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achievvers · 11 months ago
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Discover the Best Libraries for Self-Study Near Ramprastha
Are you looking for a comfortable and affordable library to enhance your self-study sessions in and around Ramprastha? Explore the top libraries designed for higher studies, offering a quiet and conducive environment for students. Find out which libraries near Ramprastha provide the best facilities at very nominal charges. Share your experiences and get recommendations on the best study spots to achieve your academic goals. Discover a haven for focused learning in the heart of Ramprastha, perfect for students and lifelong learners alike.
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wwewewwsd · 7 months ago
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A Complete Guide for IMI Kolkata MBA Fees
With so many options available, it becomes very difficult to decide which MBA to pursue from a well-known institution in India. Amongst all these names, one name that had been very popular was due to the quality faculty, rigorous academic curriculum, and excellent placement opportunities at IMI Kolkata.Therefore, it attracts students from all over the country. A key factor that is always considered before applying for such a course is the fees structure of IMI Kolkata MBA. In this article, we cover the detailed insights of IMI Kolkata MBA fees with related costs. Overview: IMI Kolkata MBA Fees The fees of the IMI Kolkata MBA are so designed that it is quite affordable while not compromising on the quality of education. The fees for the full-time PGDM for the 2024-2026 batch is INR 13.5 lakhs. It covers the tuition fees, library charges, and other academic resources. IMI Kolkata MBA Fees Breakup A breakup of the IMI Kolkata MBA fees is very significant to the students. And here's a detailed breakup: The largest portion of the IMI Kolkata MBA fees will be used in tuition fees that cover learning in classrooms and academic resources. Hostel charges are a part of general IMI Kolkata MBA fees.The institute also provides an on-campus accommodation facility and the charges depend on which type of room is chosen by the student. Mess Charges: Mess charges are taken separately, but at nominal rates so that students get quality food throughout their stay. Caution Deposit: A caution deposit is included in the payment made initially and is refundable as well. Scholarships and Financial Aid The institute, in order to make IMI Kolkata MBA fees more pocket-friendly, also offers numerous scholarships. This scholarship program is merit based, need-based, and even reserved for the students of economically backward sections. Another facility of education loans in the IMI Kolkata fee is provided through various banks by which the students could easily pay out the money. Why are the IMI Kolkata MBA Fees Worth It Quality Education: With a strong curriculum and the faculty, every rupee spent on IMI Kolkata MBA fees finds value. Placement Opportunities: The institute has a perfect record for placement and justifies investment in IMI Kolkata MBA fees. Holistic Development: The course is designed for professional as well as personal growth of students, which in turn justifies the payment done for the IMI Kolkata MBA fees. Payment options for IMI Kolkata MBA fees IMI Kolkata has a flexible payment schedule to make the process of paying the full amount of IMI Kolkata MBA fees at one go less burdensome. Usually, the fees are paid in installments, and specific deadlines are communicated to students on admission. Other costs beyond IMI Kolkata MBA Fees Apart from the main IMI Kolkata MBA fee, which students have to pay to get into this course, other expenses such as books, personal travel, and some extracurricular activities, will be there. They are minimal but should always be considered so that finances are planned properly. Conclusion MBA at IMI Kolkata is a costly affair and understanding the fees structure of IMI Kolkata MBA will help in better planning. The transparent fee structure of the institute, coupled with scholarships and excellent ROI, justifies the fees paid for education and career opportunities. So, if you want to join the IMI Kolkata, do not let the fees of the IMI Kolkata MBA scare off your dreams; with proper financial planning, you can get admitted to it and have a fruitful academic journey. To know more about the fees of MBA at IMI Kolkata, check out the site or reach the admissions office today!
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warningsine · 1 year ago
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very year on 16 June, South Africa commemorates the revolt of black school children against the inferior “bantu education” system on that day in 1976. The horror of police shooting and killing unarmed children caused a global uproar. Historian Rico Devara Chapman’s research interests include a focus on the African diaspora’s historical and contemporary struggles for justice, particularly student activism in the United States and South Africa. We asked him about similarities between student revolts under the systems of apartheid in South Africa and Jim Crow in the United States.
You draw parallels between Jim Crow and apartheid. Please explain.
Apartheid was officially made policy in 1948 in South Africa, designating Africans to “bantustans”. These were the 10 undeveloped areas African people were deemed to belong in, where they could exercise nominal self-rule, separate from the minority white population.
It became mandatory for Africans to carry passbooks – identity books that controlled their movements. Apartheid also institutionalised segregation in all public places, including schools and institutions of higher learning. Though some of these measures were in place before 1948, they were extended under apartheid.
Jim Crow laws in America began as early as 1865, similarly confining African Americans to designated neighbourhoods, hospitals and schools. The name “Jim Crow” originated in the early 19th century from minstrel shows that depicted Black people as unintelligent.
Both systems were set up to keep and advance white supremacy. They are the context for Black youth resistance in both countries.
The African youth movements in South Africa and the American South had long histories with high points and low points of participation. Both movements used tactics of non-violent direct action, non-violent direct action, civil disobedience and armed resistance.
There has been a long history of resistance to white hegemony in both countries, going beyond the liberation struggle in South Africa and the civil rights movement in America.
African youth resistance to white oppression throughout Africa had similar tactics and strategies.
How did student resistance in South Africa and the US manifest?
During the 1960s age of Jim Crow America, students from historically Black colleges and universities would conduct sit-in protests at segregated lunch counters and segregated libraries, and wade in at segregated beaches, challenging the retrogressive way of life in the American South.
They were fed up with second-class citizenship and went to jail by the hundreds to ultimately defeat the segregationists’ forces. Though challenges continued, Jim Crow segregation was legally abolished in 1964 with the enactment of the Civil Rights Act in 1964, followed by the Voting Rights Act in 1965.
In South Africa during the 1970s, students used similar tactics to break the back of apartheid. Students from high school up through tertiary education would be on the front lines fighting apartheid. The policy also designated them as second-class citizens and forced them to attend separate educational institutions.
Read more: South Africa's epochal 1976 uprisings shouldn't be reduced to a symbolic ritual
South African students would boycott, strike and physically fight the security forces in charge of maintaining the apartheid system. When liberation organisations such as the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania were banned in 1960, and their leaders imprisoned or forced to leave the country forever, it was the youth who continued the resistance movement.
Students used the campus and took to the streets to fight for equal rights. These protests happened at different points in American and South African history yet were closely related in their core values.
Did the activists have any impact beyond student politics?
The Black Power movement in America would come to influence the Black Consciousness movement in South Africa. The South African liberation struggle shared some fundamental characteristics with the modern civil rights movement in the United States.
A number of leaders began their lifelong career as activists and movement organisers on college campuses where many of the initial struggles for social change took place. Kwame Ture (formerly Stokely Carmichael) was a lead organiser in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. He led the call for Black Power in the United States.
Steve Biko, founding member of the South African Students Organisation, was a leader of the ideology of Black Consciousness in South Africa.
The two movements galvanised African people throughout the world. They had similar programmes and objectives, and faced related challenges in regard to white liberal involvement.
How has student activism changed in both countries?
When liberation struggle leader Nelson Mandela was released from prison and eventually elected president of South Africa in 1994, student movements had to adjust. They now had to engage an African government around various student concerns that were now non-racial. There were student protests post-1994 that addressed tuition fee increases.
As students in the US witnessed the election of the nation’s first Black president, Barack Obama, in 2008, jubilation filled the air. However, racism in the country intensified.
The continued harassment and killing of young Black men, such as Trayvon Martin and Mike Brown, sparked young people to once again take to the streets through the #BlackLivesMatter movement developed in 2013-2014 as a response.
Economic disparities and unaffordable tuition fees prompted several months of protests by South African students under the #FeesMustFall banner in 2015-2016.
Obviously, differences existed between the two movements, as they operated in different geographical settings and differed in their socio-political developmental stages.
But the anger and rage against remnants of Jim Crow and apartheid was visible in #BlackLivesMatter and #FeesMustFall.
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ollieofthebeholder · 4 years ago
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leaves too high to touch (roots too strong to fall): a TMA fanfic
Tumblr tag || Also on AO3.
Chapter 35: Sasha
“Are you sure you’ll be all right?” Jon asks anxiously.
“I’m fine, Jon,” Sasha says for what feels like the tenth time in the last three minutes. “Phone’s fully charged, so is my laptop. The trapdoor is unlocked and I can get there from my desk in fifteen seconds flat, I’ve timed it. And if all else fails”—she waves her tape recorder at him—“I’ve got this, so there will at least be a record of whatever happens to me.”
Jon frowns. “That’s not funny.”
“It wasn’t meant to be.” Sasha sighs.
It’s not that she doesn’t appreciate that her boss has her best interests at heart. She does. And they’re all friends, and that helps too. But Jon’s paranoia has been back in full force since his encounter with Nikola Orsinov. Tim and Martin are fairly good at tempering it, from what she’s noticed, but he still jumps at small noises and insists they stay together in pairs whenever possible. She doesn’t blame him, especially after they tell the Primes what happened and Jon Prime nearly has a panic attack before he manages to pull himself together. The situation feels like it’s balanced on the edge of a razor blade separating a lake of fire on one side and a bottomless pit on the other—like their choices are to maintain the balance and risk bleeding out before they can get to the other side, or fall to one side or the other and trust in a rescue.
Sasha can admit, if only to herself, that she’s curious about what a lake of fire might feel like to swim in, or if a bottomless hole is truly bottomless, but she’s not going to doom the whole world just to see what happens if she does.
“Jon. It’s okay,” she repeats. “It’s ten in the morning. The building is full of people. I’ll be as safe as I can be. Besides, someone’s got to be here in case someone wants to see what we do in the basement or Elias decides to stop lurking in the shadows and come down to cause havoc. You three have had this planned for weeks.” Raising her voice a little, she adds, “And someone’s got to stop Tim from attempting to fistfight the waxworks because he thinks they’re going to attack.”
“Shut up, Sasha,” Tim calls from the other side of the Archives, where he’s reshelving his files.
Jon smiles, if a bit reluctantly. “And we do both need to be there, if he’s serious about…all right. Just promise you’ll be careful.”
“Cross my heart.” Sasha returns the smile. “You three be careful, too. If I hear about any of you on the twelve o’clock news, I’ll—”
“Disavow any knowledge of us and refuse our phone calls from jail?” Martin supplies as he returns from wherever he’s been and picks up his jacket.
Sasha snorts. “Don’t be ridiculous. I’m going to milk my association with you for all it’s worth. Can you imagine how much the media would pay for an exclusive interview with a close friend of the Waxwork Assassins?”
Jon’s laugh sounds a little unwilling, but from the slight easing in the tension in his shoulders, Sasha guesses she hit the right note. She can’t make him smile as easily as Martin or Tim can, but every once in a while she manages it.
“Don’t work too hard,” Tim says, clapping her on the shoulder as he passes.
“I intend to break out the champagne as soon as you leave,” Sasha shoots back. “Go. Have fun. Try not to punch anything.”
“See you tomorrow, Sasha,” Martin says.
Sasha walks them to the door of the Archives and waves as they set off, Tim on one side and Martin on the other. It’s one of those arbitrary Saturdays Elias has once a quarter where he declares the Institute open to anyone, not just academics, which means they’re all supposed to be in until noon. He always declares them less than a week in advance, though, and Sasha’s fellow team members have already made plans to spend a few hours at Madame Tussauds; partly it’s that they want to see if they can figure out what the Not-Sasha was doing there in the Primes’ time, partly it’s that none of them ever really go off and do anything fun outside their house and they frankly deserve it. Sasha also knows that Tim is going to practice what he’s been learning, about targeting his vision. She’s not sure if that’s knowledge granted to her by the Eye or if she just knows Tim well enough to have figured it out; either way, she wonders if Jon and Martin are aware of it and if she should have warned them. Then she recalls Jon’s half-finished sentence and mentally kicks herself. Of course Jon and Martin are aware of what Tim’s planning. He’s trying to be better about communicating—they all are—so of course he would have told them, probably when he booked their tickets for today. He probably just forgot she hadn’t been part of the conversation.
She heads back to her desk and tells herself not to worry. They’ll be fine.
Settling in at her computer, she goes back to the research she’s doing on this current statement. Martin’s new cross-indexing system pulled up several potential matches, and she’s digging to see if any of it pans out. (Although, considering the nature of the statement, maybe she shouldn’t use phrases like that.) It’s definitely a Flesh statement; unlike the others, which can be more subtle, the Flesh is blatantly obvious when it turns up.
After a few minutes, though, she gives up. She does not have the stomach for this, not today. Instead, she clicks through a few layers of security until she’s in her private, hidden part of her laptop and her private research project. She’s got a few notes to dictate, and she doesn’t like taking work home with her, so she scoops up her laptop and the new tape recorder that matches her nails and retreats to the depths of Document Storage. They prefer doing their unofficial tapes…not on the main floor. It makes them feel a little better, she supposes.
It’s Martin who carved out the space in the boxes, carefully shuffling them around until there’s a little niche just wide enough for a comfortable chair, with an extra box missing from the layer so there’s somewhere to set drinks or notes as the case may be. It’s Tim who found the worn but sturdy armchair at a charity shop, and, surprisingly, it’s Jon who bought what is possibly the world’s tackiest slipcover, what Sasha can only class as “electric paisley”. Tim claims it looks exactly like what he sees when he looks at the shelves in the Archives, but only to Sasha and Martin; he doesn’t even joke about it in front of Jon. Sasha can’t decide if it’s sweet or something she should be concerned about.
