.” The proper man beside you piped up, giving you a sweet smile. You flushed a little, definitely not used to being in the presence of a man whose attractiveness rivaled that of a god.

“Scaramouche.”

“And I, my dear, am Prince Childe. It’s a pleasure to meet you, and I cannot wait until I get to spend time with you and get to know you better-“

“Alright.” You felt bad for cutting him off, but you weren’t one for grandiose gestures. “Thank you.”

Kaeya snickered in front of you, and Diluc elbowed him. You raised an eyebrow, concluding that they must know each other already. You’d have to get the inside scoop when you talked to them.

Looking across the table, you felt sick. You were staring into the eyes of men you would have to choose between, and spend the rest of your life with. You didn’t even know them- how were you going to marry one?

Mother always said that princesses get happily ever afters. But this story doesn’t seem too happy yet.

Your vision was blurry. Your head felt like it was underwater. With ears muffled to the sounds of people calling your name, you stood up and rushed to the library, where you knew your mother would be waiting.

These boys have a lot of work cut out for them.

taglist: @xenia-cenia @murder-and-mistflowers @osmiumtrash @rebeljustforkicks137 @heisenwurst

if you’d like to be on the taglist, please fill out this form!

[autumn-foxfire]

I keep seeing posts about how none of the Archons do anything to help us find our sibling, but they don’t take into consideration about why they can’t help us.

• Venti literally just woke up a while ago at the start of the game. (Other than that, he hasn’t been of much help and would rather have us figure it out ourselves. That or there’s another reason we don’t know about yet.)

• Zhongli is strictly forbidden to talk about anything related to Khaenri’ah and because our sibling is involved with that, he’s not allowed to tell us anything even if he wanted to. (I’d argue that Zhongli could try to find a loophole in his contract, but I’m guessing that it’s so watertight with super-specific details that he currently hasn’t found a way to work around it.)

• Ei only arrived in Khaenri’ah after it’s destruction and spent her time meditating in the Plane of Euthymia for 500 years, so of course she hasn’t seen our sibling at all. Now she has to deal with cleaning up her own mess, so she doesn’t really have time to help us out. Plus, the Abyss Order isn’t really active in Inazuma for her to notice anything out of the ordinary.

The fact still remains that our sibling is deliberately hiding in the shadows and really doesn’t want to be reunited with us until the end of our journey. Dainsleif is literally the only one who actually CAN help us us uncover the secrets of Khaenri’ah and the Abyss Order because he’s not bound by any restrictions and has all the time in the world to do.

I'll be honest, this is one of the reasons why I hate the traveller and their stans at times.

They blame the characters for a situation where the writing dictates they cannot help because it is a game with a storyline that is always being added. The game would end pretty quickly if the first three of the Archons are able to help us find our sibling straight away.

Their purpose is to add insight into the mystery of the other siblings disappearance and actions. Venti hints that we might have met him before (the destruction of Khaenri'ah?), Zhongli shares more about the heavenly principles and how they actively restrict the archons and Ei shares with us more about what exactly happened during the cataclysm in Inazuma.

Plus, as you mentioned, the sibling is deliberately hiding from the other twin! They want us to uncover the mystery and even tells us to continue our pursuit of the Archons to uncover the truth. They're hiding in the abyss, a place where none of the archons have power so of course they have no clue where they are!

[myfanfic-urfantrash]

Headcanon Mix #2

I cannot be stopped even if I wanted to be

Chongyun is the only one of Xingqiu’s friends who knows he wrote “A Legend of Sword” because he delivers his drafts and other materials to Albedo to review and illustrate for. Also because out of all of Xingqiu’s friends he is the only one able to withstand Dragonspine’s freezing environment without drawing attention to himself in some way.

Chongyun is also pretty good friends with Albedo and helps him out in exchange for potions to keep himself extra cool during the summer months.

Beidou has seen Albedo and his team wandering the same places in Dragonspine while she trains but they’ve never talked. She did give Sucrose a heart attack when she shattered an ice formation nearby them one time and has tried to apologize but she keeps missing her every time she has time to visit.

Hu Tao and Xinyan are really good friends. Xinyan like a lot of other people in Liyue began to ignore her because of her job as a funeral director and her contradicting excitable nature. But realizing she was being just as judgmental of her like the people of Liyue are to herself she tried to get to know her better. She realized that she’s not entirely as cheerful as she acts at times and is actually a really lonely girl with a lot on her shoulders. She’s still a little weirded out by how cheerful Hu Tao is considering her job but she has a great amount of respect for her attitude too. She’s #2 on the emotional support train for Hu Tao next to Mr. Zhongli who is #1.

Xiangling makes sure figure out alternatives to any dishes she creates because she strongly believes that everyone and any one regardless of condition should be able to enjoy good food with our without diet restrictions. For example if a dish has nuts in it she’ll figure out a way to get a similar taste and result without nuts. Or if a dish needs meat and someone is vegan she’ll make a vegan friendly version.

Xiangling gives cooking lessons using limited ingredients to anyone who asks for free as long as they help her out by gathering ingredients, washing dishes, and or etc. She knows some people don’t have a lot in their kitchens but that doesn’t mean they can’t eat well either using what they can get.

