#apacl

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

Sun Myung Moon, anti-communism and the Japanese far right (1974)

▲ In 1974 Sun Myung Moon spent $350,000 on radio, TV, and other advertising to promote a major evangelical rally at Madison Square Garden to stimulate new support in the East. The event was held September 18 and attracted a large crowd of curious onlookers, hostile fundamentalists, leftist demonstrators, policemen, and atheists.

an extract from Korean Evangelism (1974)

The full article is available on WIOTM here:

https://whatisonthemoon.tumblr.com/post/720614563491561472/korean-evangelism-1974

... Reverend Sun Myung Moon, achieve notoriety when he announced last year in full page newspaper advertisements across the United States that President Nixon had been put into office by God and could be removed only by His will. Sun Myung Moon’s National Prayer and Fast Committee stuck by Nixon to the bitter end. (Thus did Moon inevitably meet Rabbi Korff, who then obligingly spoke before a Moon-affiliated organization on “The Fact of Communism and America’s Future.”10



The Reverend Moon is a new phenomenon in America, but not in Asia where his following now totals nearly a million people, concentrated in Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. Moon found his calling back in 1936 when Jesus Christ approached him on a mountainside and asked him to devote himself to God’s service as an evangelist. Moon waited until 1954, however, before organizing a new world religion, the Genri Undo, or Unification Church, formerly called the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity. (Detractors claim he got off to a slow start because of three arrests for sexual offenses. [1946, 1948 and 1955]) 11



Despite his wide following in Asia, and his whirlwind American tour last year, Moon has not attracted a wide following in the United States, where he can claim only about 25,000 supporters. Now that he can no longer lead the campaign to save President Nixon, Sun Myung Moon has fallen back on more traditional approaches. Recently he spent $350,000 on radio, TV, and other advertising to promote a major evangelical rally at Madison Square Garden to stimulate new support in the East. The event was held September 18 and attracted a large crowd of curious onlookers, hostile fundamentalists, leftist demonstrators, policemen, and atheists.12



Once described as a “Korean-style Elmer Gantry” but preferring the title, “God’s Hope for America,” the Reverend Moon preaches about the many dangers of communism along with his personal interpretations of the Bible. One Japanese source describes his movement as “less a religion than an anti-communist front group.” Rabbi Mark Tannenbaum of the American Jewish Committee observes that “Moon seems to be exploiting the emotional power of religion in order to indoctrinate his anti-communist ideology. The tragedy is that so many young people respond to this emotional appeal.” And he has predictably drawn fire from concerned clergymen, in the words of one, for his “seemingly cozy relationships with the dictatorial Park Chung Hee regime in South Korea.” In reply to these charges a Moon spokesman insists, “Many religions acknowledge the threat of Communism.”13



Sun Myung Moon can afford to lavishly finance his propaganda activities. Time estimated his personal fortune at $15 million, derived from investments in a tea company, titanium mines, retreat ranches, pharmaceutical firms, and shot gun manufacturers. Recently his Unification Church purchased several estates and an old seminary in New York for about $3 million. The question remains: is this vast international effort just a personal undertaking?14



Moon and his close associates are predictably silent, but disturbing evidence is emerging of his church’s close ties to anti-communist political organizations with less spiritual ends.



For example, Moon’s closest associate and English interpreter, Colonel Bo Hi Pak (“God’s Colonel”), formerly a Korean military attaché, has strong links to both Korean intelligence and the American CIA. He heads the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation (KCFF) which operates “Radio Free Asia,” possibly an outgrowth of a project by the American organization, Committee for a Free Asia (now the Asia Foundation), funded by the CIA. KCFF also conducts propaganda operations in Vietnam. Its legal counsel is none other than Robert Amory, Jr., former deputy director of the CIA. In 1962 Amory almost became head of the Asia Foundation (he was turned down to avoid blowing the CIA cover); now he is a law partner in Corcoran, Roley, Youngman & Rowe, a firm which has long handled the legal work for CIA proprietaries.15



The possibility of CIA involvement with a right-wing movement now entering the United States is frightening enough. But just as troubling are the close financial ties of Moon’s church to the world of wealthy neo-fascist Japanese capitalists, who seek not only a rollback of Communism but a new “Greater Asia” under the Emperor, based on the integration of Korea and Formosa into the Japanese orbit. In Japan, the chief financial backer and organizer of the Genri Undo is Sasagawa Ryoichi, the 75 year old former Class A war criminal. Back in 1931, with the notorious Kodama Yoshio, he formed a chauvinist patriotic party and intelligence organization that siphoned off enormous wealth from China during the Japanese occupation and ultimately provided much of the postwar financial backing for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. In 1939 he set in motion the negotiations leading to the Tripartite Pact between Japan, Germany, and Italy; three years later he was elected to the Diet on an ultranationalist platform of southward expansion. His stint in the Sagumo Prison after World War II for suspected war crimes set back his career only a short while, for he and fellow inmates like Kodama Yoshio and former Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke used their influence and time to plan the resurrection of the postwar Japanese Right.16



Both Sasagawa and Kodama still exercise enormous influence in Japan, and are described as “kuromaku” – powers behind the throne. The New York Times description of Kodama applies identically to Sasagawa: “Yoshio Kodama is among the most powerful men in Japan. He was instrumental in founding the nation’s governing party, he has had a hand in naming several Premiers, he has settled dozens of disputes among top businessmen. He also commands the allegiance of Japan’s ultra-right wing and has strong influence over the yakuza, or gangsters, of the underworld here.”17 Both are dedicated to restoring the power of the Emperor and crushing opposition to the Right.



Sasagawa, as president of the Japan-Indonesia Association and Japan-Philippine Association, both reminiscent of the prewar imperialist South Seas Association, has helped to spearhead the southward Japanese commercial advance in Asia. He funded the anti-Sukarno forces which organized the Indonesian coup d’état of September 30, 1965; he likewise supported the Lon Nol faction which overthrew King Sihanouk in Cambodia in 1970, and arranged for Japanese economic aid to prop up the new government. Currently he is active in strengthening Japanese ties with the strategic Arabian peninsula, through his Japan-Oman Association. Most significantly, Sasagawa has long been a leading light in the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, and was behind the recent organization of the World Anti-Communist League. With his vast fortune acquired from shipbuilding, gambling, and organized crime, Sasagawa not only influences the Japanese government but acts as a powerful force in all of “Greater Asia.” His support of Moon’s Unification Church is thus just one of many elements in the constellation of interlocking activities surrounding the Japanese, Asian, and world right-wing movements which still thrive in many forms.


...

Sources William Turner, Power Out the Right (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971); Jane Kramer, “Letter From Guyana,” New Yorker (September 16, 1974), pp. 100-128; Cheddi Japan, The West on Trial (London, 1966), p. 307.


Footnotes

...