She settles into the armchair, legs folded into the lotus position beneath her, and sets her laptop on the note box, then clicks on her tape recorder.
“Research of Sasha James, Archival assistant at the Magnus Institute, regarding the heads of the Institute, past and present,” she says. “Recorded eleventh February, 2017. Notes on Director Thomas Fitzwalter, fourth Head of the Institute, tenure 1940 to 1941.”
At least she doesn’t have a lot of people to look into. In some ways, her self-appointed task is easier than Tim’s or Martin’s, just because the scope is so much tighter. In other ways, of course, it’s harder. Tim only needs to work with himself, and Martin’s index is entirely self-contained within the Archives and their ongoing research. Sasha may only have a total of seven people to actually look into, but they’re hard to pin down. Partly it’s their age; records that predate digital record-keeping are trickier to search, as she has to hope they’ve been indexed online or find a library that might have the resources she needs. Partly it’s the fact that, well, they’re men who were only nominally themselves and were actually Jonah Magnus. Naturally he wouldn’t want people looking too closely at them.
But she’s struck, as she describes the details she’s been able to pull up about the man who had the shortest tenure as Institute Head due to what was either a poorly-timed or well-timed German bomb, by just how unremarkable all of the people she’s looked into were. None of them were standouts in their field, students from prestigious universities, or the scions of powerful families—which has to be a first in academia. She’s working her way backwards, so maybe she’ll find something different with the two men between Jonah Magnus and Thomas Fitzwalter, but so far, not a single one of them has been remotely distinguished, and in any other institute it would be a shock for them to ascend to head it up. Especially so quickly.
“I’m kind of curious as to why the Eye didn’t warn Fitzwalter about the attack in time to get under cover,” she muses. “I’m still doing research into him, so it’s possible he just wasn’t very likable or intelligent, but—”
“Hello?”
“Shit,” Sasha hisses. It’s not one of her boys—or Elias, which is a plus—but that means it’s someone she needs to deal with. “End recording.”
She snaps off the tape, pockets the recorder, closes her laptop, and hastens out to the main Archives with a smile plastered on her face. It falters when she sees who’s standing there—none other than P.C. Basira Hussain, arms folded tightly across her chest. Sasha is ready to get defensive, but then she takes a closer look at her face. She looks…grim is one word for it. Haunted is another. Gutted might come closest.
“Officer Hussain?” she says cautiously.
Basira makes a good effort at glaring at her, but it’s not particularly intimidating. “Was looking for J—Sims.”
“He’s out today,” Sasha answers. “It’s just me, I’m afraid. Can I help you?”
Basira makes a noncommittal noise. “That happen often? Them leaving you to hold down the fort on your own?”
“No, usually there are at least two of us around at all times, especially these days. But we’re also not usually here on Saturdays,” Sasha says. “Open house. Director Bouchard”—she says his name in the clipped, precise, tight-lipped manner of a woman in a male-dominated industry speaking of a superior who would like to keep it that way—“scheduled it somewhat last-minute, and the others already had plans for the afternoon.”
“And they made you stay, did they? Typical men.”
“Actually, I offered. I’ve taken more days off in the last year than all three of them put together, not counting when Martin was out on medical leave after his stint as a colander.”
Basira almost smiles. Sasha sets her laptop on her desk and comes closer. “Okay, I’ve got to ask—is this a professional visit or a personal one? Not like that,” she adds quickly when Basira stiffens. “I know you’re not—Jon doesn’t seem like your type. I just meant—are you here as a cop or…?”
“No, it’s…” Basira sighs heavily. “Just needed to talk to him, I guess. I called yesterday and—”
Sasha remembers now. Jon came out of his office and had Martin pull up all the cases they’ve come across involving the name Maxwell Rayner. “Yeah, I—he mentioned that.”
“He did,” Basira says flatly.
Shit, they’re not supposed to know Basira is feeding him those tapes…but then Sasha thinks, to hell with it. “Yeah. It’s hard to keep secrets around here, you know? Turns out we’re all developing spooky supernatural powers, and mine is that sometimes I know things without knowing how I know them. I mean, sometimes I can Know things on purpose, but mostly it’s just passing by someone and accidentally plucking a secret out of their brain without meaning to. Let me tell you, I did not need to know that the man behind the counter at my favorite coffee shop has a foot fetish.”
“I dunno, that might be useful in the summer if you’re the type to wear sandals.” Basira relaxes, just a fraction, which surprises Sasha more than a little. “What did he say?”
“Just that you’d called and asked about Maxwell Rayner. Look, have a seat, you look like you’re about to fall over. Can I get you anything? Coffee? Tea? There’s some peppermint hot cocoa, too, if that strikes your fancy.” Sasha means it—Basira does look like she needs some fortification, and maybe to talk and get something off her chest—but if she’s being honest, she’s also burning with curiosity about what happened. She’s got to be careful about bringing that up, though. “Sorry we don’t have anything stronger, but, you know, we’re pretending to be professional.”
“Actually, that cocoa doesn’t sound too bad,” Basira mutters. She drops into Tim’s chair and leans her folded arms on his desk, staring at the surface like it holds the secrets of the universe.
Sasha hurries over to their tea station and pulls out one of the spare mugs they rarely use, along with the mug that long ago became hers. Cocoa sounds good, actually. It was grey and overcast when she came in, and she Knows without meaning to that it’s just barely warm enough that it’s raining instead of snowing, so it’s a good day for cocoa. She gives a fleeting thought to wondering if the Primes are warm enough in the stone tunnels, then goes back to making the cocoa.
“Here,” she says, handing the guest mug to Basira. “Made with water, not milk, but I mix a little bit of creamer into it. Works a treat.”
“Thanks,” Basira mutters.
As Sasha takes her seat, she notices her tape recorder sitting on her desk. It was definitely in her pocket a minute ago, and she definitely didn’t take it out, but there it is, innocuously resting next to her laptop. And, she notices, it’s running.
It’s not really a surprise, in some ways. Obviously Basira has a statement, and obviously it’s the real McCoy. It just startles Sasha that the tape recorder turned itself on…and for her. She sort of figured that only happens for Jon. It’s honestly a bit of a thrill, knowing that whatever is behind these tapes recognizes her.
She collects herself. “I take it that…whatever you were asking about Rayner for didn’t go well?”
Basira takes a long drink of her cocoa. “We lost Altman. Just…wasn’t paying attention. Don’t know what they’re going to tell his family. Guess it could have been worse, though, if I hadn’t talked to your boss first, so…tell him I said thanks.”
Sasha reaches over and squeezes Basira’s free hand as comfortingly as she can. Surprisingly, Basira grips it back. “Do you want to talk about it? I mean…I know you’re probably bound by all kinds of confidential agreements and all that, but you can ask any of the others, I’m really good at keeping secrets. We’re trying not to keep secrets from each other, but if you tell me not to say anything to them, I won’t. Just between you and me and whatever’s at the other end of the tape recorder that I absolutely did not turn on myself, by the way. Did you?”
Basira stares at it. “Fuck. Didn’t even notice it was on.” She takes a deep breath. “You know, I—I think I do want to talk about it. Don’t even care if you tell the others, or play them the tape or whatever, just…I need to talk to someone, I think. And with all those Section Thirty-One forms, this is probably the only place I can talk about it. Sure the only place I can talk about it and not feel crazy.”
Sasha nods. “Be glad you didn’t come in a year, year and a half ago. Jon’s skeptic act was legendary.”
“I’ll bet. He looks like a skeptic who got thrown in the deep end.” Basira makes an attempt at a smile. “Where do you want me to start?”
“As the King of Hearts said to the White Rabbit, ‘Begin at the beginning, and go on until you reach the end: then stop.’”
“Alice in Wonderland. Fitting. That’s about what it felt like.” Basira sets down the mug on the table. “Well then. I guess the beginning is with the disappearance of Callum Brodie.”
Sasha keeps her eyes on Basira’s face as she describes the events at the Outer Bay Shipping industrial complex in Harringay. There’s just a little bit of static in her ears as she listens, but mostly it’s just Basira’s voice and the story she’s telling. It is…objectively terrifying, to be honest. Sasha’s always been just a little bit afraid of the dark, or at least of what might be hiding in the dark, and although she never says anything to the others, the Dark statements get to her. She’s never heard one live, though. Never sat with someone and felt their terror coursing through the loop of the shared space between them as they describe coming face to face with one of the two entities Sasha is willing to admit she genuinely fears (the other, obviously, being the Stranger, and she’s still not sure if that’s because of what it did to her Prime counterpart or because of what it did to Tim or just because it’s the natural enemy of the entity she’s bound to). It’s compelling, and the air seems charged with something, but she can’t say what.
“I think they were connected to that cult group from way back, the Church of the Divine whatever,” Basira says at last. She sounds drained.
“The People’s Church of the Divine Host,” Sasha supplies. “Rayner was their leader back in the nineties. We’ve had—God, how many statements about them? I can probably pull them for you if you want.”
“I don’t,” Basira says firmly. “Not even a little. I’ve been thinking a lot over the last few days, and��I’m done. With the police, with Section Thirty-One, all of it. Was going to tell Jon in person, but if he’s not here, this is the best I can do. Anyway, you all have my statement. I felt like I owed it to you.”
Sasha tilts her head to one side. “You’re really quitting?”
“Yeah. And you should, too. All of you. This place…it’s not right.”
Sasha can’t help the soft snort of laughter. “No kidding. I can’t, though.”
Basira raises an eyebrow. “Have to see it through? Or is it loyalty to your coworkers?”
She sounds bitter—like she’s talking from personal experience. Sasha wants to probe at that, but throttles it back. First of all, Basira is a lot pricklier than the rest of Team Archives, she won’t respond to her the same way. And second of all, she is actively trying to be less of an arse about that sort of thing. Instead, she decides for complete honesty. “No, it’s the sort of thing you’re done with. I’m being literal when I say I can’t quit. We’re bound to the Institute—to the Archives. If any of us try to leave, we’ll die.”
“I’ll keep that in mind if I ever get offered a job here,” Basira says dryly. She squeezes Sasha’s hand—it’s only then Sasha realizes they’ve maintained that physical contact throughout the entirety of her statement—then stands up. “Tell Jon I said to stay safe.”
Sasha stands, too, and watches her head to the door. Before she gets there, though, she calls out, “Basira.”
Basira stops and looks back over her shoulder. “What?”
Sasha should ask about the tapes—Jon’s going to want to know, they all want to know, and if Basira quits the force they might have to ask Daisy to bring them and nobody wants that—but what comes out of her mouth is, “Keep a light on for a while. It—I don’t want it to come after you, too.”
Basira studies her for a moment, then gives a small half-smile. “I will. Thanks, Sasha.” With that, she leaves the Archives.
Click! The tape recorder shuts itself off. Sasha stares at it for a moment, then swears. Unlike the others, she didn’t grow up functionally bilingual, so her profanity is limited to English and the smattering of dirty words she and her classmates looked up in French class, but she makes good use of them. She hits the button to rewind the tape with one hand and fishes out her phone with the other. Calling up the obnoxiously-named group chat, she hastily thumbs a message: [Let me know when you’re done.]
That done, she opens her laptop again and sets into some serious research.
Nobody ever visits the Archives on Open House days; the only people who ever come down here anyway are students doing dissertations who need firsthand accounts, especially older ones, and no self-respecting student works on a Saturday morning. So there’s no one to interrupt her as she clicks through Martin’s index, then switches her focus to the onerous task of following the twists and threads of corporate ownership. They haven’t done much research into Maxwell Rayner, either, or at least not as much as they should, so Sasha broadens her search for the name. What she comes up with nearly steals the breath from her lungs. It’s a coincidence, it has to be…
“Sasha?”
Sasha jumps, nearly flipping her laptop across the desk, and whips her head around to see Jon, Martin, and Tim coming towards her, looking worried. “Jesus, you three scared the hell out of me. What are you doing here?”
“You weren’t answering. We got worried,” Martin says, pointing at her phone.
Sasha looks and sees that she’s missed fifteen texts in the group chat, starting with [We’re done. What’s up?] and devolving from there into mild panic. She flushes. “Sorry. I guess I got a bit wrapped up in my research…didn’t expect you to be done so quickly. Um, how did it go?”
“Fine. Stranger-free,” Tim answers. “One of the staff members has something, though. Jon smelled the statement on her—”
“That makes it sound worse, somehow,” Jon mutters.
“—and I’m pretty sure it’s a Desolation,” Tim continues. “Hopefully she stops by at some point so we can confirm that. What are you still doing here?”
Martin looks over her shoulder at the page called up on her screen. “Max—? Basira. She called back?”
“She was here,” Sasha tells him. She points at her recorder. “The operation she was on went sideways. It’s all on there, but if you’re going to listen, I need to be somewhere else.”
“No, it’s—some other time, maybe.” Jon rubs his forehead. “Summarize for us?”
“Rayner and his…cult, or what’s left of it, kidnapped a boy named Callum Brodie about three weeks ago,” Sasha answers. “The police apparently got a tip-off as to where they’d taken him—a place up in Harringay registered to Outer Bay Shipping. They had a raid yesterday and it was pretty much entirely sectioned officers. Basira called you as soon as she realized that, and by the way, she says thank you for the tip about the lights, because it’s probably the only reason they didn’t all end up dead.” She pauses, wondering how to wrap it all into a neat package, then finally says, “Details are on the tape, but the long and the short of it is that some…really dark stuff came pouring out of Rayner’s mouth and tried to go into Callum Brodie. The officer who shot him probably stopped that from happening, and from the sound of it, the kid’s going to be okay. Rayner is dead. So are three other cult members and one officer. And Basira’s quitting the force. I get the feeling this was kind of the straw that broke the camel’s back for her.”