[globaltotal]

China and Russia: Gaming the West

Publication

By Mathieu Duchâtel & François Godement 02nd November, 2016

INTRODUCTION

In September 2016, Russia held joint naval manoeuvres in the South China Sea with China, bringing some of its best ships to the party. Two weeks later, China shied away from joining Russia in a veto of yet another Western resolution on Syria at the UN. The discrepancy sums up the extent and the limits of the strategic convergence between both countries.

The “axis of convenience” between China and Russia has, without question, grown larger. And the positive dynamics pushing cooperation forward are largely economic. But there is also a negative dynamic, coming from the West. Both countries have a perception of regime insecurity that emerges from the international promotion of democracy, and the attractiveness of corruption-free and comparably safe Western societies for individuals, be they Chinese or Russian.

But economic growth isn't the only thing drawing China and Russia together. The possible eastward extension of NATO, the high-tech superiority of the US and other Western armaments has not been undermined by the financial crises and political uncertainties of established democracies. This is why China and Russia describe their moves as reactive rather than assertive. For Russia, it means the possibility of mounting pre-emptive strikes and sudden regional escalation that leads to conflict dominance, as is the case today in the Syrian civil war. For China, it is the endless increase in military spending and deployment, and the game it is playing in the empty spaces of the South China Sea, East China Sea and border areas with India. Here again, the comparison reveals differences: Russia has conducted or directly condoned hot wars, from Georgia, Chechnya, and Serbia to Crimea, the Donbas and Syria. They target or concern large civilian populations. Instead, China fills open spaces, sometimes turning them into military assets. So far, it has lived up to its affirmation that it “will not fire the first shot”. Military adventurism is very far from the Chinese tradition, which is to take a much more comprehensive view of national power and influence.

Still, the China that has refused to enter into any alliances since the demise of the Sino-Soviet treaty in 1960 currently has its second track experts debating the opportunity of a new alliance with Russia. Indeed, there are few strong justifications for such an alliance, but many opportunities to team up on an issue-by-issue basis. Both China and Russia share a track record of flouting or rejecting international law on territorial issues, although in very different situations. Invoking and restraining the UN is becoming a key topic of interest as China’s budgetary influence over the organisation has grown considerably in recent years. Bridging the Eurasian landmass with strategically significant projects that might somewhat balance the US domination at sea is another cause – although the writers cited in this special issue of China Analysis make it clear that this is a project for the long haul and with elements of competition for markets and influence.

It is only the growing malaise inside Western democracies that makes this conjunction impressive. As our writers are well aware, Russia’s well-being still depends on trade with Europe and on the price of oil and gas – things that China cannot dictate or help with.  Russia is only a minor supplier of technology to China, even in the military and aerospace sectors. Historical distrust and even a lingering identity dispute lurk behind the surface of relations between the two countries. It is entertaining to see that leading diplomat Fu Ying, now a key speaker for China, presided over the latest PLA-inspired Xiangshan Forum in Beijing this October, where Russian participants were granted front row seats. Nonetheless, in a Chinese version of a piece published in English by Foreign Affairs, she cited, at length, the various Russian turnarounds since the nineteenth century that have ended alliances with China.

In a world where economics is increasingly separated from politics, and where international relations often mix engagement policies with containment policies, there is no reason why a strong Chinese-Russian partnership cannot endure, whatever the misgivings, distrust and diversity of interests. China and Russia are not perfect partners, but the weakness of Western alliances creates opportunities for risk-free strategic convergence on a growing list of issues. China and Russia might not be able to form a functioning alliance, but can we be sure that their issue-by-issue cooperation won’t yield stronger results than existing Western alliances?

CHINA AND RUSSIA: TOWARDS AN ALLIANCE TREATY?

Mathieu Duchâtel

The possibility of an alliance treaty with Russia has been an undercurrent in Chinese foreign policy debate since the reciprocal visits of China’s President Xi Jinping and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin to the two military parades of 2015: Moscow’s 9 May Victory Parade and Beijing’s 3 September parade to commemorate the end of the “Chinese people’s war of resistance against Japanese aggression”. The key driver of the current rapprochement between the two countries is China and Russia’s increasingly similar views on the state of international affairs – including a shared hostility towards the United States. After the two parades, during another state visit by Putin to Beijing in June 2016, China and Russia signed a “joint statement on strengthening global strategic stability”. As argued by Yan Xuetong, a longstanding supporter of a grand strategy based on alliances, the most significant part of the document is its effort to broaden the concept of “strategic stability” from its restrictive definition in the field of nuclear arms control to a much wider political context. But how far can China and Russia actually go? Chinese sources indicate that the prevailing thinking is sober and cautious, and that there is still widespread resistance to the idea of any alliance.

“Friendly neutrality”

The year 2016 marks the twentieth anniversary of the launch of the China-Russia strategic partnership. Liu Fenghua lists the many concrete achievements that have been made in the framework of the partnership: the final border delimitation of 2004; strategic alignment against colour revolutions; joint opposition against missile defence; the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation; close cooperation in multilateral international organisations, including the United Nations; China’s acquisition of advanced defence systems; and energy cooperation. Economic cooperation has also reached a strategic level (一定的战略性, yiding de zhanlüexing). Bilateral trade totalled $95 billion in 2014, and although it decreased to $69 billion in 2015, China remains Russia’s most important bilateral trade partner, and Russia is in China’s top ten. China is also the fourth-largest provider of foreign investment to Russia. Liu says that one important characteristic of the partnership is its strategic ambition – it aims to shape the international order and create global strategic stability. This ambition was the starting point of the partnership, but it has since expanded to encompass many more areas.