10. On Korff’s close relationship to Moon, see Washington Post, July 25, 1974; New York Post, September 16, 1974. Rabbi Korff’s latest project is to force Congress to impose severe curbs on the media, which he blames for President Nixon’s downfall (Washington Post, August 17, 1974).

11. Daily News (New York), September 13, 1974; Christianity Today, March 1, 1974, pp. 101-02; AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 43; New York Times, September 16, 1974; Village Voice, September 12, 1974. Estimates vary as to the size of Moon’s worldwide following; Moon’s chief associate put the figure at over two million (New York Times, September 16, 1974).

[ Ewha Womans University sex scandal and Sun Myung Moon as told in the 1955 newspapers  

Sun Myung Moon found guilty in 1955; started two year jail sentence ]

12. New York Times, September 16, 1974 (including full-page advertisement on p. 40); Daily News, September 13, 1974; New York Times, September 19, 1974; UPI dispatch, September 19, 1974; Wall Street Journal, September 20, 1974.

13. AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 43; New York Post, September 16, 1974. Moon’s organization has created a number of secular anti-communist front groups including the International Federation for Victory over Communism, the World Freedom Institute, and the Freedom Leadership Foundation. The South Korean Government sends its civil servants to an anti-communist indoctrination center in Seoul operated by the Church (Village Voice, September 12, 1974; New York Times, September 17, 1974).

14. Time, October 15, 1973, pp. 129-30; Daily News, September 13, 1974; Christianity Today, March 1, 1974, pp. 101-02. Moon’s church is worth “far more” than Moon’s personal $15 million (New York Times, September 16, 1974).

15. Village Voice, September 12, 1974; Steve Weissman and John Shoch, “CIAsia Foundation,” Pacific Research, September~October, 1972. One of Corcoran’s earliest projects for the CIA was representing Chennault’s Civil Air Transport, now Air America. CIA officials deny any ties to Moon’s Unification Church, but funding of the Church remains mysterious (Wall Street Journal, September 20, 1974).

16. AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 43; New York Times, July 2, 1974; Don Kurzman, Kishi and Japan (Astor-Honor).

17. New York Times, July 2, 1974. Sasagawa has been implicated in recent Japanese election irregularities. See Far Eastern Economic Review, September 6, 1974, p. 28.

18. AMPO, Winter, 1974, pp. 43-5.

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Sun Myung Moon organization activities in Central & South America

1. Introduction 2. ‘Illegal Aliens Joining Moonies’ – The Pittsburg Press 3. Moon’s ‘Cause’ Takes Aim At Communism in the Americas – Washington Post 4. Moon in Latin America: Building the Bases of a World Organisation – Guardian 5. Guatemala 6. Nicaragua 7. Honduras 8. Costa Rica 9. Bolivia 10. Uruguay 11. Paraguay 12. Brazil

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Politics and religion interwoven

Contents
 1. Shadows on Rev. Moon’s beams. Politics and religion interwoven.
    Chicago Tribune – Sunday, November 10, 1974 2. Howling at the Moon – Chicago Reader Weekly  Friday, November 22, 1974 3. Messiah Sun Myung Moon on the Run 4. The Unification Church: Christian Church or Political Movement?
– by Wi Jo Kang (1976) 5. Moon’s Sect Pushes Pro-Seoul Activities – by Ann Crittenden
.   The New York Times,  May 25, 1976 6. Panel Told Seoul Used Followers of Sun Myung Moon for Protests
.   The New York Times,  June 7, 1978 7. Unification Church Protected by the Regime in South Korea
.    週刊ポスト  Shūkan Post magazine  October 15, 1993 8. American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit 
in the House of Bush – by Kevin Phillips (2004) 9. Missing Pieces of the Story of Sun Myung Moon
– by Frederick Clarkson (2012) 10. Sun Myung Moon was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002.
It seems the manufacture of Moon’s ‘Autobiography’ was an attempt to promote Moon for the Nobel Peace Prize. However, the publisher of the book was jailed for four years for fraud – for buying books from stores to push the book up the best-seller list, and for other financial crimes. 11. ‘Privatizing’ Covert Action: The Case of the Unification Church
Dr. Jeffrey M. Bale   Lobster #21.   May 1991 
Introduction

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The Sun Myung Moon church – Jane Day Mook & Hiroshi Yamaguchi (1974 & 1975)

[whatisonthemoon]

Korean Evangelism (1974)

Korean Evangelism By Jonathan Marshall Pacific Research, 5 (September-October 1974), 1-5