Jon exhales, hard. “Christ.”
Martin is still studying the screen over her shoulder. “Sasha, this is—does that say what I think it does?”
“Yep. It doesn’t look like Mr. Rayner was particularly subtle.” Sasha looks up at Martin and can see in his eyes that he’s reached the same conclusion she has. Turning to Jon and Tim, who both look confused, she elaborates, “Maxwell Rayner, and the People’s Church of the Divine Host, are associated with the Dark, right? And darkness was flowing out of him into Callum Brodie.”
Jon’s face goes ashen. “Are you saying they were trying to initiate him into their cult? To—to mark him? Christ, how old is he?”
“Twelve, but…no, not exactly. Worse.” Sasha taps one fingernail on the edge of her laptop. “I widened my search for Rayner to before the nineties, especially in conjunction with…weird stuff, and I found this buried in a site about Edmund Halley. The description tallies pretty damn closely with the description of the man in the nineties, so either it’s a family line that doesn’t use suffixes—”
“Or,” Tim says, his eyes going wide with horror, “Maxwell Rayner has been extending his life by taking over new bodies as he ages out of the old one.”
“Or,” Martin adds softly, “stealing the life force of other people. Christ, I’d think that’d be more a Terminus power, but…I guess it’s possible?”
“Darkness. Like—” Jon breaks off the rest of the sentence, but he doesn’t need to say it. They all know what he’s thinking of. Sasha just hopes Elias isn’t paying attention to them right now. “I suppose that’s something we’ll have to…run down.”
“Good idea.” Sasha closes her laptop and stands up, palming the recorder. “Let’s go do that right now.”
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lsesu · 6 years ago
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Your guide to: Extra curricular activities
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You asked for more information on extracurricular activities, well buckle up people because there is LOADS that you can get involved in outside of study at LSE! It shouldn’t be all work and no play. You should be spending part of your time at university doing things that are not related to your course – it’s good for your mental health, wellbeing, happiness and your personal or professional development.
No matter what your interests or what you would like to achieve, we are sure that there will be an extracurricular event, project, initiative or “thing” that will take your fancy. Here’s a quick insight into the things that you can get involved in:
Events
Perhaps one of the easiest ways to make the best use of your time outside of lectures. We have tons of events that run every day, every week and every term! Some are run by us, some are run by students and some are run by LSE.
We (your Students’ Union) are the home of all the fun things, so you can expect our events to be ones to remember! In our recent SU Awards, it was the “Sweeney Todd” theatre performance by the Drama Society that won in the Best Event category, with a cultural showcase called “Ablaze” by the African Caribbean Society coming in a close 2nd. To find out more about LSESU events, keep an eye on our What’s on calendar.
The school itself also holds a variety of events throughout the year, these range from public lectures all the way through to fairs and workshops. For some LSE events, you can even catch up on what you missed if you weren’t able to attend with the LSE Player. To find out more about LSE events, keep an eye on the LSE events website.
RAG
Maybe you want to give back to the community? Do your bit for a good cause? Raise money for people in need? We have just the thing!
The LSESU Raising and Giving society (RAG) is a three-times award winning society that raises money every year for amazing causes and allows students to get involved in fun and exciting acts of charitable fundraising.
Getting involved with the RAG society could mean that you are granted with some of the most memorable experiences that you can have while at university. “Jailbreak” is an infamous annual RAG event, that challenges participants to get as far across the globe as possible from their starting point…with absolutely no money. Past winners have ended up in Thailand and Belarus!
What makes these once-in-a-lifetime experiences so great, is knowing that you are giving back to a good cause at the same time (as said by students who have been involved in RAG). Head over to the RAG page on our website to find out more
Oh, and keep an eye on their dedicated Facebook Page, as announcements regarding the 2019 RAG Band (LSE’s official Welcome week events) will be coming soon!
Funding
Have you got a big idea? Think it could really benefit the rest of the students at LSE? Well, you better get reading about our funding pots!
Here at LSESU, we are excited by student ideas and encourage students to develop and implement their own projects. So much so, that we have even set aside pots of money especially for you guys, so that you can make your big ideas happen!
We have a Student Union Fund that grants sums of money to students who have ideas for projects or initiatives, and you can apply for up to £20,000! Funding can be granted to any idea for any project, by any student or any student group…all you have to do is apply!
If there is something missing from your student experience or if there is a project that you’ve always wanted to try out, applying for one of our funding pots­­ is a great way to make it a reality, enhance the lives of your fellow students AND build your CV in the process. You benefit, we benefit, your fellow students benefit – everyone is a winner!
Find out more about the Students’ Union Fund, the criteria and how you can apply for it here.
Fitness classes
Keeping fit doesn’t have to be a chore at university. While we have got our very own LSESU Gym on the 4thfloor of our building, we know that this won’t be everyone’s cup of tea for getting active.
Our fitness class timetable is a great way to get moving in a more social environment, where you can make friends and get fit at the same time. Exercise can often help to clear the mind and promote wellness, and many students have found that getting involved in our weekly classes is a fantastic way to maintain good wellbeing and mental health at LSE.
A class pass can cost you as little as £15 and will grant you unlimited access to all of the fitness classes that run throughout the term! Our class timetable includes Pilates, Self Defence, Yoga, Boxfit, Zumba, Swimming, HIIT and so much more.
Find out more about our Fitness Classes here.
Campaigns Hub
Is there an issue or a cause that you feel passionate about? How would you like the support, guidance and funding to be able to actually act on that particular issue?
At LSESU, we have a dedicated Campaigns Hub, which helps students facilitate, plan and run their own campaigns. In the past, students have seen big wins both at LSE but also in the wider world due to their involvement with Campaigns Hub.
Whether you are an activist to the core or are simply interested in acting on one particular issue, Campaigns Hub will be able to support you in the ways that you need. This is also a way to connect with and meet like-minded individuals, who also share the same passion that you do of making a difference in the world.
What better way to start an interview than by explaining how you had an idea for addressing an issue, you acted on it and it resulted in making a permanent, long lasting and historical change? There’s no reason why this can’t be you!
Elections
If you want to impress your future employer with an application or CV with ample experience, this is the BEST way to do it!
Every year we run Michealmas (1st) term elections and Lent (2nd) term elections. Students will nominate themselves for one of the student officer positions that we have available before campaigning for your votes. Whoever receives the most votes in the count will be elected as the new officer for that category.
Ok, so why are these officer positions so important? Our student officers actually have the power to change policy and decision making among the highest levels of LSE’s management…basically, they get to tell the big dogs at the school what to do. It’s important for the senior leaders at the school to get sign off and agreement from our LSESU Student Officers, which is why these positions hold great amounts of power and authority.
Now, if you haven’t already realised…these Officer roles are incredible leadership opportunities where you can negotiate and persuade the highest levels of management and shape the direction of a multi-million pound organisation. Plus, you’ll be managing massive budgets, project managing your own large scale initiatives, all within a highly politically charged context. If that’s not going to make your CV shine, then we don’t know what is!
We have 5 full time officer positions and 12 part time officer positions, which include Social Mobility & Class Officer, Raising & Giving Officer, International Students’ Officer and LGBT+ Officer. If you want to enrich your skillset and professional experience alongside your studies, then you should definitely consider nominating yourself for one of these officer positions!
But even if you don’t fancy standing for one of these roles, you should familiarise yourself with who your officers are and make sure you voice any concerns you have about LSE directly to them, as they have the power to do something about it! And at the very least, you should vote for your favourite candidate. After all, you don’t want someone who isn’t going to benefit you being put in charge!
Union General Meetings
Guess what! There is this awesome little thing at your Students’ Union called the Union General Meeting. Sounds really clunky, but we’re going to break it down for you:
The Union General Meeting happens every month during term time. It is an opportunity for you guys to submit motions for changes that you want to see at LSE. Previous motions have included the introduction of bean bags in the LSE Library (no, this isn’t a joke) and free menstrual products in the LSESU toilets.
At the meeting, the motion is pitched by the student who has proposed it, which is all captured on live stream so that any student can tune in to see all the action. Students can then vote for or against the motion on our website. If the motion gets more than 250 votes in agreement, then the motion passes and we HAVE to implement your changes!
So, this is why you will see the pre-mentioned beanbags in the library and free menstrual products in LSESU toilets, because the motions passed and we got it done!
Why not make your student life even better for yourself? Put forward your changes, campaign for your fellow students’ votes and make them happen! You can make long lasting changes at LSE, all you have to do is get involved.
Find out more about past motions and the Union General Meeting process here.
LSE Volunteer Centre
Here’s another way that you can give back in your spare time. The LSE Volunteer Centre runs tons of events and programmes where you can get involved in helping out some fantastic causes.
The great thing about the LSE Volunteer Centre is it has a range of flexible initiatives, so no matter what kind of student you are, they should have something to suit you. They run #JustOneHour opportunities, which are ways for those time-strapped students to do their bit for the community in an hour or less. There’s also one off volunteering and ongoing volunteering opportunities that you can sign up to.
Some of the causes that students have gotten involved with in the past include working with dementia patients, food distribution charities as well as NGOs in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
Volunteering was a big part of your General Secretary, Zulum’s, experience here at LSE and he says it made his LSE journey so much more rewarding. Find out more about the LSE Volunteer Centre here and keep an eye on their page for new and upcoming opportunities.
AU Sports Clubs & BUCS
And now for the more obvious ones, joining a student group. Joining one of our LSESU Sports Clubs also means that you become part of the Athletics Union. The Athletics Union is a large community of students who are interested in playing sport at any level, and it is a great way to make friends.
We have over 50 Athletics Union Sports Clubs that you can join, read more about them on our website. Most student groups will be running Give it a go sessions in the 1st term, so keep an eye on the Give it a go Calendar to spot any free taster sessions for the clubs that you’re interested in.
Societies
From Debate and united nations to beekeeping and cocktails, we’ve got such a huge range of societies for you to get involved in. No matter what your interests, beliefs or hobbies, we’re sure that you’ll find at least one that takes your fancy (we have over 200!). Or even if you don’t, you can easily start up your own society with the help of our Societies team.
Another great way to make friends and engage in your favourite things or pass times. Check out the full list of societies here. There will also be give it a go sessions for societies, so keep your eyes on the give it a go calendar.
Student Media Groups
Interested in gaining some experience in media? We are lucky to be one of the only student unions in the country with 4 student media groups, which means more opportunities for you guys! You can get involved with The Beaver (student newspaper), LooSE TV (youtube channel), Clare Market Review (journal) and PuLSE (radio station).
Find out more about the Beaver, LooSE TV, Clare Market Review and PuLSE on our website.
Basically, there are tons of activities that you can get involved in outside of study, all you have to do is get stuck in!
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blackkudos · 7 years ago
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Jesse Jackson Sr.
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Jesse Louis Jackson, Sr. (born Jesse Louis Burns; October 8, 1941) is an American civil rights activist, Baptist minister, and politician. He was a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1984 and 1988 and served as a shadow U.S. Senator for the District of Columbia from 1991 to 1997. He is the founder of the organizations that merged to form Rainbow/PUSH. Former U.S. Representative Jesse Jackson, Jr. is his eldest son. Jackson was also the host of Both Sides with Jesse Jackson on CNN from 1992 to 2000.
Early life and education
Jackson was born in Greenville, South Carolina, to Helen Burns (1924-2015), a 16-year-old high school student, and her 33-year-old married neighbor, Noah Louis Robinson. Robinson was a former professional boxer who was an employee of a textile brokerage and a well-known figure in the black community. One year after Jesse's birth, his mother married Charles Henry Jackson, a post office maintenance worker who later adopted the boy. Jesse was given his stepfather's name in the adoption, but as he grew up, he also maintained a close relationship with Robinson. He considered both men to be his father.
As a young child, Jackson was taunted by the other children regarding his out-of-wedlock birth, and has said these experiences helped motivate him to succeed. Living under Jim Crow segregation laws, Jackson was taught to go to the back of the bus and use separate water fountains – practices he accepted until the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955. He attended the racially segregated Sterling High School in Greenville, where he was elected student class president, finished tenth in his class, and earned letters in baseball, football and basketball.
Upon graduating from high school in 1959, he rejected a contract from a minor league professional baseball team so that he could attend the University of Illinois on a football scholarship. Following his second semester at the predominantly white University of Illinois, Jackson transferred to the North Carolina A&T, an historically black university located in Greensboro, North Carolina. There are differing accounts of the reasons behind this transfer. Jackson has claimed that he changed schools because racial prejudice prevented him from playing quarterback and limited his participation on a competitive public-speaking team. Writing on ESPN.com in 2002, sociologist Harry Edwards noted that the University of Illinois had previously had a black quarterback, but also noted that black athletes attending traditionally white colleges during the 1950s and 1960s encountered a "combination of culture shock and discrimination". Edwards also suggested that Jackson had left the University of Illinois in 1960 because he had been placed on academic probation. However, the president of the University of Illinois reported in 1987 that Jackson's 1960 freshman year transcript was clean, and said he would have been eligible to re-enroll at any time.
While attending A&T, Jackson played quarterback and was elected student body president. He became active in local civil rights protests against segregated libraries, theaters and restaurants. He graduated with a B.S. in sociology in 1964, then attended the Chicago Theological Seminary on a scholarship. He dropped out in 1966, three classes short of earning his master's degree, to focus full-time on the Civil Rights Movement. He was ordained a minister in 1968, and in 2000, was awarded his Master of Divinity Degree based on his previous credits earned, plus his life experience and subsequent work.