Fu Ying’s piece on the subject in Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 2016 drew much attention. In a longer version published in Chinese in another leading international relations journal, she argues against describing the current strategic partnership between China and Russia as an alliance. An important point that was omitted in the English version is that China has taken on board the lessons of history. In the twentieth century, each successive Chinese regime signed an alliance treaty with Russia. None of them was successful in protecting or advancing vital Chinese national interests. In 1896, after the Qing Empire’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, General Li Hongzhang signed a secret alliance treaty on the sidelines of the coronation of Tsar Nicholas II. The treaty granted Russia a railway concession in Manchuria in exchange for security guarantees if Japan should invade. Less than five years later, Russian and Japanese troops were fighting alongside each other against the Boxer Rebellion and Qing dynasty troops as part of the Eight-Nation Alliance. In August 1945, a day before Japan’s surrender in World War II, the Republic of China signed a Treaty of Friendship and Alliance with the Soviet Union. This treaty forced the Nationalists to recognise the independence of Mongolia, to accept a Soviet military base in Lushun, and to concede ownership of the Changchun railway to the Russians. The 1950 Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance between the two communist giants of the People’s Republic of China and the Soviet Union lasted less than ten years and did not prevent a dramatic strategic break that opened the way for decades of military tension. Fu Ying makes it clear: the lessons of history are bitter.

Zhao Huasheng also has vivid memories of a past characterised by tension and strategic competition. The current friendly situation was hard won, but in his opinion, there is nothing to suggest that it will last over the long term. Zhao argues that the present state of China-Russia relations can best be described as “friendly neutrality” (友好中立, youhao zhongli). In 2015, trade and investment statistics showed a sharp decline, but mutual strategic trust continued to increase, and cooperation expanded on all fronts. Zhao believes that the key to all this was the decision to coordinate between the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union and China’s One Belt, One Road project. Even though observers are still searching for a flagship cooperation project that can demonstrate substantial progress, Zhao says that the real value of the agreement is political – it means that Russian concerns about a dominant Chinese economic presence in Russia’s traditional backyard in Central Asia have at least partially been addressed. In other positive news, he says that Russia’s image is improving in China, including among the younger generation – Russia is perceived as a country that resists “international hegemony” (国际霸权, guoji baquan), and it is also increasingly appreciated for its culture, as more Chinese people travel as tourists to Russia. There has also been a considerable decrease in the number of complaints by Chinese tourists who felt discriminated against by Russian law-enforcement agents, which has been a major problem in the past.

But general friendliness does not make an alliance. Zhao believes that Russia and China’s respective international identities on the world stage have already been firmly established – both are “independent strategic actors”. The partnership has some of the characteristics of an alliance relationship, and Zhao says there is some support for a real alliance in the strategic communities of both countries. However, the reality is that a “flexible partnership” (弹性的伙伴模式, tanxing de huoban moshi) serves both sides’ interests much better than an alliance would: this kind of relationship has fewer commitments, which means that differences can be handled more easily. Fu Ying agrees: China does not have a “political culture” of alliances and does not follow a policy of “political blocs” (没有搞集团政治, meiyou gao jituan zhengzhi). That said, it sees Russia as a key strategic partner in advancing China’s vision of a future international order.

Managing differences and expectations

Zhao thinks the main thing that will continue to prevent Russia and China from becoming allies is the way that they deal with each other’s conflicts with third states. Clearly, the situations in Ukraine and the South China Sea do not provide evidence for a pattern of unconditional mutual support. In the future, the two sides “will not completely come down on the other’s side, and will not provide full support to each other” in times of crisis. Zhao says that the real challenge is not bringing the partnership to the level of full strategic support; rather, it is managing the differences that could easily generate strategic distrust. For this reason, he suggests “friendly neutrality” – even if it is, in his opinion, an “imperfect concept”. In the absence of anything more concrete, the concept at least describes what is needed to prevent future distrust.

Chen Yu is similarly sceptical in his piece assessing the strategic value for Russia of its ties with China in the context of Western sanctions. The phrase “pivot to Asia” is sometimes used to describe the increased attention that Russia has given to China since the Ukraine conflict. Chen’s conclusion is clear-cut and straightforward: China will never replace Europe as the centre of gravity of Russian foreign policy. His two major arguments are economic and cultural. On the economic front, in 2015, in spite of a decrease of 40 percent since the previous year, trade with Europe still represented 44.8 percent of Russian foreign trade, more than four times its total trade with China. Europe also remained the Russian economy’s main source of capital and advanced technologies. The “strategic replacement” has just not happened. Chen sees this as also being a result of China’s policies, which have persistently focused on Russia as an export market rather than as a destination for outward investment. The second argument is simply that Russians are Europeans, and Putin himself is a “Europeanist” (欧洲主义者, ouzhou zhuyi zhe). In spite of Putin’s ideological contempt for Europe’s liberalism, Chen argues that Russia’s values are closest to Europe’s. His conclusion: beware disappointments, because “while Russia values its relationship with us, we should not be overly excited, and we should certainly not expect too much from our bilateral partnership”.