Lenin may have exaggerated when he charged that “religion is the opiate of the people,” but his words have long had a ring of truth for Asia. From the days when Christian missionaries were sent to China and Korea to open up new markets for American manufacturers, to the more recent efforts of the American CIA to finance anti-communist religious minority groups in Southeast Asia, the West has consistently used religion as a spearhead of cultural and economic penetration in the Orient. Since World War II, America’s politico-religious programs have been chiefly aimed at stirring up anti-communist sentiment around the world to promote the containment or rollback of leftist regimes. Thus the CIA has at various times backed everything from Asian Buddhist monks to reactionary Russian orthodox churches catering to Eastern European émigrés, to Pope Paul’s Italian anti-communist youth movements.1 Most anti-communist religious fronts, however, are supported by wealthy right-wing individuals or foreign governments, but all have similar ends. Many of these “religious” groups are now affiliated with worldwide anti-communist organizations, especially the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League (formed by Chiang Kai-shek and Korean President Syngman Rhee, in 1954) and its umbrella organization, the World Anti-Communist League. These two groups, although confined largely to propaganda activities . (APACL’s role in the 1954, CIA-organized Vietnam refugee resettlement is one of several exceptions), help coordinate the activities of the world’s leading anti-communists and of regional organizations such as the irredentist Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, the European Freedom Council, and the Free Pacific Association. Also associated with APACL is the International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture headed by an ex-Foreign Minister under Spain’s Franco, and composed of former German Abwehr agents, Ukrainian Catholic activists, professional American anti-Semites, John Birch Society spokesmen, and a former advisor to Syngman Rhee, James Cromwell. Other religious groups represented in APACL/WACL conventions include the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade (American), the Asian Lay-Christian Association (South Korean), and the Asian Christian Anti-Communist Association. All are dedicated to winning the hearts and minds of the world’s many non-Christians and turning them away from the lure of communism.2 South Korea has long been a center of anti-communist Christian agitation in Asia because of its large Christian population (one out of eight South Koreans is Christian, and the number is rising rapidly) and because of the highly favorable political climate offered first by Syngman Rhee and now by General Park, who have subsidized right-wing Christian groups and promoted a “Christianizing” campaign in the military. Evangelists who consider the Third World to be of great “strategic significance” point out that South Korea now boasts over 8,500 seminary and Bible school students. And South Korea has another advantage for Christian activists -- a convenient enemy. During Billy Graham’s famous Crusade to South Korea in mid-1973, which drew over two million people (thanks to some official pressure), chants like “Fifty million for Christ” were instigated to agitate for a roll back of Communism and unification of the Korean Peninsula’s fifty million inhabitants. Thus it was fitting that Seoul, the capital of South Korea, was the home of the first All-Asia Mission Consultation, a meeting of Asian missionaries to plan the evangelization of Asia’s 98 percent non-Christians.3 One American evangelical organization has been quick to exploit the opportunities provided by South Korea: Campus Crusade for Christ International. Founded by ex-California businessman William R. Bright in 1951, Campus Crusade is headquartered in a multimillion dollar luxury hotel located on a 1,735 acre estate at Arrowhead Springs, near San Bernardino. With a full-time staff of over 3,009 people in fifty countries and an annual budget over $15 million, Bright’s organization is dedicated to sparking off a “spiritual explosion across America and around the world” which will Christianize the world in the next decade.4 Campus Crusade experienced a remarkable growth in the past five years through the use of sophisticated computerized marketing techniques and an almost embarrassingly oversimplified set of theological principles. It has, however, met with some opposition from established Christian organizations thanks to its conservative fundamentalist principles and resistance to social change. Campus Crusade speakers typically cite the “great red dragon” of Revelation 12 to warn of the threat of Chinese Communism, and the group’s film, “Berkeley -- A New Kind of Revolution” portrays Martin Luther King and the peace movement, tinted red, as examples of what is wrong with America. The evangelist organ Christianity Today reports that at EXPLO ’72, a student congress on evangelism sponsored by Campus Crusade in Dallas (featuring Billy Graham), “The Peoples’ Christian Coalition, an anti-war group.., kept Crusade officials hopping to head off leafleting and pint-sized demonstrations. Two dozen Coalition members and Mennonites one night in the Cotton Bowl held up a large banner reading ‘Cross or flag, God or country?’ and chanted ’Stop the war’ but were promptly shushed by the crowd.” Indeed, the atmosphere of Campus Crusade’s EXPLO ’72 seemed best described by the popular chant, “Two bits, four bits, six bits, a dollar. All who’re for Jesus, stand up and holler!’’5 Even as EXPLO ’72 was ending, Bill Bright began planning Campus Crusade’s next and even more ambitious venture -- EXPLO ’74 in South Korea. Slated to cost $1.5 million, EXPLO ’74 was planned for an attendance conservatively estimated at 300,000, well over three times the draw of its 1972 predecessor. Campus Crusade got a big boost when Billy Graham plugged his friend’s project during his 1973 expedition to Seoul. Campus Crusade’s high-rise headquarters in central Seoul (on land donated by the government after a battle in 1968 to remove squatters) was mobilized to prepare for the event. And Campus Crusade’s chief representative in Seoul, Joon Gon Kim, drawing upon the organization’s experience in fighting communism in Mexico, Columbia, Brazil, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Thailand, as well as the strong encouragement of his government, directed the entire project.6 Bright suffered a temporary set-back last year when the Korean National Council of Churches officially expressed its “lack of concern” about the evangelical crusade, according to the Washington Post, for “fear it would be used as a tool in the government’s struggle with church groups over social policy, political freedoms and human rights.” Sophisticated Koreans viewed the Graham/Bright efforts as simply a further extension of the government’s program of “undermining strongly anti-government mobilizations among the country’s four million Christians,” writes an informed Japanese journalist.7 Since then, probably to Bright’s embarrassment, the Park regime has greatly stepped up this “struggle,” not only against Church groups, but also to crush students, lawyers, and dissident intellectuals. Since Park suspended the Constitution and promulgated his Emergency Decrees last January, his government has convicted by military tribunal almost two hundred suspected political dissenters and interrogated -- often by torture -- hundreds more. Korea’s only living ex-President was arrested and convicted under the Decrees. Sentences ranging from five years to death have been meted out by these tribunals to large numbers of Protestant clergymen, a famous Catholic bishop, the country’s best known poet, South Korea’s foremost expert on Abraham Lincoln (and Boston University Ph. D.), a dean of theology at a major Korean University, who graduated from Union Theological Seminary, a civil liberties lawyer from Yale University, and many others whose exposure to Western political, values brought them only trouble. Thousands of Korean Catholics (at great personal risk) have attended mass rallies and vigils to protest the jailing of Bishop Daniel Chi Hak Soun. Korea’s Protestant National Council of Churches recently denounced the repression under Park. Christian groups around the world, including the American Jesuit Missions Conference and the World Council of Churches have joined in the protest against the American-backed regime.8 None of this, of course, disturbs veteran anti-communist Bill Bright, whose EXPLO ’74, with government backing, attracted several hundred thousand South Koreans last August. “In no country in the world, including the U.S., is there more freedom to talk about Jesus Christ than in South Korea,” he explains by way of justification. “There is no religious repression here. It is only political, and I believe it is for a good cause.” Bright says that “those in prison” -- presumably including his fellow Christians -- “are involved in things they shouldn’t be involved in.” The slightest expression of dissent, he feels, may cause North Korea to instantly “pounce upon the republic.” He accuses the U.S. press as well as the jailed Korean critics of slandering the Park regime and claims, “Those who oppose the regime are militant in their attack on anything that speaks of God, and if they had their way every Christian in South Korea today would be slaughtered.” Joon Gon Kim, executive director of EXPLO ’74, is no less outspoken in his defense of Campus Crusade’s holy mission against world communism: “When the Korean church becomes aflame with the Holy Spirit God can rend the iron curtain of North Korea, China, Russia and Eastern Europe and the walls will collapse so that the Gospel can be preached.’’9 William Bright in the service of General Park’s dictatorship might seem an extreme case, but his allies, especially those in the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, are no less fervent or dedicated. Just as Bright claims that General Park is working in the service of God by crushing his opponents, so did Bright’s ally and Korean counterpart, the Reverend Sun Myung Moon, achieve notoriety when he announced last year in full page newspaper advertisements across the United States that President Nixon had been put into office by God and could be removed only by His will. Sun Myung Moon’s National Prayer and Fast Committee stuck by Nixon to the bitter end. (Thus did Moon inevitably meet Rabbi Korff, who then obligingly spoke before a Moon-affiliated organization on “The Fact of Communism and America’s Future.” 