Civil rights activism
SCLC and Operation Breadbasket
Jackson has been known for commanding public attention since he first started working for Martin Luther King Jr. In 1965, Jackson participated in the Selma to Montgomery marches organized by James Bevel, King and other civil rights leaders in Alabama. Impressed by Jackson's drive and organizational abilities, King soon began giving Jackson a role in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), though he was concerned about Jackson's apparent ambition and attention-seeking. When Jackson returned from Selma, he was charged with establishing a frontline office for the SCLC in Chicago.
In 1966, King and Bevel selected Jackson to head the Chicago branch of the SCLC's economic arm, Operation Breadbasket and he was promoted to national director in 1967. Operation Breadbasket had been started by the Atlanta leadership of the SCLC as a job placement agency for blacks. Under Jackson's leadership, a key goal was to encourage massive boycotts by black consumers as a means to pressure white-owned businesses to hire blacks and to purchase goods and services from black-owned firms. T. R. M. Howard, a 1950s proponent of the consumer boycott tactic, soon became a major supporter of Jackson's efforts – donating and raising funds, and introducing Jackson to prominent members of the black business community in Chicago. Under Jackson's direction, Operation Breadbasket held popular weekly workshops on Chicago's south side featuring white and black political and economic leaders, and religious services complete with a jazz band and choir.
Jackson became involved in SCLC leadership disputes following the assassination of King on April 4, 1968. When King was shot, Jackson was in the parking lot one floor below. Jackson told reporters he was the last person to speak to King, and that King died in his arms – an account that several King aides disputed. In the wake of King's death, Jackson worked on SCLC's Poor People's Crusade in Washington, D.C., and was credited with managing its 15-acre tent city – but he began to increasingly clash with Ralph Abernathy, King's successor as chairman of the SCLC. In 1969, The New York Times reported that Jackson was being viewed as King's successor by several black leaders and that Jackson was one of the few black activists who was preaching racial reconciliation.
Jackson was also reportedly seeking coalition with whites in order to approach what were considered racial problems as economic and class problems, "When we change the race problem into a class fight between the haves and the have-nots, then we are going to have a new ball game", he said. In the 21st century, some public school systems are working on an approach for affirmative action that deals with family income rather than race, recognizing that some minority members have been very successful. The Times also indicated that Jackson was being criticized as too involved with middle-class blacks, and for having an unattainable goal of racial unity.
In the spring of 1971, Abernathy ordered Jackson to move the national office of Operation Breadbasket from Chicago to Atlanta and sought to place another person in charge of local Chicago activities, but Jackson refused to move. He organized the October 1971 Black Expo in Chicago, a trade and business fair to promote black capitalism and grass roots political power. The five-day event was attended by black businessmen from 40 states, as well as politicians such as Cleveland Mayor Carl Stokes, and Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley. Daley's presence was seen as a testament to the growing political and economic power of blacks.
In December 1971, Jackson and Abernathy had a complete falling out, with the split described as part of a leadership struggle between Jackson, who had a national profile, and Abernathy, whose prominence in the Civil Rights Movement was beginning to wane. The break began when Abernathy questioned the handling of receipts from the Black Expo, and then suspended Jackson as leader of Operation Breadbasket for not obtaining permission to form non-profit corporations. Al Sharpton, then youth group leader of the SCLC, left the organization to protest Jackson's treatment and formed the National Youth Movement. Jackson, his entire Breadbasket staff, and 30 of the 35 board members resigned from the SCLC and began planning a new organization. Time magazine quoted Jackson as saying at that time that the traditional civil rights movement had lost its "offensive thrust."
Operation PUSH and the Rainbow Coalition
People United to Save Humanity (Operation PUSH) officially began operations on December 25, 1971; Jackson later changed the name to People United to Serve Humanity. T. R. M. Howard was installed as a member of the board of directors and chair of the finance committee. At its inception, Jackson planned to orient Operation PUSH toward politics and to pressure politicians to work to improve economic opportunities for blacks and poor people of all races. SCLC officials reportedly felt the new organization would help black businesses more than it would help the poor.
In 1978 Jackson called for a closer relationship between blacks and the Republican Party, telling the Party's National Committee that "Black people need the Republican Party to compete for us so we can have real alternatives ... The Republican Party needs black people if it is ever to compete for national office."
In 1984, Jackson organized the Rainbow Coalition and resigned his post as president of Operation PUSH in 1984 to run for president of the United States, though he remained involved as chairman of the board. PUSH's activities were described in 1987 as conducting boycotts of business to induce them to provide more jobs and business to blacks and as running programs for housing, social services and voter registration. The organization was funded by contributions from businesses and individuals. In early 1987 the continued existence of Operation PUSH was imperiled by debt, a fact that was used by Jackson's political opponents during his race for the 1988 Democratic Party nomination. In 1996, the Operation PUSH and Rainbow Coalition organizations were merged.
International activism
Jackson's influence extended to international matters in the 1980s and 1990s. In 1983, Jackson traveled to Syria to secure the release of a captured American pilot, Navy Lt. Robert Goodman who was being held by the Syrian government. Goodman had been shot down over Lebanon while on a mission to bomb Syrian positions in that country. After a dramatic personal appeal that Jackson made to Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, Goodman was released. Initially, the Reagan administration was skeptical about Jackson's trip to Syria. However, after Jackson secured Goodman's release, United States President Ronald Reagan welcomed both Jackson and Goodman to the White House on January 4, 1984. This helped to boost Jackson's popularity as an American patriot and served as a springboard for his 1984 presidential run. In June 1984, Jackson negotiated the release of twenty-two Americans being held in Cuba after an invitation by Cuban president Fidel Castro.
On the eve of the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Jackson made a trip to Iraq, to plead to Saddam Hussein for the release of foreign nationals held there as a "human shield", securing the release of several British and twenty American individuals.
He traveled to Kenya in 1997 to meet with Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi as United States President Bill Clinton's special envoy for democracy to promote free and fair elections. In April 1999, during the Kosovo War, Jackson traveled to Belgrade to negotiate the release of three U.S. POWs captured on the Macedonian border while patrolling with a UN peacekeeping unit. He met with the then-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milošević, who later agreed to release the three men.
His international efforts continued into the 2000s. On February 15, 2003, Jackson spoke in front of over an estimated one million people in Hyde Park, London at the culmination of the anti-war demonstration against the imminent invasion of Iraq by the U.S. and the United Kingdom. In November 2004, Jackson visited senior politicians and community activists in Northern Ireland in an effort to encourage better cross-community relations and rebuild the peace process and restore the governmental institutions of the Belfast Agreement. In August 2005, Jackson traveled to Venezuela to meet Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, following controversial remarks by televangelist Pat Robertson in which he implied that Chávez should be assassinated. Jackson condemned Robertson's remarks as immoral. After meeting with Chávez and addressing the Venezuelan Parliament, Jackson said that there was no evidence that Venezuela posed a threat to the U.S. Jackson also met representatives from the Afro Venezuela and indigenous communities. In 2005, he was enlisted as part of the United Kingdom's "Operation Black Vote", a campaign run by Simon Woolley to encourage more of Britain's ethnic minorities to vote in political elections ahead of the May 2005 General Election.
Political activism
During the 1980s, he achieved wide fame as a politician, as well as becoming a well-known spokesman for civil rights issues. In 1980 for example, Jackson mediated in a firefighters' strike.
1984 presidential campaign
On November 3, 1983, he announced his campaign for President of the United States in the 1984 election, becoming the second African American (after Shirley Chisholm) to mount a nationwide campaign for president.
In the Democratic Party primaries, Jackson, who had been written off by pundits as a fringe candidate with little chance at winning the nomination, surprised many when he took third place behind Senator Gary Hart and former Vice President Walter Mondale, who eventually won the nomination. Jackson garnered 3,282,431 primary votes, or 18.2 percent of the total, in 1984, and won three to five primaries and caucuses, including Louisiana, the District of Columbia, South Carolina, and one of two separate contests in Mississippi. More Virginia caucus-goers supported Jesse Jackson than any other candidate, but Walter Mondale won more Virginia delegates.
In May 1988, Jackson complained that he had won 21% of the popular vote but was awarded only 9% of the delegates. He afterwards stated that he had been handicapped by party rules. While Mondale (in the words of his aides) was determined to establish a precedent with his vice presidential candidate by picking a woman or visible minority, Jackson criticized the screening process as a "p.r. parade of personalities". He also mocked Mondale, saying that Hubert Humphrey was the "last significant politician out of the St. Paul–Minneapolis" area.
Relations with Jewish community
Jackson was criticized in the early 1980s for refusing to repudiate Louis Farrakhan, for his support of a Palestinian state, and for remarks made to a reporter where he referred to New York City as "Hymietown". (Hymie is a pejorative term for Jews.) Jackson ultimately acknowledged he had used the term, and said he had been wrong; however, he also said that he had considered the conversation with the reporter to be off-the-record at the time he made the remarks. Jackson apologized during a speech before national Jewish leaders in a Manchester, New Hampshire synagogue, but an enduring split between Jackson and many in the Jewish community continued at least through the 1990s.
Shortly after President Jimmy Carter fired U.N. Ambassador Andrew Young for meeting with Palestine Liberation Organization representatives, Jackson and other black leaders began publicly endorsing a Palestinian state, with Jackson calling Israel's prime minister a "terrorist", and then soliciting Arab-American financial support. Jackson has since apologized for some of these remarks, but they badly damaged his presidential campaign, as "Jackson was seen by many conservatives in the United States as hostile to Israel and far too close to Arab governments."
According to a 1987 New York Times article, Jackson began attempting to improve his relationship with the Jewish community after 1984. In 2000, he was invited to speak in support of Jewish Senator and Vice Presidential candidate Joe Lieberman at the Democratic National Convention.
1988 presidential campaign
In 1988, Jackson again sought the Democratic Party presidential nomination. According to a November 1987 article in The New York Times, "Most political analysts give him little chance of being nominated – partly because he is black, partly because of his unretrenched liberalism." However, his successes in the past made him a more credible candidate, and he was both better financed and better organized than in 1984. Jackson once again exceeded expectations as he more than doubled his previous results, prompting R.W. Apple of The New York Times to call 1988 "the Year of Jackson".
In early 1988, Jackson organized a rally at the former American Motors assembly plant in Kenosha, Wisconsin, approximately two weeks after new owner Chrysler announced it would close the plant by the end of the year. In his speech, Jackson spoke out against Chrysler's decision, stating "We have to put the focus on Kenosha, Wisconsin, as the place, here and now, where we draw the line to end economic violence!" and compared the workers' fight to that of the 1965 Voting Rights Movement in Selma, Alabama. As a result, the UAW Local 72 union voted to endorse his candidacy, even against the rules of the UAW.
Briefly, after he won 55% of the vote in the Michigan Democratic caucus, he was considered the frontrunner for the nomination, as he surpassed all the other candidates in total number of pledged delegates. However, Jackson's campaign suffered a significant setback less than two weeks after the UAW endorsement when he narrowly lost the Colorado primary to Michael Dukakis, and was defeated handily the following day in the Wisconsin primary by Dukakis. Jackson's showing among white voters in Wisconsin was significantly higher than in his 1984 run, but was also noticeably lower than pre-primary polling had predicted. The back-to-back victories established Dukakis as the clear Democratic frontrunner, and he went on to claim the party's nomination, but lost the general election in November.
Jackson's campaign had also been interrupted by allegations regarding his half-brother Noah Robinson, Jr.'s criminal activity. Jackson had to answer frequent questions about Noah, who was often referred to as "the Billy Carter of the Jackson campaign".
At the conclusion of the Democratic primary season, Jackson had captured 6.9 million votes and won 11 contests; seven primaries (Alabama, the District of Columbia, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Puerto Rico and Virginia) and four caucuses (Delaware, Michigan, South Carolina and Vermont). Jackson also scored March victories in Alaska's caucuses and Texas's local conventions, despite losing the Texas primary.
Campaign platform
In both races, Jackson ran on what many considered to be a very liberal platform. In 1987, The New York Times described him as " a classic liberal in the tradition of the New Deal and the Great Society". Declaring that he wanted to create a "Rainbow Coalition" of various minority groups, including African Americans, Hispanic Americans, Arab-Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans, family farmers, the poor and working class, and homosexuals, as well as European American progressives who fit into none of those categories, Jackson ran on a platform that included:
Creating a Works Progress Administration-style program to rebuild America's infrastructure and provide jobs to all Americans,
Re-prioritizing the War on Drugs to focus less on mandatory minimum sentences for drug users (which he views as racially biased) and more on harsher punishments for money-laundering bankers and others who are part of the "supply" end of "supply and demand"
Reversing Reaganomics-inspired tax cuts for the richest ten percent of Americans and using the money to finance social welfare programs
Cutting the budget of the Department of Defense by as much as fifteen percent over the course of his administration
Declaring Apartheid-era South Africa to be a rogue nation
Instituting an immediate nuclear freeze and beginning disarmament negotiations with the Soviet Union
Supporting family farmers by reviving many of Roosevelt's New Deal–era farm programs
Creating a single-payer system of universal health care
Ratifying the Equal Rights Amendment
Increasing federal funding for lower-level public education and providing free community college to all
Applying stricter enforcement of the Voting Rights Act and
Supporting the formation of a Palestinian state.
With the exception of a resolution to implement sanctions against South Africa for its apartheid policies, none of these positions made it into the party's platform in either 1984 or 1988.