Liu Fenghua draws the most optimistic conclusion of the Chinese authors. He argues that the timing is not right for forming an alliance, because general trends in the evolution of the international system serve the interests both of Russia and of China: “At the present stage, our interest is in completing modernisation, not in transforming the existing international order.”

RUSSIA’S MILITARY STRATEGY: CHINA’S PARTNER, MODEL, OR COMPETITOR?

Alexandre Sheldon-Duplaix

At the time of the Crimean crisis in 2014, an editorial in the Global Times concluded that Russia’s military power is Moscow’s trump card. So, the article suggested that “China should speed up its military modernisation”, because “once the confrontation between the West and Russia goes out of control, it is China that will suffer”. But Chinese authors have various assessments of the real state of Russia’s military strength, and of the degree to which Moscow is prepared to partner or compete with Beijing to achieve its goals.

Is Russia a weak power?

In 2013, China’s Academy of Military Science’s Department of Military Strategy published a third edition of the Science of Military Strategy (战略学, zhanlüe xue). This exhaustive 276-page manual dedicates four pages to a short description and analysis of Russia’s military strategy. In these four pages, the Chinese authors describe the overall transformation of the Russian military strategy since the end of the Cold War. They note a shift from a global military strategy to a regional military strategy focused on the homeland, with new strategic frontlines centred on the restricted corridors of the Baltic and Black Seas.

The Academy of Military Science authors characterise Russia as a “warlike nation … founded and strengthened by war” that has never hesitated to use military force to defend its interests. The authors say that Russian military culture favours defensive and offensive operations in order to seize the initiative. A year before the seizure of Crimea, the authors quote Putin as advocating “pre-emptive strikes” to counter the United States and NATO and to preserve “strategic parity” and “asymmetrical balance” in the peripheral regions.

The authors say that after Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985, Soviet military doctrine was based on five “Nos”: no to being the initiator of military operations; no to being the first to employ nuclear weapons; no to surprise attacks and pre-emptive strikes; and no to large-scale offensive operations. But after the fall of the Soviet Union, needing to compensate for the collapse of its conventional forces, Russia abandoned Gorbachev’s “no first-use” nuclear policy in favour of an “offence and defence strategy”

Vladimir Putin, who became president in 2000, is depicted as having “actively revived national power and military strength”. His policy was that the armed forces should be able to effectively contain any nuclear or conventional threats against the Russian Federation and its allies. The Academy of Military Sciences cites the two Chechen wars and Serbia as examples of Russia’s resilience and initiative: in the Chechen wars, Moscow ultimately prevailed after initial defeat, and in Serbia, Russia mounted the surprise occupation of an airfield in Kosovo in the aftermath of the 1999 NATO campaign that it had opposed. In 2002, Putin said that Russia might “use nuclear weapons to fight back against a large-scale conventional attack”. This statement obviously referred to a scenario in which Siberia was invaded, but the Chinese authors do not make this point explicit.

During Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency (2008-2012), Russia issued its National Security Strategy to 2020 (in 2009) and the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation (in 2010). The Chinese authors say those documents made it clear that Russia considered external threats to be greater than domestic threats, with the US and NATO remaining the primary strategic opponents. To resist aerospace attacks, sea and air blockades, and anti-missile operations, Russia considered that it was essential to be able to deploy joint operations by the navy, the air force, air defence units, and strategic missile forces. In order to facilitate these operations, Russia established four major military area commands – the west, south, central, and east – each with their own joint strategic headquarters. The authors do not endorse Russia’s justifications for the 2008 Georgian War (Russia said the war came as a result of Georgia’s killing of Russian military observers): instead, the Chinese writers describe the war as a Blitzkrieg attack carried out during the Beijing Olympic games aimed at countering US and NATO moves to reduce Russia’s strategic space. Meanwhile, in response to increased aerospace threats – from the US’s Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) defence plan and Prompt Global Strike initiative – a new Russian “national aerospace defence concept” established a unified national aerospace defence system, integrating air and space defence.

In 2016, three years after the publication of the Academy of Military Science’s manual, Ma Jiang and Sun Jie also analysed “Russia’s geopolitical and military relations with major powers”. Unlike the Academy authors, Ma and Sun present Russia as a weak power that is challenged by NATO. They say that the West’s attitude to Russia has continued to be characterised by a Cold War mentality, which is why the European Union and NATO sought to expand eastward without trying to integrate Russia into their security architecture. This policy squeezed Russia’s strategic space at a moment when its armed forces were decreasing dramatically, which explains Moscow’s reactions in Georgia and Ukraine. The authors note that “earnings from oil, gas, and mineral exports constitute more than half of [Russian] federal government revenues”, making the country’s economy very sensitive to the world commodities market. Exacerbated by Western economic sanctions, the fall in resource prices has caused economic hardship that is now endangering Russian national security.

With regard to Russia’s military strength, Ma and Sun say that “Russia’s conventional armed forces’ combat capability does not meet the Russian Federation’s national security requirements and can only handle low-intensity conflicts, while Russia’s huge nuclear arsenal is lagging behind because of a lack of sufficient funding”. They agree that Putin has increased investment in and reform of the military – but even so, the US and Japan have gradually increased the asymmetry. Washington is building a sea- and land-based ABM system, from Spain to Romania, Poland, and Japan. And in spite of Russia’s efforts to modernise the Black Sea Fleet, the authors believe that its naval and air forces would be unable to prevail in a large-scale confrontation with Turkey.