10 The Reverend Moon is a new phenomenon in America, but not in Asia where his following now totals nearly a million people, concentrated in Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. Moon found his calling back in 1936 when Jesus Christ approached him on a mountainside and asked him to devote himself to God’s service as an evangelist. Moon waited until 1954, however, before organizing a new world religion, the Genri Undo, or Unification Church, formerly called the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity. (Detractors claim he got off to a slow start because of three arrests for sexual offenses.)11 Despite his wide following in Asia, and his whirlwind American tour last year, Moon has not attracted a wide following in the United States, where he can claim only about 25,000 supporters. Now that he can no longer lead the campaign to save President Nixon, Sun Myung Moon has fallen back on more traditional approaches. Recently he spent $350,000 on radio, TV, and other advertising to promote a major evangelical rally at Madison Square Garden to stimulate new support in the East. The event was held September 18 and attracted a large crowd of curious onlookers, hostile fundamentalists, leftist demonstrators, policemen, and atheists.12 Once described as a “Korean-style Elmer Gantry” but preferring the title, “God’s Hope for America,” the Reverend Moon preaches about the many dangers of communism along with his personal interpretations of the Bible. One Japanese source describes his movement as “less a religion than an anti-communist front group.” Rabbi Mark Tannenbaum of the American Jewish Committee observes that “Moon seems to be exploiting the emotional power of religion in order to indoctrinate his anti-communist ideology. The tragedy is that so many young people respond to this emotional appeal.” And he has predictably drawn fire from concerned clergymen, in the words of one, for his “seemingly cozy relationships with the dictatorial Park Chung Hee regime in South Korea.” In reply to these charges a Moon spokesman insists, “Many religions acknowledge the threat of Communism.”13 Sun Myung Moon can afford to lavishly finance his propaganda activities. Time estimated his personal fortune at $15 million, derived from investments in a tea company, titanium mines, retreat ranches, pharmaceutical firms, and shot gun manufacturers. Recently his Unification Church purchased several estates and an old seminary in New York for about $3 million. The question remains: is this vast international effort just a personal undertaking?14 Moon and his close associates are predictably silent, but disturbing evidence is emerging of his church’s close ties to anti-communist political organizations with less spiritual ends. For example, Moon’s closest associate and English interpreter, Colonel Bo Hi Pak (“God’s Colonel”), formerly a Korean military attaché, has strong links to both Korean intelligence and the American CIA. He heads the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation (KCFF) which operates “Radio Free Asia,” possibly an outgrowth of a project by the American organization, Committee for a Free Asia (now the Asia Foundation), funded by the CIA. KCFF also conducts propaganda operations in Vietnam. Its legal counsel is none other than Robert Amory, Jr., former deputy director of the CIA. In 1962 Amory almost became head of the Asia Foundation (he was turned down to avoid blowing the CIA cover); now he is a law partner in Corcoran, Roley, Youngman & Rowe, a firm which has long handled the legal work for CIA proprietaries.15 The possibility of CIA involvement with a right-wing movement now entering the United States is frightening enough. But just as troubling are the close financial ties of Moon’s church to the world of wealthy neo-fascist Japanese capitalists, who seek not only a rollback of Communism but a new “Greater Asia” under the Emperor, based on the integration of Korea and Formosa into the Japanese orbit. In Japan, the chief financial backer and organizer of the Genri Undo is Sasagawa Ryoichi, the 75 year old former Class A war criminal. Back in 1931, with the notorious Kodama Yoshio, he formed a chauvinist patriotic party and intelligence organization that siphoned off enormous wealth from China during the Japanese occupation and ultimately provided much of the postwar financial backing for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. In 1939 he set in motion the negotiations leading to the ’Tripartite Pact between Japan, Germany, and Italy; three years later he was elected to the Diet on an ultranationalist platform of southward expansion. His stint in the Sagumo Prison after World War II for suspected war crimes set back his career only a short while, for he and fellow inmates like Kodama Yoshio and former Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke used their influence and time to plan the resurrection of the postwar Japanese Right.16 Both Sasagawa and Kodama still exercise enormous influence in Japan, and are described as “kuromaku” -- powers behind the throne. The New York Times description of Kodama applies identically to Sasagawa: “Yoshio Kodama is among the most powerful men in Japan. He was instrumental in founding the nation’s governing party, he has had a hand in naming several Premiers, he has settled dozens of disputes among top businessmen. He also commands the allegiance of Japan’s ultra-right wing and has strong influence over the yakuza, or gangsters, of the underworld here.”17 Both are dedicated to restoring the power of the Emperor and crushing opposition to the Right. Sasagawa, as president of the Japan-Indonesia Association and Japan-Philippine Association, both reminiscent of the prewar imperialist South Seas Association, has helped to spearhead the southward Japanese commercial advance in Asia. He funded the anti-Sukarno forces which organized the Indonesian coup d’état of September 30, 1965; he likewise supported the Lon Nol faction which overthrew King Sihanouk in Cambodia in 1970, and arranged for Japanese economic aid to prop up the new government. Currently he is active in strengthening Japanese ties with the strategic Arabian peninsula, through his Japan-Oman Association. Most significantly, Sasagawa has long been a leading light in the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, and was behind the recent organization of the World Anti-Communist League. With his vast fortune acquired from shipbuilding, gambling, and organized crime, Sasagawa not only influences the Japanese government but acts as a powerful force in all of “Greater Asia.” His support of Moon’s Unification Church is thus just one of many elements in the constellation of interlocking activities surrounding the Japanese, Asian, and world right-wing movements which still thrive in many forms. American “Bible Belt” fundamentalism has long been known as a source of the most extreme conservatism and almost fanatic anti-communism. Evangelical movements from this tradition,, refined and directed by sophisticated “religious entrepreneurs” with modern marketing techniques and lavish funding, are “going international” on a larger scale than ever before in the service of established right-wing governments and organizations. Linked to old and well established anti-communist fronts composed of Eastern European émigrés, embittered Cuban refugees, and Nationalist Chinese officials, these popular new evangelical movements are the forefront of a new wave of political propaganda, disguised as religion and designed to distract Third World peoples from their more pressing social needs and concerns. Whether this theology of anti-communism will have any appeal to the masses of Asia is doubtful, but it does represent a new level of struggle in the cold war that is still with us. SIDEBAR: CHRISTIAN ANTI-COMMUNIST CRUSADE The Christian Anti-Communist Crusade, although affiliated with APACL, specializes in rooting Communists out of Latin America. Headed by “the amazing Aussie Communist-hunter” Fred Schwartz, CACC is based in southern California at Long Beach, where it draws financial support from such right-wingers as Walter Knott (Knott’s Berry Farm) and Patrick J. Frawley (Schick, Eversharp). Its $350,000 annual income supports many activities, including a Latin American literature project. Back in 1961, Schwartz’s Crusade worked With the U.S. Information Agency (and the CIA) to defeat Marxist candidate Cheddi Jagan in British Guyana’s presidential election. Schwartz admitted spending $76,0.00 to influence the election in favor of the right-wing United Force party. The Crusade’s money allegedly helped finance anti-Jagan street gangs and rioters to discredit his government. Shortly thereafter the CIA began a major campaign to undermine Jagan by infiltrating Guyana’s powerful black labor unions with the help of the CIA-funded American Institute for Free Labor Development. Though no one has ever proven any connection between Schwartz and the US government, his activities closely parallel those of the CIA. US embassy officials have never questioned his work. If he is not a CIA man, he ought to be.