Stand on abortion
Although Jackson was one of the most liberal members of the Democratic Party, his position on abortion was originally more in line with pro-life views. Within one month after the 1973 Supreme Court decision, Roe v. Wade, legalized abortion, Jackson began a PUSH campaign against the decision, calling abortion murder and declaring that Jesus and Moses might not have been born if abortion had been available in ancient times. Jackson's strong rhetoric on abortion temporarily alienated one of his major supporters, T. R. M Howard, a black physician who made a living from performing abortions. In 1975, Jackson endorsed a plan for a constitutional amendment banning abortion. He also endorsed the Hyde Amendment, which bars the funding of abortions through the federal Medicaid program. Writing in a 1977 National Right to Life Committee News report, Jackson argued that the basis for Roe v. Wade – the right to privacy – was also a premise that had been used to justify slavery and the treatment of slaves on the plantations. Jackson decried what he believed was the casual taking of life, and the decline in society's value system. However, Jackson later adopted a pro-choice view that abortion is a right and that the government should not prevent a woman from having an abortion.
Later political activities1990s
He ran for office as "shadow senator" for the District of Columbia when the position was created in 1991, and served as such through 1997, when he did not run for re-election. This unpaid position was primarily a post to lobby for statehood for the District of Columbia.
In the mid-1990s, he was approached about being the United States Ambassador to South Africa but declined the opportunity in favor of helping his son, Jesse Jackson, Jr., run for the United States House of Representatives.
Jackson was initially critical of the "Third Way" or more moderate policies of Bill Clinton, so much so that, according to journalist Peter Beinart, Clinton was "petrified about a primary challenge from" Jackson in the 1996 election. However, he became a key ally in gaining African American support for Clinton and eventually became a close adviser and friend of the Clinton family. His son, Jesse Jackson, Jr., also emerged as a political figure, becoming a member of the United States House of Representatives from Illinois.
On May 2, 1999, during the Kosovo war, three US soldiers, who had been held captive were released as a result of talks with Jackson. Jackson's negotiation was not sanctioned by the Clinton Administration.
On November 18, 1999, seven Decatur students were expelled for two years after participating in a brawl at a high school football game. The incident was caught on home video and became a national media event when CNN ran pictures of the fight. After the students were expelled, Jackson spoke out arguing that the expulsions were unfair and racially biased. He called on the school board to reverse their decision.
2000s
On January 20, 2001, Bill Clinton's final day in office, Jackson had petitioned Clinton for the pardons of Congressman Mel Reynolds, John Bustamante, and Dorothy Rivers, all of which were approved. Jesse requested a fourth pardon, for his half-brother Noah Robinson, who had been convicted of murdering Leroy Barber and sentenced to life imprisonment. This was the only pardon Clinton disapproved as Robinson had submitted three pardon appeals prior, all of which were denied by the Justice Department.
Jackson was a target of the 2002 white supremacist terror plot.
In early 2005, Jackson visited the parents in the Terri Schiavo case; he supported their unsuccessful bid to keep her alive.
In March 2006, an African-American woman accused three white members of the Duke University men's lacrosse team of raping her. During the ensuing controversy, Jackson stated that his Rainbow/PUSH Coalition would pay for the rest of her college tuition regardless of the outcome of the case. The case against the three men was later thrown out and the players were declared innocent by the North Carolina Attorney General.
Jackson took a key role in the scandal caused by comedic actor Michael Richards' racially charged comments in November 2006. Richards called Jackson a few days after the incident to apologize; Jackson accepted Richards' apology and met with him publicly as a means of resolving the situation. Jackson also joined black leaders in a call for the elimination of the "N-word" throughout the entertainment industry.
On June 23, 2007, Jackson was arrested in connection with a protest at a gun store in Riverdale, a poor suburb of Chicago, Illinois. Jackson and others were protesting due to allegations that the gun store had been selling firearms to local gang members and was contributing to the decay of the community. According to police reports, Jackson refused to stop blocking the front entrance of the store and let customers pass. He was charged with one count of criminal trespass to property.
In March 2007, Jackson declared his support for then-Senator Barack Obama in the 2008 democratic primaries. Jackson later criticized Obama in 2007 for "acting like he's white," in response to the Jena 6 beating case.
On July 6, 2008, during an interview with Fox News, a microphone picked up Jackson whispering to fellow guest Reed Tuckson: "See, Barack's been, ahh, talking down to black people on this faith-based... I want to cut his nuts off." Jackson was expressing his disappointment in Obama's Father's Day speech chastisement of black fathers. Subsequent to his Fox News interview, Jackson apologized and reiterated his support for Obama.
On November 4, 2008, Jackson attended the Obama victory rally in Chicago's Grant Park. In the several moments before Obama spoke, Jackson was seen in tears.
2010s
Jackson has commended Obama's 2012 decision to support gay marriage and has compared the fight for same-sex marriage to fight against slavery and the anti-miscegenation laws that once prevented interracial marriage. He would be in favor of federal legislation extending marriage rights to gays, because he feels that if this issue is left up to the states, some states will continue to deny gays equal protection and equal rights.
Electoral history
Awards and recognition
Ebony Magazine named Jackson to its "100 most influential black Americans" list in 1971.
In 1979, Jackson received the Jefferson Award for Greatest Public Service Benefiting the Disadvantaged.
In 1989, he was awarded the Spingarn Medal from the NAACP.
In 1991, Jackson received the American Whig-Cliosophic Society's James Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service.
Clinton awarded Jackson the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest honor bestowed on civilians in August 2000.
In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante included Jackson on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.
In 2008, Jackson was presented with an Honorary Fellowship from Edge Hill University.
In an AP-AOL "Black Voices" poll in February 2006, Jackson was voted "the most important black leader".
Jackson inherited the title of the High Prince of the Agni people of Côte d'Ivoire from Michael Jackson. In August 2009, he was crowned Prince Côte Nana by Amon N'Douffou V, King of Krindjabo, who rules more than a million Agni tribespeople.
Personal life
Jackson married Jacqueline Lavinia Brown (born 1944) on December 31, 1962, and together they have five children: Santita (1963), Jesse, Jr. (1965), Jonathan Luther (1966), Yusef DuBois (1970), and Jacqueline Lavinia (1975).
Jackson's younger brother, Charles "Chuck" Jackson, was a singer with the vocal group The Independents and as a solo artist who issued two albums in the late 70s. Along with his songwriting partner and fellow producer, Marvin Yancy, he was largely responsible for launching the career of Natalie Cole.
On Memorial Day, May 25, 1987, Jesse was made a Master Mason on Sight by Grand Master Senter of the Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Illinois; thereby making him a Prince Hall Freemason.
In 2001, it was revealed Jackson had had an affair with a staffer, Karin Stanford, that resulted in the birth of a daughter Ashley in May 1999. According to CNN, in August 1999, the Rainbow Push Coalition had paid Stanford $15,000 in moving expenses and $21,000 in payment for contracting work. A promised advance of an additional $40,000 against future contracting work was rescinded once the affair became public. This incident prompted Jackson to withdraw from activism for a short time. Jackson was paying $4,000 a month in child support as of 2001.
http://wikipedia.thetimetube.com/?q=Jesse+Jackson&lang=en
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xiitacademy9 · 3 years ago
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Best CBSE Coaching in Delhi through XIIT Academy
The CBSE Board has announced the results of the examinations conducted in 2017. The best coaching centers suited to help students achieve good results are XIIT Academy. XIIT Academy is a certified coaching center and offers the best CBSE coaching in Delhi.
XIIT Academy
XIIT Academy is one of the leading CBSE coaching institutions in Delhi. We offer excellent CBSE coaching for students from all over Delhi and surrounding areas. Our experienced and qualified coaches will help you to achieve your academic goals.
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XIIT Academy is a reputed CBSE coaching institute in Delhi that provides excellent facilities for its students. The academy offers a wide range of courses and facilities such as well-equipped laboratories, a library, an Internet facility, and many more.
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XIIT Academy is one of the best CBSE coaching institutes in Delhi. With years of experience, the faculty has vast knowledge about the syllabus and teaching methods. Moreover, they are also experienced in providing counseling services to students.
The academy offers both online and offline courses. The courses are designed for Class 10th to 12th students and cover topics like English, Science, Mathematics, Social Science, and Hindi language.
The academy provides world-class facilities such as interactive classrooms with high-tech equipment, well-maintained labs, and a library that houses more than 10,000 books. The faculty members are available 24/7 to help students with any queries or problems they may have.
Apart from CBSE coaching, XIIT Academy also offers private coaching for students seeking admission into top universities in India such as IITs and IIMs.
If you are looking for an excellent CBSE coaching institute in Delhi, then XIIT Academy is the best option available.
The program offered by XIIT Academy
XIIT Academy has a rich history and is one of the best CBSE coaching institutes in Delhi. The Institute has a wide range of courses and programs to offer its students. Its wide range of courses and programs make it one of the best coaching institutes in Delhi for all students, irrespective of their academic background or interests.
XIIT Academy offers courses in arts, commerce, science, mathematics, languages, and more. The institute also offers specializations like IGCSE coaching, AICTE coaching, and others.
XIIT Academy is one of the few institutes in Delhi that offers CBSE coaching for students preparing for the Class XII examinations. 
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jacksmith986 · 3 years ago
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awesomessssblogs · 5 years ago
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SSSS - State of the Art Infrastructure
SSSS provides state-of-the-art infrastructure to its students. These facilities go a long way in ensuring a productive campus life and providing a perfect backdrop for academic pursuits.
Classroom, IT Infrastructure & Resources
Our well appointed classrooms ensure that every student is in a good head space. Brightly lit, spacious and well ventilated, we believe that a good classroom compliments the learning process very well. With all the required and modern technology inserts we endeavour to make every classroom a good learning space. The Wi-Fi enabled campus empowers students to get on-line anywhere on campus without being tied down by wired connections.
Library
The students of SSSS have access to the Central Library of Symbiosis International (Deemed University) which has a splendid reference and lending facilities for books, reports, journals, periodicals. Moreover the Library has an impressive subscription to Online Databases like EBSCO, Emerald, Scopus, JSTOR, Frost and Sullivan, EMIS etc.
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SSSS Pune assists in securing accommodation for outstation students. The facilities are available in hostels located within the campus, in close proximity to the academic block, and students are charged a nominal fee. The Foreign Students' Cell assists foreign students in all their accommodation requirements.
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Symbiosis International (Deemed University) offers Outdoor and Indoor Sports Facilities. Every student is encouraged to take an active part in at least one outdoor activity. Symbiosis International (Deemed University) has set up facilities/grounds for Cricket, Football, Basketball, Volleyball, Table-Tennis, Badminton, Billiards, Chess, etc.