On Syria, Bi Hongye disagrees somewhat with Ma and Sun’s analysis. All three agree that Russia’s willingness to send troops to Syria reflects an urge to defend the country’s only strategic asset in a Mediterranean region that is dominated by NATO, along with Russia’s only foreign naval base, which is conveniently located on the route to the Indian Ocean. But Bi downplays the US and NATO threat to Russia, in spite of the Alliance’s decision to reinforce its troops in Poland and the Baltic States. Instead, Bi sees the Islamic State (ISIS) as Russia’s real cause for concern: Bi believes the group could eventually provoke war and havoc in the Northern Caucasus and Volga regions, with a risk of much higher casualties for Russian forces than the risk from intervening in Syria. Furthermore, Damascus is one of Russia’s major trading partners, particularly in weapons and energy. Therefore, Moscow ought to support Damascus, just as Washington would support its partner, Israel. Unlike Ma and Sun, who emphasise Russia’s military weakness, Bi Hongye is impressed by the efficiency of Russia’s air and missile strikes in Syria.

China: Russia’s “natural ally” or a “strategic competitor”?

Liu Fei analyses Russia’s policy in the South China Sea and its influence on China’s maritime disputes. According to Liu, Russia’s policy is a pragmatic effort to strengthen cooperation with China so as to resist pressure from the US and NATO and oppose the US’s strategy of “re-balancing in the Pacific”. Liu notes that Russia’s core principles are “pragmatism with fewer resources to contribute in exchange for larger visibility, in order to secure sound and practical benefits”. Quoting Russian experts from the Far East Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Liu believes that China is a “natural ally” for Russia. He points to the joint statement of 2016 signed by the two countries which state that they should support each other “on issues concerning each other’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, security, and other core issues”. Liu notes that Russia’s Foreign Policy Concept has “also made it clear that a comprehensive strategy will continue to enhance cooperation with China on an equal footing and with mutual trust … for the maintenance of global peace and regional stability in general”. As a result, Russia has publicly expressed support for China in its maritime disputes, denouncing the US “as a major destabilising factor in the South China Sea”. China and Russia have since 2012 engaged in joint naval exercises, which Russia characterises as a joint maritime defensive action, carried out in in order to “safeguard world peace and stability”. Liu believes that Russia’s top priority is the development of relations with China. It wants to build bilateral military cooperation “to resist the threat from the ocean” – that is to say, from the US.

Nevertheless, Liu sees some limits to Russia’s Chinese policy: he admits that “for Russia, China is to a certain extent a strategic competitor”. In the South China Sea, Russia does not go as far as endorsing China’s claims, even as it aligns itself with China’s approach: “Russia hopes the parties concerned will exercise restraint and resolve their differences through negotiations”. In the East China Sea, Russia de facto recognises China’s “Air Defence Identification Zone”, but it abstains from any further involvement in the Diaoyu/Senkaku dispute.

Liu also notes that Russia is preparing to export more weapons to other countries in the region, including Vietnam and perhaps the Philippines, both of which are participants in the South China Sea disputes. The volume of Russia’s bilateral trade with Vietnam is over $3.5 billion, five times higher than it was ten years ago. Liu says that by arming Vietnam to counter China’s expanding power, Russia has created a stumbling block for China. The relationship between Vietnam and Russia has been upgraded to a “comprehensive strategic partnership”, to a certain extent renewing the old Soviet alliance that enabled Moscow to check and balance China’s rise. Given Russia’s strategic necessity of getting closer to China, Liu wonders whether the country will have to suspend its cooperation with Vietnam. But he points out that such a move would be very costly, both in terms of image and in terms of contracts worth several billion dollars. The Asia Pacific region accounts for 60 percent of Russian arms exports, and Liu says that Vietnam is one of the two largest importers of Russian arms, along with Venezuela.

Ma and Sun say that in the longer term, Russia will have to contend with the external threat represented by the US’s Prompt Global Strike and the external and internal threat of a Western-sponsored “colour revolution”, which could undermine its domestic political stability. And while Chinese commentators seem wary and even slightly envious of Russia’s ability to use its military forces to support its interests, they also point out that Russia may not have the economic means to support its assertive strategy.

THE SILK ROAD GOES NORTH: SINO-RUSSIAN ECONOMIC COOPERATION AND COMPETITION

Michal Makocki

President Vladimir Putin’s visit to China in May 2014 was an important milestone in China-Russia relations. Isolated by the post-Ukraine sanctions regime, Russia turned to China not only for political support but also as an alternative to Western markets and investment. The leaders of the two countries touted trade and economic cooperation as one of the key pillars of their comprehensive strategic partnership. Lofty goals were established, including to reach a bilateral trade volume of $100 billion by 2015; to enable China to tap the East Siberian gas fields through the Power of Siberia pipeline; and to allow China to invest in infrastructure in Russia, in particular in the underdeveloped Russian Far East.

Two years since the visit, progress on many of the goals is mixed at best. Despite the rhetoric, the China-Russia relationship continues to suffer from strategic mistrust, preventing the two sides from fully embracing mutual commercial opportunities. This is particularly the case for projects that would lock the two countries into long-term dependency, such as the Power of Siberia pipeline. Bilateral trade has not been going as well as could be hoped, either: with a 28 percent decrease from the previous year, bilateral trade between China and Russia totalled $64 billion in 2015 – well short of the stated target, as Liu Changmin observes. In spite of setbacks like this, the majority of the Chinese research community continues to emphasise the enormous potential of economic cooperation between the two countries. However, some authors disagree, suggesting the possibility of a less cooperative relationship, or even a direct clash, between the two countries, especially in Central Asia.