Sources and footnotes below

(Sources: William Turner, Power Out the Right (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971); Jane Kramer, “Letter From Guyana,” New Yorker (September 16, 1974), pp. 100-128; Cheddi Japan, The West on Trial (London, 1966), p. 307). FOOTNOTES 1. Stanley Karnow, “The CIA in Flux,” New Republic, December 8, 1973. Between 1961 and 1963 CIA foundations gave $142,500 to the Synod of Bishops of the Russian Church outside of Russia. 2. Peter Dale Scott, “Watergate, Cuba, and the China-Vietnam Lobby” (unpublished manuscript); APACL, All Roads Lead to Freedom: First Report (Taipei, 1955); APACL, Proceedings of the First WACL Conference; APACL, Proceedings of the Third WACL Conference. 3. AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 17; Christianity Today, August 16, 1974, pp. 28-9; June 22, 1973, pp. 33-4; September 28, 1973, pp. 52-3. 4. Christianity Today, January 1, 1971, p. 43; June 9, 1972, pp. 38-9; Christian Century, December 24, 1969, pp. 1650-1651. Despite its name, Campus Crusade is “not a student-led program” but is controlled by Bright’s central staff. (Christianity Today, April 12, 1968, p. 4O.} 5. Christian Century, May 10, 1972, pp. 549-51; July 19, 1972, pp. 778-80; Christianity Today, July 7, 1972, pp. 31-2. 6, AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 16; Christianity Today, June 22, 1973, pp. 33-4; June 9, 1972, pp. 38-39. Campus Crusade actually has staff members at work in over fifty countries, where, as in the United States, its chief target group is students. 7. Washington Post, August 19, 1974; AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 17. 8. The American press, especially the Washington Post and the New York Times, provided extensive coverage of the growing repression in Korea during the summer of 1974. 9. Washington Post, August 19, 1974; New York Times, August 19, 1974. 10. On Korff’s close relationship to Moon, see Washington Post, July 25, 1974; New York Post, September 16, 1974. Rabbi Korff’s latest project is to force Congress to impose severe curbs on the media, which he blames for President Nixon’s downfall (Washington Post, August 17, 1974). 11. Daily News (New York), September 13, 1974; Christianity Today, March 1, 1974, pp. 101-02; AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 43; New York Times, September 16, 1974; Village Voice, September 12, 1974. Estimates vary as to the size of Moon’s worldwide following; Moon’s chief associate put the figure at over two million (New York Times, September 16, 1974). 12. New York Times, September 16, 1974 (including full-page advertisement on p. 40); Daily News, September 13, 1974; New York Times, September 19, 1974; UPI dispatch, September 19, 1974; Wall Street Journal, September 20, 1974. 13. AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 43; New York Post, September 16, 1974. Moon’s organization has created a number of secular anti-communist front groups including the ]nfernationai Federation for Victory over Communism, the World Freedom Institute, and the Freedom Leadership Foundation. The South Korean Government sends its civil servants to an anti-communist indoctrination center in Seoul operated by the Church (Village Voice, September 12, 1974; New York Times, September 17, 1974). 14. Time, October 15, 1973, pp. 129-30; Daily News, September 13, 1974; Christianity Today, March 1, 1974, pp. 101-02. Moon’s church is worth “far more” than Moon’s personal $15 million (New York Times, September 16, 1974). 15. Village Voice, September 12, 1974; Steve Weissman and John Shoch, “CIAsia Foundation,” Pacific Research, September~October, 1972. One of Corcoran’s earliest projects for the CIA was representing Chennault’s Civil Air Transport, now Air America. CIA officials deny any ties to Moon’s Unification Church, but funding of the Church remains mysterious (Wall Street Journal, September 20, 1974). 16. AMPO, Winter, 1974, p. 43; New York Times, July 2, 1974; Don Kurzman, Kishi and Japan (Astor-Honor). 17. New York Times, July 2, 1974. Sasagawa has been implicated in recent Japanese election irregularities. See Far Eastern Economic Review, September 6, 1974, p. 28. 18. AMPO, Winter, 1974, pp. 43-5.

[www012xyzcom]

CYCLOPS AG v GUTS GAMING // APACL 2021 NORTH Division | Stage 3 Playday #3

#RainbowSixEsports #Rainbow6

[plan18productions]

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[whatisonthemoonarchive]

This decline of the MRA in Japan is said to be because of the successful protests against “Ampo”, and because of that success, a new front group, the APACL, gets brought in. In March, 1958 a steering committee meeting had been held in Mexico City to plan the merger of APACL and other, similar anti-communist organizations into the World Anti-Communist League (which doesn’t actually get made until 1966) but this shows the purpose of it and that it was being planned this far back.

Junas tells us that: By one account, in 1959 or thereabouts, (i.e., on the eve of the Ampo struggle) Moon himself had acted as a go between trying to bring together the MRA and APACL factions.

The third man of the jail trio, Sasakawa was the important behind-the-scenes player in this APACL, while Kishi takes his usual place as “front man” for that as well. Kishi would later do this for the Moon Organization too, obviously liaising with Kim Jong-Pil and having Moon start agitating on “anti-communist” work. Sasakawa helps out Moon’s agent Choi’s immigration proceedings by appearing as his guarantor.

Moon takes on his next task, working together with his MRA/CIA contacts he sends some “missionaries” to the U.S. in 1959, one of which was Young Oon Kim, another was Bo Hi Pak – the man who also worked directly for KCIA and Jong-Pil.

Meanwhile the soon-to-be “coup” replacement, Park Chung Hee, a major general in the Army, holds a meeting with American military officials at the Army’s 6th district division office in 1959.

Note: This pic was provided by Kim Jong-pil to Korea Joon Gang Daily who did a series in 2015 called Kim Jong-Pil Remembers. If anyone can positively identify the other people in it, please drop me a note in the comment section.

So, while the intelligence/military men are having meetings with Park, 1960 rolls around and as Junas put it: Kim Jong Pil “organized” the Unification Church as a “political tool”.

The military officers Moon had been busily recruiting in the late 1950s, are also about to come into play in this “coup”…and meanwhile Moon’s people in the U.S. will soon undergo a corresponding transformation with the help of sociologist John Lofland, who was then doing a “study” tasked by the OSS/CIA created Institute for Social Research out of Berkeley University. (more on that in a separate post, because that’s one hell of a story all by itself).

Kishi coordinates the same thing in Japan, organizing the Japanese Unification Church–known there as Genri Undo, or “Principles Movement”. I believe this was all part of starting to replace the religious front group aspect of the now almost defunct MRA.

Clearly this plan had actually began earlier, or perhaps the Koreans are taking advantage of the existing plan (there is some evidence to point to that) to forward some agenda of their own. Anyway, prior to this date that Junas gives as the “organization” of the Moon church, not only was MRA man and Kishie triangle collaborator Kim Jong-Pil already working on those connections with American military here in 1959, he was clearly involved with sending out agents to America to “watch” Korean ex-pats (more like terrorize).