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To know more, visit - https://www.ssss.edu.in/infrastructure
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lintonhistory-blog · 5 years ago
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Joseph Moss
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Standing out distinctly as one of the central figures in the industrial and financial history of Greene county, is the name of Joseph Moss, of Linton. Prominent in local affairs of a business nature and equally so in matters of public interest, with a reputation for distinguished service second to none of his contemporaries, there is today no man in the city of his residence more honored, and all who come within the sphere of his influence unite in rendering due tribute to his sterling worth as a neighbor, business man and citizen. The Moss family has been identified with southern Indiana since the pioneer period, the name being closely interwoven with the settlement, growth and subsequent development of Washington and Greene counties. Aquilla Moss, the subject's grandfather, a Kentuckian by birth, settled in the former county prior to the twenties, and about 1825 moved to a tract of land three miles northeast of Linton where he cleared and improved a good farm on which he spent the remainder of his life. His wife Sarah Harrah, also a native of Kentucky, now lies by his side in an old family burying ground on the homestead which he carved from the wilderness, and the name of both are honored in the community they helped to establish more than eighty-three years ago. Among the children of the worthy couple was a son by the name of William G. Moss, who was born in November, 1823, in Washington county, Indiana, and who married Jennette Rector in 1841, whose birth occurred in 1823, in the county of Lawrence. William G. Moss was reared to manhood on the original homestead in Stockton township, and in due season became a successful farmer and representative citizen, beginning with forty acres and increasing the same to the home place of one hundred and sixty acres, later acquiring four hundred acres in the same locality, this making him one of the largest real estate holders in the township of his residence. He continued to live on this place until 1854, when he removed his family to Linton, and two years later he was elected sheriff of Greene county, filling the office by re-election four years, during which time he made his home in Bloomfield. In i860 he was further honored by being elected to represent Greene county, in the lower house of the general assembly, in which he served one term and in November of the same year he returned to his farm where he spent the remainder of his days, dying on January 30, 1899, his wife following him to the silent land August 7th, of the year 1901. William G. and Jennette Moss were the parents of ten children, seven of whom are living, namely: Joseph, whose name introduces this sketch; Mrs. Sarah M. Turner, Stephen, Bamet S., Rebecca, wife of Alexander Beasley; Mary E. who married Joshua D. Neal, and Julia R., now Mrs. George E. Humphreys; the other three dying at ages ranging from three to six years. Joseph Moss, whose birth occurred on the 21st day of September, 1843, spent his early life on the homestead in Stockton township and received his preliminary education in such indifferent schools as the country in those days afforded. Later he attended for two years the schools of Linton and four years in Bloomfield, after which he took charge of a country school, earning fifty-nine dollars for sixty days service as a teacher. After teaching three terms he engaged in merchandising in Linton and continued that line of business from 1864 to 1869, handling a general store and hauling his goods by ox team from Carlisle, a distance of fifteen miles. Disposing of his mercantile establishment in the latter year he moved to his farm and devoted his attention to agriculture until 1883, when he sold out and returned to Linton, where he has since resided, and with the recent business and industrial interests of which city he has been actively identified. Mr. Moss in 1893 assisted in establishing the Linton Bank, which was operated as a private concern until 1906, when it was reorganized as a state bank, the originators of the enterprise in addition to himself being O. W. Shryer, D. L. Terhune and J. H. Humphreys. In June. 1905, Mr. Moss purchased the several interests of his partners and doubling the capital stock, reorganized the institution as stated above, but subsequently sold part of the stock to Messrs. Humphreys and Terhune, but retained the presidency, which position he has filled from the original organization to the present time. Under his able management, assisted by the fifteen safe and conservative men constituting the stockholders, this bank is doing a very successful business and is now one of the most extensively patronized and popular institutions of the kind in the southwestern part of the state. Mr. Moss was one of the organizers of the Citizens State Bank at Bloomfield, which began business in 1903 with a capital of thirty thousand dollars, and also took a leading part in the establishing, in 1905, of the Dugger State Bank, which has a capital of twenty-five thousand dollars, and of which he is president and director. In addition to the above well known financial institutions, he was an influential factor in organizing, in 1906, the. Linton Trust Company, and he holds the office of president of the Commercial State Bank of Worthington, organized in October, 1906, besides being one of the four incorporators of the New Linton Hotel, representing a capital of thirty-five thousand; he assisted in organizing the Linton Water Company, with a capital of one hundred thousand dollars, is president and director of the Linton Mill Company which is capitalized at twenty-four thousand dollars, and he holds a large block of stock in the Linton Rolling- Mill, of which he is also treasurer, this enterprise representing investments to the amount of seventy-five thousand dollars, and he also is a stockholder and director in the Linton Ice Plant with forty thousand dollars capital. He is interested quite largely in real estate, owning in addition to a fine farm of one hundred and sixty acres, and a half interest in one thousand acres of farm lands in various parts of Greene county, to say nothing of private holdings amounting to many thousand dollars of capital. Financially he ranks not only among the solid men of the city and county but in business circles throughout Indiana and other states his name has long been highly rated, and in various lines of enterprise, with which his name is connected, he enjoys a standing second to that of no other man similarly interested. In his political affiliation Mr. Moss is staunchly Democratic and as a local politician his opinions have always commanded respect and carried weight. As early as 1865 he was elected trustee of Stockton, township, and after filling the office by successive re-elections for a period of six years, he served the people of Wright township four terms in the same capacity. In November, 1900, he was elected treasurer of Greene county and took charge of the office January 1, 1902, and in November following was chosen his own successor, discharging the duties of the position two full terms and acquitting himself as a faithful and efficient public servant whose record was above the breath of suspicion, and whose interest in behalf of one of the people's most important trusts gained him hundreds of warm personal friends, irrespective of political ties. On March 24, 1867, occurred the marriage of Mr. Moss and Sallie Humphreys, of Greene county, Indiana, daughter of Honorable Andrew and Eliza (Johnson) Humphreys, natives of Tennessee and Ohio, respectively. The parents of Mrs. Moss were married in the county of Putnam in 1840, moved in 1842 to Greene county, where Mr. Humphreys became a prominent figure in public and political affairs, and for many years was one of the Democratic leaders in this section of the state. He represented the county in both branches of the legislature, was Indian agent to Utah during the administration of President Buchanan, and in 1876 was elected to Congress of the United States in which he served one term and made a very creditable record as a law-maker. He was a farmer the greater part of his life and a man of fine mind and will always be remembered as one of the county's most distinguished citizens; he died June 24, 1904, his wife preceding him to the grave on February 4th of the year 1883. Mr. and Mrs. Humphreys had a family of six children whose names are as follows: Mrs. Emmeline Poe; Levi, deceased; Albert G. died in 1880, aged thirty years; Mrs. Sallie A. Moss, born January 3, 1850; James Henry, and Andrew, who departed this life in 1875, at the age of seventeen. Mr. and Mrs. Moss have never been blessed with children of their own, but they are popular with young people and their pleasant home is a favorite resort of the youth of the city, who find therein a generous hospitality which the kind host and hostess most graciously dispense. Mrs. Moss is an active member of the Christian church, a wide reader of religious literature and a careful student of many subjects. She also keeps abreast of the times in general literature, being a member of the Twentieth Century Club, of Bloomfield, the Mount Mellick Social Club and Eastern Star, the Christian Aid Society, and is popular in the best society circles of the city in which she resides. Mr. Moss subscribes to the Baptist faith and holds membership in the church which worships in Linton. He has been a Mason since 1865, has risen to high standing in the brotherhood, including the Royal Arch Degrees and the Order of the Eastern Star; he also belongs to the Benevolent Protective Order of Elks. Mr. Moss was nominated on May 16, 1808, for the legislature by the Democratic ticket. Mr. Moss contributed the ground, sixty-six by one hundred and twenty-six feet, on the northeast corner of Vincennes and First streets, for the Carnegie Library building. Mrs. Moss is vice-president of the building committee.
Biographical memoirs of Greene County, Ind. B.F. Bowen Co 1908
Genealogy Trails History Group Greene County Indiana 
http://genealogytrails.com/ind/greene/bios3.html
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Scholars Biographies: Shaykh Abdul Muhsin al-Abbaad
1353H-Present: Shaikh 'Abdul-Muhsin bin Hamad Al-'Abbaad
His Name and Lineage:
He is the great scholar and Muhaddith, Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin bin Hamad bin ‘Abdil-Muhsin bin ‘Abdillaah Al-‘Abbaad Aali Badr. The family of Aali Badr comes from the family of Jalaas, which originates from the ancient tribe of ‘Anazah, one of the descendent tribes of ‘Adnan (descendent of Prophet Isma’eel). His great-grandfather’s nickname was ‘Abbaad and so as a result some of his offspring inherited it from him, such as Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin and his mother, the daughter of Sulaymaan bin ‘Abdillaah Aali Badr.
The Shaikh was born on a Tuesday night after ‘Ishaa prayer in the month of Ramadaan, 1353H in the city of Zulfi, Saudi Arabia. This is the city where he grew up and learned the basics of reading and writing.
His Early Studies:
While in Zulfi, he studied under Shaikh ‘Abdullaah bin Ahmad Al-Manee’, Shaikh Zaid bin Muhammad Al-Munaifee, Shaikh ‘Abdullaah bin ‘Abdir-Rahmaan Al-Ghaith with whom he completed the noble Qur’aan, and Shaikh Faalih bin Muhammad Ar-Roomee.
When the first elementary school opened in Zulfi in 1368H, he joined it in its third year and obtained his primary degree there in 1371H.
After completing his primary studies, he moved to Riyadh and signed up with the Educational Institute there. This was the same year (1372H) that Imaam ‘Abdul-‘Azeez bin Baaz moved to Riyadh from Kharj, where he had served as judge since 1357H, and the first year he taught in this Institute. Amongst the colleagues that he studied with at that time was Shaikh Muhammad Amaan Al-Jaamee, may Allaah have mercy on him.
After graduating from this institute, the Shaikh enrolled with the College of Sharee’ah in the Imaam Muhammad bin Su’ood Islamic University of Riyadh. During his last year at the college, he was appointed a teacher in the Educational Institute of Buraidah in 5/13/1379H. Then towards the end of that final school year, he returned back to Riyadh to take his final examination for the college. Allaah blessed him by granting him the ability to finish first amongst his whole class which consisted of over 80 graduates. They represented the fourth class of graduates from the College of Sharee’ah of the Imaam Muhammad bin Su’ood University. He also finished in the first rank amongst his class during his first three years at the college and when receiving his secondary degree from the Educational Institute of Riyadh.
While in Riyadh, he was able to study under scholars the likes of Shaikh Muhammad bin Ibraaheem Aali Shaikh, Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘Azeez bin Baaz, Shaikh Muhammad Al-Ameen Ash-Shanqeetee, Shaikh ‘Abdur-Rahmaan Al-Afreeqee and Shaikh ‘Abdur-Razzaaq ‘Afeefee both in the University and in local masaajid.
He studied specifically under Shaikh ‘Abdur-Rahmaan Al-Afreeqee in Riyadh in the year 1372H and then studied Hadeeth and its Terminology the following year under him. He would say about him: “He was a sincere teacher and a great scholar, as well as a counselor, guide and good example, may Allaah have mercy on him.”
He also had a special relationship with Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘Azeez bin Baaz ever since the first time they met in 1372H. He studied formally under him in the fourth year of the College of Sharee’ah. Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin mentioned: “Most of the contact I had with him would occur in between classes and in the masjid. I would also visit him in his home.”
In 1380H, he transferred to teach in the Educational Institute of Riyadh. But when the Islamic University of Madeenah opened and the first college to be established there was the College of Sharee’ah, Shaikh Muhammad bin Ibraaheem Aali Shaikh selected him to work there as a teacher. Prior to this, towards the end of 1379H, Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin had requested Shaikh Muhammad bin Ibraaheem, may Allaah have mercy on him, to put him in the teaching profession program, to which he agreed on the condition that when he completed the program he would teach at the Islamic University when it opened. Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin replied that he was fully prepared for the task.
His Role in the Islamic University:
So he began teaching at the Islamic University of Madeenah in 1381H and he was the first to deliver a class there. He accompanied his teacher, Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘Azeez bin Baaz, who taught at the University for the next fifteen years.
He served as a member of the University’s committee from the time of its inception to 1393H. Then in 7/30/1393H, he was appointed vice-president of the Islamic University behind Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘Azeez bin Baaz, the president at that time, who nominated him amongst three candidates for the position, upon which King Faisal, may Allaah have mercy on him, selected him for the job.
Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin stayed in this position up to 10/26/1399H when he was relieved of it at his own request. In the first two of these six years, he was the second-in-charge. Then when Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘Azeez bin Baaz, may Allaah have mercy on him, transferred to become president of the Educational Research and Religious Verdict Administration, he became first-in-charge. During these six years, the Shaikh did not stop giving two weekly classes for fourth-year students at the College of Sharee’ah.
Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin says about this: “I would go to him, i.e. Shaikh Ibn Baaz, before going to the University and sit with him for a little while. Shaikh Ibraaheem Al-Husayyin would also be with him and would read the (chapters on) Mu’aamalaat (business and social dealing between Muslims) to him from after Fajr till the sun rose. On one of these days, he said to me: ‘I had a dream last night where I saw a beautiful camel, which I was pulling and you were riding. And I led it to the Islamic University.’ And all praise be to Allaah, this dream came true for I served as vice-president under him for two years, then assumed his role as interim president after him for four years.”
During the time that he served as president of the University, about five-thousand manuscripts were added to its library. This was the same time that Shaikh Hammaad Al-Ansaaree was hired to bring books from libraries around the world. Shaikh Hammaad said: “A majority of the classical works of the Salaf that were photocopied for the Islamic University were done at the time when Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin served as president there.”
He also said: “I brought five-thousand manuscripts for the Islamic University during my travels. Most of the journeys I took for the purpose of obtaining manuscripts and photocopying them were done during the time that Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin Al-‘Abbaad was president of the University.”
Most of these manuscripts were books of Hadeeth and books on the Creed of the Salaf. To get a clearer picture of the great service that Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin did while president of the Islamic University, look at the following statement of Shaikh Hammaad Al-Ansaaree:
“A historical account should be written about Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin Al-‘Abbaad. He did certain jobs in the University that I wish I could have recorded or taped. There were two times in the day that he would insist on working at his job even though it wasn’t required of him – in the morning and in the afternoon after ‘Asr. I went to visit him one time in his office after ‘Asr when he was president of the University and sat with him. I then asked: ‘Where is the coffee, Shaikh?’ He answered: ‘Its ‘Asr now and there is no one here to make it.’ One time I was determined to get to the University before him so I got in the car and went. When I arrived at the University, there was Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin opening the door to the University before everyone else!”
He would also say: “Relate Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin’s diligence at work to the people for there is no harm in this.”
Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin Al-‘Abbaad was also the reason why Shaikh Hammaad Al-Ansaaree wrote his famous book on Tawassul, which served as a refutation of a book written by ‘Abdullaah Al-Ghumaaree, which Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin had brought back with him from his trip to Morocco.
Amongst the other milestones reached by the University under Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin’s presidency was that it transferred from being a government facility to a private institution, the advanced studies department for the Master’s and Doctorate’s programs were formed, the faculties of Qur’aan and Islamic studies, Hadeeth, and Arabic language were created, the size of the University’s land increased to accommodate a proposed 20,000 students, and the University’s printing department was also established.
Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin continues to teach at the University until this very day even though he is past the compulsory age of retirement. No one has taught longer at the Islamic University than him since he taught from its very first day until now. In addition to this, he also continues to hold lessons in the Prophet’s Masjid.
Sufficient as testimony of the great role Shaikh ‘Adul-Muhsin Al-‘Abbaad has had on the Islamic University of Madeenah is what Shaikh Hammaad Al-Ansaaree said as recorded by his son, ‘Abdul-Awwal, in his biography of his father (2/597): “The Islamic University (of Madeenah) is the university of Al-‘Abbaad, Az-Zayid and Shaikh Ibn Baaz.” And then he began praising the days they spent together.
His Travels:
The first trip that the Shaikh took outside of his hometown of Zulfi was when he went to Makkah for Hajj in 1370H. Then in 1371, he traveled to Riyadh to seek knowledge. He also traveled to Morocco. It is said that Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin Al-‘Abbaad obtained his Master’s Degree from Egypt.