Russia’s missed opportunity

Chinese analysts recognise that Russia’s rapprochement with China is driven by Western sanctions. Zhao Mingwen says that Russia simply has no alternative to embracing China: “Russia’s hopes for cooperative ties with the West have been dashed after the imposition of sanctions. As a result, China has become the only global player with which Russia can cooperate.” Liu Changmin agrees: “As China’s relationship with the United States increasingly experiences turbulence and uncertainty, Sino-Russian ties will continue to rise in their overall importance in China’s foreign diplomacy outlook.”

With this in mind, the fall in trade can be explained by factors exogenous to Sino-Russian relations and, Zhao says, should not be made the yardstick for assessing the relationship. He explains that the 2015 drop in bilateral trade was “mainly due to the landslide fall of crude oil prices”. Russia actually exported a record 37.63 million tonnes of crude to China last year, a 28 percent increase from the previous year – but the total dollar value of these exports still declined, because of the drop in crude oil prices. This underlines the importance of fossil fuels in the trade relations between the two neighbours, as well as evidencing their clearly delineated roles: Russia is the provider of raw materials, and China is their consumer.

Zhao says that although China benefits from cheaper fuel imports from Russia, limiting the two countries’ economic cooperation exclusively to energy deals is a weakness that needs to be overcome. This pattern of oil-for-cash trading is not sustainable, particularly for Russia: according to Zhao, “Russia’s focus on Europe in the past two decades meant that the country lost the opportunity to capitalise on the rise of China, and Russia would be better off not replicating the pattern of dependence on oil sales that characterises its trade with Europe, but instead fully embracing cooperation with China in fields other than energy and primary materials exports.”

Russian politicians and industry leaders apparently share this view: Zhao says that this is one reason for Russia’s willingness to expand high-tech collaboration. Some examples of this cooperation are the new China-Russia Silk Road Innovation Park on the outskirts of Xi’an City, as well as the two countries’ joint efforts to manufacture civilian jet engines using Russian technology, and joint R&D in the development of a satellite navigation system. Likewise, Wang Gang points out the convergence of China and Russia’s competitive advantages in fields such as agriculture, forestry, high-speed railway, civil aviation, outer space exploration, infrastructure building, finance, investment, education, technology, medical care, and tourism.

Cooperation trumps competition

Energy cooperation with Russia has significant benefits for China. One major opportunity is the Power of Siberia gas pipeline, which is to supply gas to China’s north-eastern provinces from Russia’s East Siberian gas fields. Even though Russia’s gas fields are geographically close to China’s industrial north-eastern regions, the pipeline took ten years to be agreed, mainly because of disagreements over gas prices. When it becomes operational, the pipeline will help China to diversify its energy supply. Li Xi notes that Turkmenistan currently supplies the largest share of China’s natural gas imports, while sea-borne oil and gas supplies provide the coastal regions with most of their energy needs. But the pipeline linking Russia to northeast China raises fewer geopolitical concerns than these routes, because it will allow energy to be supplied directly to Chinese consumers without transiting through the territory of intermediary countries. Wang adds that Russia’s gas supplies could create the conditions for a new petrochemical industry in the region, thus providing “impetus for the revival of the Chinese Rust Belt”, which is currently characterised by its outdated industrial capacity.

The Chinese authors also say that Chinese companies should seize the opportunity to contribute to Russia’s national and regional development strategies. Jiang Zhenjun says that Russia’s national strategy of “going east” and China’s Silk Road Economic Belt initiative both create opportunities for infrastructure construction, in particular in high-speed railway. Jiang suggests that, to highlight their rapprochement, China and Russia should cooperate on some flagship projects, such as the high-speed railway between Moscow and Beijing (roughly 7,000km apart), which could cut travelling time between the two cities from almost a full week to 17-24 hours. At this stage, however, the project remains only aspirational: so far, only a small part of the route between Moscow and Kazan, a city 800km east of Moscow, is being developed (potentially with Chinese companies’ participation in the construction, although partnering with Western companies has not yet been ruled out). China and Russia could jointly implement other railway projects in Central Asia, a region that Jiang says offers great potential for China-Russia cooperation rather than competition.

These suggestions mirror the tone of the official announcement on pairing the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road Economic Belt, which was signed at the sidelines of President Xi Jinping’s visit to Moscow in May 2015. Jiang thinks Central Asia could be the “meeting place” where the two strategies intersect. He sees potential for “a second Eurasian Intercontinental railway as a crucial part of the Silk Road Economic Belt initiative”. However, Xiang Yijun and Zhang Jinping do not share this optimistic view: they see potential for “conflicting and overlapping interests in third countries, particularly in Central Asian states, which both regional projects of China and Russia claim as their main operational space”. They add: “political stability and economic nationalism in third countries could also be a risk factor”. Xiang and Zhang seem to be in agreement with many Western commentators, who tend to see potential for a clash in China’s commercial expansion into the region that Russia perceives as its own backyard.