I say that, because one of the first people that Moon sent to America was Joon Rhee, who lived his intelligence cover as a martial arts teacher/moonie – but never breaking his strong KCIA intelligence connections through Bo Hi Pak and Kim Jong-Pil.

You could say that Moon and Jong-pil sent their own special triad or triangle. Young Oon Kim to the western American seaboard, Bo Hi Pak to the eastern, and Joon Rhee to South Texas. An interesting diagram, geographically.

Jhoon Rhee, begins teaching Tang Soo Do at San Marcos Southwest Texas State College in 1959, later changes the name to the name more of us recognize – Tae Kwan Do.

excerpted from: https://mikemcclaughry.wordpress.com/virginias-research/korean-intelligence-head-kim-jong-pil-and-the-mra-moral-rearmament/

[jamariyanews]

L’internazionale criminale: la Lega anticomunista mondiale

di Thierry Meyssan

Fondata a Taiwan da Chiang Kai-shek, Reverendo Moon e da criminali nazisti e di guerra giapponesi, la Lega anticomunista mondiale (WACL) con Nixon la prima volta estese i metodi contro-insurrezionali nel sud-est asiatico e nell’America Latina. Sette capi di Stato parteciparono alle sue riunioni. Poi, rediviva con l’era Reagan, divenne uno strumento del complesso militare-industriale degli USA e della CIA durante la Guerra Fredda. Gli furono commissionati omicidi politici e l’addestramento controinsurreazionale in tutti i conflitti, tra cui l’Afghanistan dove era rappresentata da Usama bin Ladin.

Rete Voltaire| Parigi (Francia) | 3 luglio 2016  

français  русский  Türkçe  Español  فارسى 

Alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, i servizi segreti statunitensi utilizzarono fascisti, ustascia e nazisti per creare una rete di agenti anticomunisti: Stay-behind [1]. Se reclutati negli Stati Uniti i futuri agenti atlantici dovevano rimanere segreti, negli Stati sotto il controllo sovietico, al contrario, dovevano agire pubblicamente. Fu creata quindi, nel 1946, una sorta di ente internazionale per coordinare l’azione degli agenti orientali trasferiti in occidente: il Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN). Fascisti ucraini, ungheresi, rumeni, croati, bulgari, slovacchi, lituani, ecc. si unirono sotto la guida di Yaroslav Stetsko. Ex-capo collaborazionista ucraino, Stetsko è considerato il responsabile del massacro di 700 persone, per lo più ebrei, a Leopoli del 2 luglio 1941.

Otto anni più tardi, alla fine della guerra di Corea, gli Stati Uniti sostituirono la Francia in Indocina [2]. Il presidente Eisenhower creò un sistema di difesa regionale diretto contro l’URSS e la Cina. L’8 settembre 1954, seguendo il modello della NATO, fu creata la SEATO che raggruppava Australia, Nuova Zelanda, Pakistan, Filippine, Thailandia, Regno Unito e Stati Uniti. Il 2 dicembre il dispositivo fu completato con un trattato di difesa bilaterale tra Stati Uniti e Taiwan [3]. In parallelo, la CIA, sotto la direzione di Allen Dulles, struttura i servizi spionistici di tali Stati e crea un’organizzazione di contatto tra i partiti anticomunisti nella regione. Quindi, viene creata attorno Chiang Kai-shek la Lega anti-comunista dei popoli dell’Asia (APACL). Oltre al presidente di Taiwan Chiang Kai-shek, l’APACL conta tra i suoi membri Paek Chun-hee, futuro presidente della Corea del Sud; Ryiochi Sasakawa, criminale di guerra divenuto milionario e benefattore del Partito liberale giapponese; e il Reverendo Sun Myung Moon [4], profeta della Chiesa dell’Unificazione. Inoltre, nelle file dell’APACL vi erano il generale Prapham Kulapichtir (Thailandia), il presidente Ferdinando Marcos (Filippine), il principe Sopasaino (Laos) [5] il colonnello Do Dang Cong, rappresentante del presidente del Vietnam Nguyen Van Thieu), ecc. L’APACL è sotto il controllo totale di Ray S. Cline, allora capo della stazione della CIA a Taiwan [6], e pubblica l’Asian Bulletin redatto da Michael Lasater, futuro capo del dipartimento dell’Asia della Heritage Foundation [7].

1967

La creazione della WACL

1976 The WACL 9th Conf. held at Seoul, Korea Dal 1958, il presidente del Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN) presenziò a Taipei, in occasione della conferenza annuale della Lega anticomunista dei Popoli dell’Asia (APACL). Stetsko e Cline supervisionarono la fondazione della Political Warfare Cadres Academy di Taiwan, l’istituzione responsabile dell’addestramento dei quadri del regime di Chiang Kai-shek nella repressione anticomunista. L’accademia è l’equivalente asiatico del Psychological Warfare Center di Fort Bragg (Stati Uniti) e della Scuola delle Americhe a Panama [8]. Progressivamente, la CIA formò una rete di gruppi politici ed istruttori in controinsurrezione in tutto il mondo. Nel 1967, ABN e APACL si fusero denominandosi Lega anticomunista mondiale (World Anti-Communist League, WACL) estendendo le attività a tutto il “mondo libero”. Tra i nuovi membri vi erano i Los Tecos o Legione di Cristo Re, formazione fascista messicana creata durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale. La Lega nella prima fase conobbe un boom negli anni ’73-’75, quando Richard Nixon e il consigliere per la sicurezza Henry Kissinger occupavano la Casa Bianca.

Il suo finanziamento è assicurato generosamente dalla Chiesa della Riunificazione. Tuttavia, tale realtà non è più riconosciuta pubblicamente dal 1975. Il Rev. Sun Myung Moon disse poi di aver rotto i legami con la Lega, ma continuava ad esercitare la propria leadership tramite il suo rappresentante giapponese Osami Kuboki.