Some of the Shaikh’s profound Sayings:
“I have in my possession notes from the various grades of school beginning from the third year of primary school, which are from the dearest and most precious of what I saved.”
“From the most beloved of deeds to me and the most hoped for by me in the sight of my Lord is my immense love for the Companions of Allaah’s Messenger and my extreme hatred for those who hate them. And Allaah has indeed blessed me with boys and girls as children. I named four of my sons after the four rightly-guided Khaleefahs after first naming one with the name of the chief of Messengers, i.e. Muhammad. And I named some of my daughters after some of the Mothers of the Believers after naming one with the name of the leader of the believing women, i.e. Faatimah. I ask Allaah and seek a way to Him through my love for them and my hatred for those who hate them. And I ask Him to gather me in their company and to increase them in virtue and reward.”
His Students:
Many of today’s scholars and well-known students of knowledge have studied under the Shaikh either through his classes in the University or the lessons he delivers in the Prophet’s Masjid. Amongst the most famous of them are:
1. Shaikh Ihsaan Ilaahee Dhaheer, may Allaah have mercy on him;
2. Dr. ‘Alee Naasir Al-Faqeehee
3. Dr. Saalih As-Suhaymee
4. Dr. Wasee’ullaah ‘Abbaas
5. Dr. Baasim Al-Jawaabirah
6. Dr. ‘Aasim bin ‘Abdillaah Al-Qaryootee
7. Dr. Ibraaheem Ar-Ruhaylee
8. Dr. ‘Abdur-Razzaaq Al-‘Abbaad, his son
9. Dr. Rabee’ bin Haadee Al-Madkhalee
His Connection with the Scholars:
He had a special relationship with many people of knowledge, especially those who would teach in the Islamic University, and not to mention those about whom he heard were people of virtue and good standing, As an example, he had a special relationship with Shaikh ‘Umar Fullaata, may Allaah have mercy on him, which can be seen in a lecture he delivered about him after his death, which was later transcribed and published.
His Writings:
Shaikh ‘Abdul-Muhsin Al-‘Abbaad has authored numerous books, some of which were either originally lectures or lessons he gave throughout the course of his life. Below are some of his well-known published books and treatises:
1. ‘Ishroona Hadeethan min Saheeh-il-Bukhaaree [20 Hadeeth from the Narrations of Al-Bukhaaree]
2. ‘Ishroona Hadeethan min Saheeh-il-Imaam Muslim [20 Hadeeth from the Narrations of Imaam Muslim]
3. Min Akhlaaq-ir-Rasool-il-Kareem [From the Manners of the Noble Messenger]
4. ‘Aqeedatu Ahlis-Sunnah wal-Jamaa’ah fis-Sahaabat-il-Kiraam [The Creed of Ahlus-Sunnah wal-Jamaa’ah concerning the Noble Companions] This book is available on Al-Ibaanah.Com as a free downloadable e-book.
5. Fadlu Ahlil-Bait wa ‘Uloo Makaanatihim ‘inda Ahlis-Sunnati wal-Jamaa’ah [The Virtue of the Members of the Prophet’s Household and their High Status amongst Ahlus-Sunnah]
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hunterartemis · 8 years ago
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Mahoutokoro Robes: What They Mean
I feel that off all magical school, Mahoutokoro Gakuin (School) does not have much headcanon, Jo just siad, their robe colour changes according to their academic progress: the lowest is Pink and higest Gold, and there is nothing in between, So I thought about how this may work.
Honorary Robes
Sakura (cherry blossom pink): the title of this robe is “Mijuku” in Romanji that means, ‘inexperienced’ or ‘virgin’ as ‘sakura’ symbolises chastity of the first blossom in spring, often worn by 7-11 years. A student who is not yet exposed to magic to a student who has mastered the basic magical practices are awarded with this robe.
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Kaki (orange): the title of the robe is “Shinme” in Romanji, meaning ‘sprout’ or ‘germinating’ or ‘foetus’, as the Orange blossom/fruit is the first product of nature after the springtime. This robe is commonly worn by students of 11-13 years, who had just started intermediate course in magic. To be awarded with this robe, one student must have two ‘Exceeds Expectations’ or one ‘Outstanding’ in their Compulsory subject and one ‘Exceeds expectations’ in any elective subjects, with a moderate knowledge of flying.
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Ume (Plum): this is the only robe in Mahotokoro which is not directly linked with academics. Any student who enters pubescence will see their robe turning a rich Plum colour. The title of the robe is “Kaika” in Romanji, meaning ‘flowering’ or ‘productive’: this also symbolise the beginning of menstrual cycle in girls and the production of sexual hormones in boys. A student, who is wise beyond age, can skip the ‘Kaki robes’ and land from “Sakura” to ‘Ume’, which is a respectable feat. From this level, the Students can join the house quidditch teams, permitted for the excursion in Akihabara from the School, and practicing tea-ceremony every afternoon after the classes, is mandatory from this level. It is also the most temporal robe, staying the shortest period of time.
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Sora (Sky): the title of the robe is “Josho” in Romanji, or ‘ascending’ or ‘soaring’, often worn by students aging between 14-16. This robe requires at least four “Exceeds Expectations” or two “Outstanding” in compulsory subjects and three “Exceeds Expectations” in the elective subjects. To gain this robe, one must take at least three optional subjects.
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Shinrin (Forest): the title of this robe is “Tsuigeki” in Romanji meaning ‘persuance’, ‘persevering’, often seen on students 15-18.this robe requires three “oustandings” in regular subjects and all “outstanding” or all “exceeds expectations” in the elective subjects, which should be four or more than four. Along with this score point, the student must take certain responsibilities, like representing a class, helping in the library, take charge of the cleaning duty etc. The more the student takes responsibility, the more the vivid forest green with be tinted with a blacking shade. Not taking any responsibility with make the student loose the vivid shade.
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Mokutan (Charcoal): the title of the robe is ‘Ken’no’ or ‘authority’, often seen on the students ranging in 16-18. To get this robe, not only they have to score ‘outstandings’ in all their subjects, but they also have to be leader of either Quidditch teams, nominated as Class president and House prefects. However, if a student assigned in those position neglects their duty, their robes will reverted to the robe from which they turned charcoal.
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As it is an ‘authoritarian’ robe, it the most common robe of teachers, prefects, captains, student council members.
The promotion from ‘Mokutan’ to ‘Ogonshoku’ is the toughest. From the deepest black to the vivid gold, a student must perceive a number of seals. The ‘Mokutan’ robe, sequined with gold seal is called ‘Seijin’.
Kaneguro (Golden Black): this stage is called ‘Seijin’ or ‘saint stage’. Along with all the superior qualification from above, the student has to perform ‘special services’ to the school, or receiving honour in the favour of school (i.e winning some inter-school competition, receiving any award from ministry etc). Kaneguro has four stages:
               Ichinensei (first grade): attaining the giant-cherry blossom seal on the stomach. This is for taking care of younger students as a nurse, instructor, mentor, leader or educator.
               Ninensei (Second grade): with the Giant cherry blossom, receiving the autumn maple seal on both shoulders, for lowering yourself for the sake of the welfare of fellow students or teachers.
               Sannensei (third grade): along with cherry-blossom and maple seal, receiving a Dragon seal at the back. This is for any exceptional feat of bravery.
               Yonnensei (fourth grade): with all the seals from above, receiving a Mitsudomoe seal on the chest. This is for bringing the school honour.
Ogonshoku (that of gold): when every ‘Kaneguro’ seal is achieved, the robe of the particular student will turn vivid gold. Very few student have achieved this seal under 17 years, and only 12 students have achieved this robe before 17, and 8 of them were Headmaster in Mahoutokoro. The achievers of ‘ogonshoku’ are called ‘sukona’ or ‘sublime’.
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Dishonourary robes
Kemuri (smoke): First robe of dishonor. This robe is simply the desaturated version of any honorary robe. The level of desaturation is determined by the severity of the offensive deed. otherwise, three consecutive acts of disobedience, disloyalty to the school, or taking to methods which are not permitted by the school rules can rob the honorary robe out of it’s colour to this one. It is only a warning robe. Serving proper acts of detention, penitence and rectification, the colour of the robes can be saturated again.
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Shiro (white): The second and final robe of dishonor. Practicing dark arts, killing or reprimanding fellow student, colleague, or abusing the power of one’s position may earn this robe. the punishment may lead to imprisonment, expulsion or mandatory resignation.
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politicoscope · 6 years ago
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Luigi Di Maio Biography and Profile
New Post has been published on https://www.politicoscope.com/luigi-di-maio-biography-and-profile/
Luigi Di Maio Biography and Profile
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I was born July 6, 1986 in Avellino, but until the day before being elected in Parliament I lived in Pomigliano d’Arco, in the province of Naples, the city where the Fiat plants are located and where the current Alenia is based.
This is also why the engines, and cars in particular, have always fascinated me and Enzo Ferrari has always been one of my myths , a man to admire for his ability to realize an entrepreneurial dream.
At the age of 10 I wanted to be a policeman because I felt the sense and necessity of justice, especially in a land like mine devastated by the Camorra .
I have been swimming and diving for many years, also learning from these sports to maintain calm and concentration.
My civic and political commitment was born in the years of the Classical Lyceum. I still remember when, as a student representative, I laid the foundation stone of my new school building, after years of having been forced to lecture in dilapidated classrooms, while the primary school had even collapsed during the terrible earthquake in San Giuliano di Puglia.
After high school, I attended the Faculty of Computer Engineering for several months, then went to Law. I became president of the student council and I founded the studentigi studentigiurisprudenza. It association, an independent association still active today that deals with protecting the rights of students.
One of the results achieved, and that made us very proud, was to get students to sign up for online exams, avoiding hours of travel from the entire region. A simple and banal thing, but it had never been done before.
In September 2012, in the cinemas of Naples and the province, distributed free of charge, the documentary “Commerce”, filmed with a friend to denounce the dramatic situation of small traders in my city: dozens of failed activities and forced to close. In those years I also wrote about local events, becoming a journalist .
At the same time I was attending university, I started a business project of e-commerce, web marketing and social media marketing , now carried out by my former partners.
AT THE AGE OF 26, I HAD THE HONOR OF BECOMING THE YOUNGEST VICE PRESIDENT OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES In 2013, at the age of 26, I had the honor of becoming the youngest Vice-President of the Chamber of Deputies , a position held during the XVII Legislature.
In November 2013 I held my first speech in Parliament, in the Chamber of Deputies, dedicated to one of the themes that is closest to my heart and to which I have dedicated more effort: the toxic fires of the Land of Fires.
On this front a first, decisive result obtained with the 5 Star Movement was the approval in May 2015 of the Law on Ecoreati , waiting in Italy for twenty years and that would never have seen the light without the decisive action of our parliamentary group.
I was part of the XIV commission, which deals with the policies of the European Union, and I was Chairman of the Supervisory Committee on the documentation activity and on the House Library .
In Parliament, I worked in particular on administrative transparency, security and law enforcement . But the greatest effort was dedicated to the fight against the waste of politics and the privileges of caste, such as annuities .
And then the focus on small and medium-sized businesses , the heart of the Italian production system: together with my colleagues, I activated the Microcredit Fund for businesses, fueled by half of our salaries, which we pay each month to the Fund. These are millions of euros available to businesses, and thousands of new jobs created throughout Italy.
On 23 September 2017 I was nominated as Political Leader and Prime Minister of the 5 Star MoVement .
Luigi Di Maio Biography and Profile (Luigi Di Maio)
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neptunecreek · 5 years ago
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Gopher: When Adversarial Interoperability Burrowed Under the Gatekeepers' Fortresses
When Apple's App Store launched in 2008, it was widely hailed as a breakthrough in computing, a "curated experience" that would transform the chaos of locating and assessing software and replace it with a reliable one-stop-shop where every app would come pre-tested and with a trusted seal of approval.
But app stores are as old as consumer computing. From the moment that timeshare computers started to appear in research institutions, college campuses, and large corporations, the systems' administrators saw the "curation" of software choices as a key part of their duties.
And from the very start, users chafed against these limitations, and sought out ways to express their desire for technological self-determination. That self-determination was hard to express in the locked-down days of the mainframe, but as personal computers started to appear in university labs, and then in students' dorm rooms, there was a revolution.
The revolution began in 1991, in the very birthplace of the supercomputer: Minneapolis-St Paul. It was named after the University of Minnesota's (UMN) mascot, the gopher.
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In the early 1990s, personal computers did not arrive in an "Internet-ready" state. Before students could connect their systems to UMN's network, they needed to install basic networking software that allowed their computers to communicate over TCP/IP, as well as dial-up software for protocols like PPP or SLIP. Some computers needed network cards or modems, and their associated drivers.
That was just for starters. Once the students' systems were ready to connect to the Internet, they still needed the basic tools for accessing distant servers: FTP software, a Usenet reader, a terminal emulator, and an email client, all crammed onto a floppy disk (or two). The task of marshalling, distributing, and supporting these tools fell to the university's Microcomputer Center.
For the university, the need to get students these basic tools was a blessing and a curse. It was labor-intensive work, sure, but it also meant that the Microcomputer Center could ensure that the students' newly Internet-ready computers were also configured to access the campus network and its resources, saving the Microcomputer Center thousands of hours talking students through the configuration process. It also meant that the Microcomputer Center could act like a mini App Store, starting students out on their online journeys with a curated collection of up-to-date, reliable tools.