Jiang sees Northeast China as a key element of the Silk Road initiative. He envisions a dynamic regional economy “centred on Harbin and connected with Russia’s Siberian railway system, river ports, and airports in the region to form a mega-transportation network.” However, his expectations overestimate the economic opportunities available in Russia’s Siberia, which is a depopulated and underdeveloped region with little economic activity. Similarly, Russia’s unfavourable business environment, including cumbersome customs controls at the border, will also work against Jiang’s vision – as will Russian perceptions. As Xiang and Zhang note, “The perception of China as an economic threat, particularly related to Chinese investment and immigration into Russia’s under-populated Far East, will continue to adversely affect Russians’ willingness to cooperate with China.”

Jiang’s ideas also include a very imaginative link through the Arctic, which he calls the northern part of the Silk Road. He suggests that “Russia and China can jointly build a logistics port along the projected Arctic navigation route. The two countries can also join hands in developing the mineral resources along the route, particularly energy resources.”  If developed, the Arctic route would provide China with an alternative maritime connection to the congested Malacca strait and the Suez Canal and increase its energy security by diversifying trade routes.

Trade and infrastructure cooperation between China and Russia has the theoretical potential to greatly reward both sides – but in spite of official statements, it is increasingly clear that the strategic mistrust between the two countries will prevent them from capitalising on the available opportunities.

BACK TO THE BASICS: COUNTER-TERRORISM COOPERATION AND THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION

Marc Julienne

Counter-terrorism cooperation has been a raison d’être for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) since its establishment. Today, the SCO is facing a new threat, as the possible expansion of the Islamic State (ISIS) into South and Central Asia makes counter-terrorism cooperation even more important. Moreover, the organisation is set to expand from six to eight member states, and the accession of new members India and Pakistan will have profound effects on regional counter-terrorism cooperation.

The institutional basis of SCO’s counter-terrorism cooperation

The SCO was established in 2001, but its predecessor, the Shanghai Five, began to meet annually to promote regional cooperation as early as 1996. Even then, cooperation on non-traditional security issues was among the meetings’ top priorities.

On 15 June 2001, the SCO was formally established, including the Shanghai Five countries plus Uzbekistan. One of the organisation’s two main founding documents is the Shanghai Convention on Combating Terrorism, Separatism, and Extremism. In this document, the member states committed to exchanging information and experience on the implementation of measures and legislation to combat terrorist activities and their sources of finance, weapons, ammunition, and any other assistance. In 2002, the Agreement Between the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation on the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure was signed during the group’s Saint Petersburg summit. Following this, the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) was launched in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, in 2004. It represented the first institutionalised feature of the SCO’s counter-terrorism cooperation mechanism.

A further advance in counter-terrorism cooperation came with the signature of the SCO Convention on Counter-Terrorism at the SCO’s Yekaterinburg summit in June 2009. In contrast with the 2001 Shanghai Convention on Combating Terrorism, Separatism, and Extremism, which was short on specifics in many areas, the 2009 text is more detailed and complete. For instance, the 2001 Convention only briefly described the broad notions of terrorism, separatism, and extremism, whereas the 2009 document legally defines the concepts of “terrorism”, “act of terrorism” (恐怖主义行为, kongbu zhuyi xingwei), and “terrorist organisation” (恐怖主义组织, kongbu zhuyi zuzhi).

China-Russia bilateral cooperation and the SCO

As the SCO’s two leading powers, China and Russia play a key part in the development of security cooperation, and the bilateral relationship between the two is crucial to the efficiency of the entire organisation. Li Hui, the Chinese ambassador to Russia, noted in 2015 that both sides had shown great willingness to cooperate. Beijing and Moscow have lately been discussing the integration of their respective regional economic projects, the Chinese-led Silk Road Economic Belt and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union. In May 2015, China’s President Xi Jinping and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin signed a “Joint Statement on Cooperation of Connection Between the Silk Road Economic Belt and Eurasian Economic Union” and the “China-Russia Joint Statement on Deepening Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination and Advocating Win-win Cooperation”. And in June 2016, they signed another “China-Russia Joint Statement on Strengthening Global Strategic Stability”.

Regional stability is a prerequisite to implement these projects. To ensure this stability, Li Hui stressed that China and Russia are committed to strengthening cooperation on fighting terrorism, transnational criminal organisations, cybercrime, and drug trafficking, adopting a “zero tolerance” (零容忍, ling rongren) policy.

One area in which this cooperation is realised is in the joint counter-terrorist exercises known as “Cooperation”. “Cooperation” is a bilateral joint training programme between the two countries’ counter-terrorist special forces: the Chinese People’s Armed Police (PAP) and its Russian equivalent, the Russian National Guard, which was established in June 2016. Zhang Lue and Luo Hu say that exercises under the programme have been held three times: in 2007, 2013, and 2016. The exercises in Russia in July 2016 involved 80 troops, including the PAP’s renowned Snow Leopard (雪豹突击队, xuebao tujidui) and Falcon (猎鹰突击队, lieying tujidui) Commandos.

The authors also emphasize that counter-terrorism joint training exercises present an opportunity to promote mutual understanding, pragmatic cooperation, and military exchange between the two countries. They also facilitate wider military cooperation: one example of this is the China-Russia joint naval drill, “Joint Sea”, which has been held since 2012, with the last one held in the South China Sea in September 2016.