Il ruolo della WACL nell’attuazione dei piani Fenice (1968-1971) e Condor (1976-1977), con l’assassinio di migliaia di sospetti simpatizzanti del comunismo nel sud-est asiatico e in America Latina, non è sufficientemente documentato. L’Operazione Phoenix fu probabilmente applicata in Vietnam dal Joint Unconventionnal Warfare Task Force del maggiore-generale John K. Singlaub, poi presidente della WACL. Tuttavia, Singlaub ha sempre negato il coinvolgimento in tale operazione. D’altra parte, il generale Hugo Banzer, che impose la sua dittatura in Bolivia nel 1971-1978, presiedette la sezione latinoamericana della WACL. Banzer organizzò un piano per eliminare fisicamente i suoi oppositori comunisti nel 1975. Il piano Banzer fu presentato come modello da seguire in un vertice latinoamericano della WACL ad Asuncion, nel 1977, alla presenza del dittatore paraguaiano Alfredo Stroessner. Una mozione diretta a procedere nello stesso modo, l’eliminazione di tutti i sacerdoti e religiosi seguaci della teologia della liberazione nell’America Latina, fu presentata dalla delegazione del Paraguay e adottata dalla Conferenza mondiale della WACL nel 1978 [9]. Non si sa con certezza il ruolo della WACL nella strategia della tensione che colpì l’Europa in quel periodo. François Duprat, fondatore di Ordine Nuovo francese; Giorgio Almirante, fondatore del MSI; lo spagnolo Jesus Palacio, fondatore di CEDADE; il belga Paul Vankerhoven, presidente del Circolo delle nazioni, e altri come loro, militarono nella WACL. La Lega esfiltrò dall’Italia Stefano delle Chiaie [10] ricercato per terrorismo, e l’inviò in Bolivia, allora sotto il regime di Hugo Banzer, dove fu nominato subito secondo di Klaus Barbie alla testa degli squadroni della morte. La documentazione è scarsa anche sul ruolo della WACL nella guerra in Libano. E’ noto, al massimo, che reclutò mercenari per le milizie cristiane del presidente Camille Chamoun nel 1975, una settimane prima dello scoppio del conflitto.

Al suo arrivo alla Casa Bianca nel 1977, Jimmy Carter volle porre fine alle pratiche sordide dei predecessori. L’Ammiraglio Stanfield Turner fu nominato capo della CIA e si dedicò ad eliminare i regimi autoritari in America Latina. Fu dura per la WACL, che non ricevette più finanziamenti dai suoi membri. Allora divenne un covo di anti-Carter, preparandosi a giorni migliori e creando spontaneamente rapporti con la principale organizzazione anti-Carter degli Stati Uniti, la Coalizione Nazionale per la Pace Attraverso la Forza (National Coalition for Peace Through Strength). Tale fronte del rifiuto promanava dal Consiglio di sicurezza nazionale statunitense, che il presidente Eisenhower designò con il termine “complesso militare-industriale” [11]. I suoi co-presidenti erano il generale Daniel O’Graham [12], che partecipò con George H. Bush alla Commissione Pipes per la rivalutazione della minaccia sovietica, denominata Team B [13], e il generale John K. Singlaub [14]. Numerosi funzionari della Lega erano legati ai comitati per l’elezione di Ronald Reagan. Per molti di loro, il governatore repubblicano della California non era un estraneo. In effetti, alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, Reagan fu portavoce della Crociata per la libertà, la raccolta fondi per accogliere negli Stati Uniti gli immigrati dall’Europa orientale in fuga dal comunismo. Difatti si trattava di radunare nazisti, fascisti ed ustascia nel Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN). E il vicepresidente George H. Bush era un altro amico. Da direttore della CIA fu a capo dell’Operazione Condor.

L’età d’oro della WACL

Con l’arrivo di Ronald Reagan e George H. Bush alla Casa Bianca, la WACL riacquista vigore e continua a svilupparsi. I vecchi contatti danno frutti. Il complesso militare-industriale degli Stati Uniti finanzia la creazione della sezione statunitense della WACL denominata Consiglio per la Libertà Mondiale (Council for World Freedom, USCWF). Il presidente era il generale John K. Singlaub e il vicepresidente era il generale Daniel O’Graham. Ma non solo. Il complesso militare-industriale fece della WACL lo strumento centrale della repressione anticomunista mondiale. Singlaub divenne così presidente della WACL.

La Lega agisce su tutti i fronti : Per combattere la presenza sovietica in Afghanistan, il Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale statunitense [15] finanziò una sezione della WACL: il Comitato per un Afghanistan Libero con sede presso la Fondazione Heritage. L’operazione inizia con la visita ufficiale di Margaret Thatcher e Lord Nicholas Bethell, capo dipartimento dell’MI6, negli Stati Uniti, e la dirige il generale J. Milnor Roberts. Il Comitato è direttamente coinvolto nel supporto logistico ai “combattenti per la libertà”, autorizzati dal direttore della CIA William Casey [16] e diretti da Usama bin Ladin [17]. Il legame tra la WACL e l’affarista saudita l’assicura un collaboratore dello sceicco, Ahmad Salah Jamjun dell’impresa di costruzioni Bin Ladin Group, e un ex-primo ministro dello Yemen del Sud [18]. Nelle Filippine, il presidente Ferdinando Marcos rappresenta la WACL. Ma quando viene estromesso nel 1986, John K. Singlaub e Ray Cline arrivano nel Paese per scegliere nuovi partner, quindi creano un gruppo paramilitare antiguerriglia e scelgono il generale Fidel Ramos [19], amico di Frank Carlucci [20], George H. Bush e Bin Ladin. Per combattere la rivoluzione sandinista in Nicaragua, la WACL crea una base logistica nella proprietà di John Hull in Costa Rica, con istruttori argentini. La Lega usa anche i servizi offerti dal Capo di Stato Maggiore dell’Honduras, generale Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, che recluta mercenari utilizzando la copertura umanitaria del Refugee Relief International. In Guatemala, la WACL conta su Mario Sandoval Alarcon, capo del Movimento di Liberazione Nazionale. Sandoval, vicepresidente nel 1974-1978, era il vero padrone del Paese, essendo il generale-presidente Romeo Lucas Garcia null’altro che un burattino. Sandoval creò gli squadroni della morte che uccisero più di 13000 persone in cinque anni. Nel Salvador, la WACL si affidò a Roberto D’Aubuisson, formatosi all’accademia di Taiwan e beneficiario degli aiuti dai guatemaltechi. D’Aubuisson divenne capo dell’ANSESAL, equivalente locale della CIA, e di un’organizzazione paramilitare di destra, il Partito Repubblicano Nazionalista (ARENA). Inoltre, creò gli squadroni della morte e fece uccidere l’arcivescovo Oscar Romero.

Harry Aderholt & John Singlaub

Ma il successo della WACL ne causò anche la caduta. Nel 1983, il sottosegretario alla Difesa Fred C. Iklé [21] creò al Pentagono un comitato segreto di otto esperti, il Consiglio per la Difesa della Libertà, guidato dal generale John K. Singlaub [22]. E’ noto che la commissione decise che l’intervento segreto in Afghanistan fosse un modello da seguire anche in Nicaragua, Angola, Salvador, Cambogia e Vietnam, ma non vi sono abbastanza documenti sui dettagli delle loro operazioni. Nel 1984 Ronald Reagan lasciò alla Lega in generale e in particolare a John Singlaub, il finanziamento congiunto dell’Irangate sotto la diretta autorità del colonnello Oliver North del Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale. Lo scandalo scoppiò nel 1987, svelando tutto e distruggendo la WACL.