That's where Gopher comes in. While the campus mainframe administrators had plans to selectively connect their systems to the Internet through specialized software, the Microcomputer Center had different ideas. Years before the public had heard of the World Wide Web, the Gopher team sought to fill the same niche, by connecting disparate systems to the Internet and making them available to those with little-to-no technical expertise—with or without the cooperation of the systems they were connecting.
Gopher used text-based menus to navigate "Gopherspace" (all the world's public Gopher servers). The Microcomputer Center team created Gopher clients that ran on Macs, DOS, and in Unix-based terminals. The original Gopher servers were a motley assortment of used Macintosh IIci systems running A/UX, Apple's flavor of Unix. The team also had access to several NeXT workstations.
Gopher had everything a student needed to navigate complex information spaces—except for information! The Gopher team cast about for resources that they could connect to their Gopher servers and thus make available to the entire network. They hit on Apple's Tech Info Library (AKA the "Knowledgebase"), a technical documentation database that came on CD-ROMs that could only be accessed by programmers who physically traveled to the lab where they were kept (or who paid for subscriptions to Apple's Applelink service). The Gopher team also answered student support questions and used Apple's Tech Info Library to do their jobs. Why not make it self-serve? They loaded the Knowledgebase into some NeXT workstations, and realized that they could use NeXT's built-in full-text indexing to make the complete set of documentation both accessible and searchable by anyone connected to a Gopher server.
Full-text indexing via NeXT workstations turned out to be one of Gopher's superpowers: soon, Gopherspace included fully indexed and searchable Usenet feeds, competing with WAIS to bring much-needed search to the Internet's largest, busiest social space. Gopher used the NeXT indexer to ingest massive quantities of recipes, creating the first-ever full-text search for cook-books.
But there were many other tricks up Gopher's sleeve. Many of the Internet's resources were available via text-based terminal connections that could only be accessed if you could remember their addresses and the quirky syntax required by each of these services. The Gopher team brought these resources into Gopherspace through the magic of terminal automation, whereby a terminal program could be programmed to login to a service, execute a command or series of commands, capture the output, format it, and put it in a distant user's Gopher client.
An early case for terminal automation was the Weather Underground service, which would give users who knew its address and syntax a realtime weather report for any place on Earth. The Gopher team created a Weather Underground gateway that used terminal automation to simplify weather retrieval and it quickly became so popular that it overwhelmed the Weather Underground's servers. However, the collegial spirit that prevailed online in those days meant that the Weather Underground's administrators could settle the matter by contacting the Gopher team. (Later on, the Weather Underground's administrators at the University of Michigan asked the Gopher team for usage data so they could include it in their application to renew the NSF grant that funded the project!)
Terminal automation allowed the Gopher team to rip the doors off of every information silo on campus and beyond. Libraries had put their card catalogs online, but few of the library vendors supported Z39.50, the standard for interconnecting these catalogs. Terminal scripting brought all the library catalogs into one searchable interface, and as Gopherspace proliferated to other campuses, it was possible for the first time to search collections of research libraries around the world.
The Gopher team consolidated many of these one-off hacks and bodges into a unified Gopher gateway server, with pre-assembled software ready to be customized and connected to the network by people running their own Gopher servers. These were popping up all over the world by this point, being run by children, universities, hobbyists, corporations, and even MTV's most tech-savvy VJ, Adam Curry. The team called their ethic "Internet duct-tape": a rough-and-ready way to connect all the 'Net's services together.
The expanded universe of Gopher hackers brought even more resources to Gopherspace. Soon, Gopher could be used to search Archie, a tool that indexed the world's public FTP servers, home to all the world's shareware, text-files, free and open source software, and digital miscellanea.
The FTP-Gopher gateway was a godsend for Internet newbies, who struggled with FTP's own obscure syntax. Some FTP servers were so overwhelmed by inbound connections from FTP-Gopher gateways that they scrapped their FTP servers and installed Gopher servers instead!
Soon, researchers at the University of Nevada at Reno had made their own search tool for Gopherspace, called Veronica (Very Easy Rodent-Oriented Net-wide Index to Computer Archives), which crawled every menu of every known Gopher server and allowed users to search all of Gopherspace. Veronica spawned a competing search tool from the University of Utah called Jughead (Jonzy's Universal Gopher Hierarchy Excavation And Display), later changed to "Jugtail" after a trademark scare.
The Gopher team made some tentative moves to commercialize their invention, asking for payments from commercial users of the Gopher server software (in practice, these payments were often waived, as they were for Adam Curry after he agreed to wear a Gopher t-shirt during an MTV broadcast).
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The Gopher story is a perfect case history for Adversarial Interoperability. The pre-Gopher information landscape was dominated by companies, departments, and individuals who were disinterested in giving users control over their own computing experience and who viewed computing as something that took place in a shared lab space, not in your home or dorm room.
Rather than pursuing an argument with these self-appointed Lords of Computing, the Gopher team simply went around them, interconnecting to their services without asking for permission. They didn't take data they weren't supposed to have—but they did make it much easier for the services' nominal users to actually access them.
And since the Gopher team was working in the early years of the networked world, they had a steady supply of new services to integrate into Gopherspace—so many that other people came and did an Adversarial Interoperability number on them, building multiple, competing search tools to make users' lives easier still.
A modern Gopher project would face innumerable—and possibly insurmountable—legal hurdles. In the early 1990s, violations of terms of service led to friendly negotiations with the likes of Weather Underground. Try to do that today with a big interactive service and you might find yourself charged with multiple felonies. Big, proprietary databases often use "access controls" that can't be bypassed without risking criminal and civil charges, and that goes double for distributing a "gateway server" to make it easier for others to connect their own proprietary resources to an open network.
Today's tech giants—and both their apologists and their critics—insist that their dominance is the inevitable consequence of "network effects," and so nothing we do will recapture the diversity that once defined the Internet. But adversarial interoperability is judo for network effects.
Armed with tools that relied on adversarial interoperability, the Gopher team was able to turn the installed bases of users for each of the services they interconnected into an advantage, merging these constituencies in an ever-larger pool, until Gopher became the most exciting thing on the net, the killer app that every newscast about the exciting new digital realm featured.
Gopher was born before the rise of severe penalties for crossing invisible legal lines, and it meant that Gopher could experiment with new ways of making information available without worrying that a single misstep would result in their utter ruination.
For example, the Gopher team put added support for a protocol called websterd, which would allow remote users to reach into the team's NeXT workstations to query the "DigitalWebster" edition of the Ninth Webster's Dictionary that came bundled with the systems, so that anyone on the Internet could look up English-language dictionary definitions. This led to a complaint from the dictionary's copyright holders, and Webster was modified to access alternative dictionaries, and it served language-learners and students for years afterward.
Ironically, perhapsm, adversarial interoperability was also Gopher's downfall. Even as Gopher was rising to prominence, an English physicist at the CERN research institute in Switzerland named Tim Berners-Lee was inventing something called the "World Wide Web," and with it, the first browser. With browsers came URLs, identifiers that could be used to retrieve any document on any Web server in the world. The Gopher team quickly integrated URLs into Gopherspace, adding more flexibility and ease to their service.
But it wasn't enough. The Web proved to be more popular—and doubly so, once browser vendors began to build Gopher clients into the browser themselves, so you could link from any Web page to any Gopher resource and vice-versa. Adversarial Interoperability allowed the Web to treat Gopherspace as a conveniently organized pool of resources to absorb into Webspace, and it made the Web unstoppable.
The Gopher team tried many things to revitalize their service, including a valiant attempt to remake Gopherspace as a low-resolution VR environment, but the writing was on the wall. Gopher, it turned out, was an intermediate phase of our networked world, a booster rocket that the Web used to attain a higher orbit than Gopher could have ever reached on its own.
Today's Web giants want us to believe that they and they alone are suited to take us to wherever we end up next. Having used Adversarial Interoperability as a ladder to attain their rarefied heights, they now use laws to kick the ladder away and prevent the next Microcomputer Center or Tim Berners-Lee from doing to them what the Web did to Gopher, and what Gopher did to mainframes.
Legislation to stem the tide of Big Tech companies' abuses, and laws—such as a national consumer privacy bill, an interoperability bill, or a bill making firms liable for data-breaches—would go a long way toward improving the lives of the Internet users held hostage inside the companies' walled gardens.
But far more important than fixing Big Tech is fixing the Internet: restoring the kind of dynamism that made tech firms responsive to their users for fear of losing them, restoring the dynamic that let tinkerers, co-ops, and nonprofits give every person the power of technological self-determination.
(Many thanks to Gopher co-inventor Paul Lindner for invaluable assistance in the research and drafting of this article)
from Deeplinks https://ift.tt/38P0XU6
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mcdouglecompany-blog · 6 years ago
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Dan Bongino- How to Fight Back, JFK Conservative and Andrew Klavan
Dan Bongino- How to Fight Back, JFK Conservative and Andrew Klavan
  The Dan Bongino Show. Here’s How to Fight Back
https://bongino.com/podcast/
Subscribe: iTunes | iHeartRADIO | Stitcher | Android | RSS | SoundCloud | Spotify
In this episode I address the breaking news about Bob Mueller’s witch-hunt. I also address another attack directed at a member of the Trump family. Finally, I discuss the unbelievable liberal hypocrisy about the border.
News Picks:
Breaking: Mueller to testify on Capitol Hill on July 17th.
Fascinating study points out that liberal elitists are the real cause of the political divide in America.
The big problem with student loan forgiveness which no liberal dares talk about.
There’s no conspiracy behind the conditions in immigration facilities, despite the absurd liberal rhetoric.
Our national debt situation is entirely out of control.
  Author of "JFK Conservative" Ira Stoll.  
Excerpted from The American Spectator: http://spectator.org/articles/54871/j...
WHAT I TAKE to be the truth about John Kennedy and his conservatism has, in the years since he died, been forgotten. This is partly because of the work of liberal historians and partly due to changes in America's major political parties. Yet calling Kennedy a conservative was hardly controversial during his lifetime. "A Kennedy Runs for Congress: The Boston-bred scion of a former ambassador is a fighting-Irish conservative," Look headlined an article in June 1946. "When young, wealthy and conservative John Fitzgerald Kennedy announced for Congress, many people wondered why," the story began. "Hardly a liberal even by his own standards, Kennedy is mainly concerned by what appears to him as the coming struggle between collectivism and capitalism. In speech after speech he charges his audience 'to battle for the old ideas with the same enthusiasm that people have for new ideas.'" The Chicago Tribune reported Kennedy's election to the U.S. Senate in 1952 by describing him as a "fighting conservative." In a June 1953 Saturday Evening Post article, Kennedy said, "I'd be very happy to tell them I'm not a liberal at all," adding, speaking of liberals, "I'm not comfortable with those people." In 1958, Eleanor Roosevelt was asked in a television interview what she would do if she had to choose between a "conservative Democrat like Kennedy and a liberal Republican [like] Rockefeller." She said she would do all she possibly could to make sure the Democrats did not nominate a candidate like Kennedy. On the campaign trail before the 1960 election, Kennedy spoke about economics: "We should seek a balanced budget over the course of the business cycle with surpluses during good times more than offsetting the deficits which may be incurred during slumps. I submit that this is not a radical fiscal policy. It is a conservative policy." This wasn't just campaign rhetoric—Kennedy kept his distance from liberalism right up until his assassination. "Why are some 'liberals' cool to the Kennedy Administration?" Newsweek asked in April 1962. The article went on to explain: "the liberal credentials of young Senator Kennedy never were impeccable...He never was really one of the visceral liberals...many liberal thinkers never felt close to him." Even after Kennedy's death, the "conservative" label was used to describe the late president and his policies by some of those who knew him best. One campaign staffer and congressional aide, William Sutton, described Kennedy's political stance in the 1946 campaign as "almost ultraconservative." "He was more conservative than anything else," said a Navy friend of Kennedy's, James Reed, who went on to serve Kennedy's assistant Treasury secretary and who had talked for "many hours" with the young Kennedy about fiscal and economic matters. Another of Kennedy's friends, the Washington columnist Joseph Alsop, echoed these sentiments in a 1964 interview: QuoteThe thing that's very important to remember about the president was that he was not, in the most marked way, he was not a member of the modern, Democratic, liberal group. He had real—contempt I'm afraid is the right word—for the members of that group in the Senate, or most of them...What he disliked—and here again we've often talked about it—was the sort of posturing, attitude-striking, never getting anything done liberalism...This viewpoint was completely foreign to Kennedy, and he regarded it with genuine contempt. Genuine contempt. He really was—contemptuous is the right word for it. He was contemptuous of that attitude in American life. Alsop went on to emphasize "the great success that the Kennedy administration had with an intelligent, active, but (in my opinion) conservative fiscal-economic policy." In January 1981, in the early days of the Reagan presidency, a group of Kennedy administration veterans gathered at the John F. Kennedy Library in Boston for a private conversation. One of the participants, Ted Sorensen, said, "Kennedy was a fiscal conservative. Most of us and the press and historians have, for one reason or another, treated Kennedy as being much more liberal than he so regarded himself at the time...In fiscal matters, he was extremely conservative, very cautious about the size of the budget." Sorensen made a similar point in a November 1983 Newsweek article, saying, "He never identified himself as a liberal...On fiscal matters he was more conservative than any president we've had since." In a 1993 speech, Kennedy's Treasury secretary, Douglas Dillon, described the president as "financially conservative." Combine that position with hawkish anticommunism, and it is hard to find much overlap with liberals....
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    The Andrew Klavan Show - Leftist Hate Unleashed. 5 minutes.
Violence, doxxing, censorship, racism - the left seethes with hatred of anyone who disagrees. Date: 07-01-2019
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