Other bilateral and multilateral military exercises take place within the framework of the SCO. China and Kyrgyzstan held a bilateral joint military exercise in 2002, within the framework of both the SCO and their bilateral exchange, but the first truly multilateral exercise was held in August 2003, two months after the signature of the “Memorandum on holding joint antiterrorism exercises by SCO member states’ armed forces” during the SCO’s 2003 Moscow summit. Since then, SCO member states have participated in and organised joint military exercises almost every year. The most recent SCO joint military exercise was held in September 2016 in Kyrgyzstan (“Peace Mission” 2016). All of these exercises’ stated purpose is the fight against terrorism.

The growing terrorist threat in Central Asia

After 15 years of increasing counter-terrorism cooperation, the SCO faces several new challenges. One of the most serious is ISIS. From its beginnings in Syria and Iraq, ISIS is searching for new territories to spread into – especially in Central Asia. SCO governments take this threat very seriously.

According to Jin Kai, the “rapid expansion” of ISIS in Afghanistan and Central Asia has made the Fergana valley, shared between Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, an attractive and vulnerable target for the terrorist group. The valley is an important economic and strategic hub – but it has a small land area and a large population, so land and water resources are insufficient. Moreover, religious influence is quite strong, and economic development has stagnated. All these conditions make it an easier target for ISIS, so the area could become a security threat for the “Eurasia heartland”, and a serious danger to China and Russia.

The north of Afghanistan, bordering Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, offers another “paradise” into which ISIS could expand in Central Asia. Turkmenistan has been fighting terrorist attacks on its border with Afghanistan since 2014. To combat the threat, the Turkmen government has tried to strengthen its security forces by recruiting veterans from the Soviet era and enrolling high school students in the army. In 2015, Turkmenistan asked for direct assistance from the United States, but no moves to provide it have been made so far.

Jin says that Central Asian ISIS combatants are not recruited in Central Asian countries directly – instead, they are mostly recruited in Russia. This is because most Central Asian young people who immigrate to Russia have trouble integrating, which makes them vulnerable to extremist ideology.

The Uzbek Ministry of State Security estimates that more than 5,000 Uzbek nationals have already joined ISIS. The Tajik government says that interest in ISIS is spreading fast among the young people of Tajikistan. In 2015, 400 young Tajiks joined ISIS, and 120 of them died in the Middle East.

Kyrgyzstan is also a privileged target for ISIS in Central Asia. On 16 July 2015, domestic security departments arrested six alleged members of ISIS in Bishkek. According to the Kyrgyz government, the suspects were planning an attack during Eid al-Fitr the next day, with a car bomb supposed to rush into the crowd gathered in a public square; they were also planning an attack on a Russian air base in Kyrgyzstan. On 30 August 2016, a suicide car bomb injured three people at the Chinese Embassy in Bishkek. The Kyrgyzstan State Security Commission indicated that the driver was an ethnic Uyghur with a Tajik passport; he arrived in Kyrgyzstan from Istanbul on 20 August and had links to the Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP). He might have spent time in Syria fighting for Jabhat al-Nusra, now renamed Jabhat Fatah al-Sham. On 29 August, Kyrgyz counter-terrorist Special Forces shot an alleged “international terrorist organisation member” in an operation in a Bishkek suburb.

In Kazakhstan, official statistics indicate that about 1,000 nationals have left for Syria and Iraq. ISIS even released a video with a Kazakh national perpetrating a beheading. As for China, Jin reports that some Turkish organisations have been helping young militant Uyghurs to illegally immigrate to Thailand, Malaysia, or Indonesia, where they are given visas to Turkey, and then might go on to Syria. However, not much information is available about this issue.

SCO enlargement: towards the end of a “dual-core” organisation?

For more than ten years, the SCO has been gradually opening up to observer states and dialogue partners. Now, with India and Pakistan approved as full members at the Tashkent summit in June 2016, it is entering a new phase of enlargement. Chen Yurong believes that the enlargement reflects the organisation’s attractiveness; it will enhance the SCO’s international status and influence, and expand its economic and security cooperation. As Li Jinfeng points out, it will also transform the SCO from a “dual-core” (双核, shuanghe) organisation to a “China-Russia-India-led” (中俄印三国, Zhong e yin san guo) body.

Li Jinfeng says that the main motive of the SCO expansion is to counter US influence in Central Asia. He thinks that ever since the first US military base was established in Central Asia after the Cold War (officially to fight terrorism in Afghanistan), the US’s real purpose in the region has been to prevent Russia from regaining its traditional sphere of influence. Jin Kai says the Fergana Valley, for example, is not only a potential terrorist threat, but also the great powers’ “natural arena” (天然竞技场, tianran jingjichang). In the future, it is “highly possible” that it could become a “Ukraine II” (乌克兰第二, Wukelan di er), caught up in the fight for influence between the US and Russia.

However, China-Russia relations should not be much affected by the enlargement. Li Jinfeng thinks that competition between China and Russia centres only on economic and soft power issues. On security, their interests largely coincide.

Counter-terrorism has always been a core component of the SCO and has strongly contributed to the institutionalisation process of the organisation. So, the current threats as well as the accession of new member states should broaden the SCO’s scope for multilateral and bilateral cooperation. As Li Jinfeng says, the SCO’s counter-terrorism mission will continue to be to “prevent the ‘three forces’ [of terrorism, separatism, and extremism] from spreading from South and West Asia” to Central Asia, China, and Russia.