Thierry Meyssan

Traduzione Alessandro Lattanzio (Sito Aurora)

[1] « Stay-behind : les réseaux d’ingérence américains », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 20 août 2001. [2] L’esercito francese perse la battaglia di Dien Bien Phu il 7 maggio 1954. [3] D’altra parte, il 29 gennaio 1955, il Congresso diede carta bianca al presidente Eisenhower autorizzandolo ad entrare in guerra per difendere Taiwan se attaccata dai comunisti. [4] « Révérend Moon : le retour », Réseau Voltaire, 26 mars 2001. [5] Il principe Sopasaino, vicepresidente dell’Assemblea Nazionale del Laos, fu intercettato dalle autorità francesi nell’aeroporto Orly di Parigi, il 23 aprile 1971. Aveva nei bagagli 60 kg di eroina pura. [6] Ray S. Cline fu l’analista più ascoltato allo scoppio della guerra di Corea. Fu capo della stazione della CIA a Taipei dal 1958 al 1962. La sua copertura era direttore dell’US Naval Auxiliary Communications Center. Divenne vicedirettore della CIA grazie al cambio del personale causato dal fiasco della Baia dei Porci. Pubblicò un libro di memorie, Secrets, Spies and Scholars, Editorial Acropolis Books, 1976. [7] Michael Laseter era il principale responsabile della Chiesa universale e trionfante (CUT) di Elizabeth Claire. A metà degli anni ’70, la setta fu al centro di uno scandalo quando un arsenale militare fu scoperto presso la sede in California. Uno dei suoi capi fu nominato direttore esecutivo della rappresentanza della WACL in Afghanistan, negli anni ’80. [8] La Scuola delle Americhe (SOA) fu poi trasferita a Fort Benning negli Stati Uniti. La nostra biblioteca elettronica offre una guida completa agli studenti della scuola nel 1947-1996. [9] Questa operazione sembra essere stata condotta in coordinamento con monsignor Alfonso Lopez Trujillo, allora Segretario Generale della Conferenza Episcopale Latinoamericana (CELAM). [10] « 1980 : carnage à Bologne, 85 morts », Réseau Voltaire, 12 mars 2004. [11] La Coalizione Nazionale per la Pace attraverso la Forza ebbe fino a 257 congressisti. [12] Il tenente-generale Daniel O’Graham fu vice direttore della CIA incaricato delle relazioni con le altre agenzie d’intelligence (1973-1974) e successivamente direttore della DIA (1974-1976). Direttore esecutivo del Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale degli USA, fu uno dei principali fautori della proposta “Star Wars”. Fondò High Frontier che presiedette fino alla morte nel 1995. [13] Nel 1975, l’estrema destra accusò la CIA di essere stata penetrata da infiltrati comunisti e di minimizzare il pericolo rosso. Il presidente Ford quindi nominò George H. Bush direttore dell’Agenzia ed autorizzò il completamento di una contro-verifica. Richard Pipes creò “Team B” che pubblicò un rapporto allarmista per giustificare la ripresa della corsa agli armamenti. Oggi è noto che la Commissione Pipes travisò deliberatamente i dati per aprire mercati al complesso militare-industriale. Su questo argomento, vedasi: « Les marionnettistes de Washington », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 13 novembre 2002. “Daniel Pipes, esperto dell’odio”, Traduzione di Franco Cilli, Rete Voltaire, 5 maggio 2004. [14] John K. Singlaub fu un ufficiale dell’OSS durante la seconda guerra mondiale. Creò la guerriglia del Kuomintang di Chiang Kai-shek contro i giapponesi. Durante la guerra di Corea fu a capo della stazione della CIA, e più tardi, durante la guerra del Vietnam, diresse i Berretti Verdi. Fu istruttore di controinsurrezione a Fort Benning. Andato in pensione, divenne il direttore della formazione presso il Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale degli USA. Fu in quella posizione che divenne co-presidente della Coalizione e, in seguito presidente della Lega. [15] La National Endowment for Democracy finanzia il Comitato dal 1984. Questi poi trasmetteva parte dei fondi ricevuti a organizzazioni umanitarie per i propri scopi politici in Afghanistan, in particolare Medici senza frontiere, Bernard Kouchner e Assistenza medica internazionale. [16] Gli Stati Uniti destabilizzarono deliberatamente l’Afghanistan, ma non si aspettarono l’entità della reazione militare di Mosca. Washington quindi mobilitò gli alleati nella guerra, non per “liberare” gli afgani, ma esplicitamente per evitare che l’URSS avanzasse verso il Mare Arabico. [17] Nel 1983, la WACL stampò T-shirt con l’effige di Usama bin Ladin e la scritta “Sostieni i combattenti per la libertà afgani. Combattono per te!“. [18] Usama bin Ladin non veniva presentato come un musulmano credente, ma come affarista anticomunista scelto dal principe Turqi, capo dei servizi segreti sauditi, per partecipare alla guerra degli Stati Uniti contro i sovietici. Bin Ladin fu prima responsabile della direzione della costruzione delle infrastrutture necessarie ai “combattenti per la libertà”, dopo gestì i rifornimenti ai mujahidin stranieri che li raggiunsero. Usama Bin Ladin divenne solo alla fine un credente musulmano per imporre la sua autorità. [19] Il generale Fidel Ramos fu eletto presidente nel 1992. Alla fine del mandato, nel 1998, entrò nel Gruppo Carlyle. Vedasi: « Le Carlyle Group, une affaire d’initiés », Réseau Voltaire, 9 février 2004. [20] « L’honorable Frank Carlucci », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 11 février 2004. [21] Fred C. Iklé era il secondo di Caspar Weinberger al Pentagono. Questo storico guerriero freddo è attualmente membro di Center for Security Policy (CSP) e di Progetto per il Nuovo Secolo Americano (PNAC), ed amministratore della Smith Richardson Foundation. [22] Tale comitato comprende i generali Harry Aderholt e Edward Lansdale, il colonnello John Waghelstein, Seale Doss, Edward Luttwak, il maggiore F. Andy Messing Jr. e Sam Sarkessian. Preso da: http://www.voltairenet.org/article192711.html

https://ift.tt/2rRBjus

[black-revan-spellcaster]

Z apaclic nightmare, showed me Mets deep pain.

Met will kill the one who brake the seals. Reminders of her crimes. Killed to protect lower life, hates but protect.

[whatisonthemoon]

On Arnaud de Borchgrave, Editor-in-Chief of the Washington Times and Friend of Gladio Terrorists

Arnaud Charles Paul Marie Philippe de Borchgrave (26 October 1926 – 15 February 2015) was a Belgian-American journalist known by ex-Moonies for his role at the Washington Times, but he also held key positions at Newsweek and the United Press International, and was a founding member of Newsmax Media. He was also known for associations with Rev. Moon’s political network, the CIA, and the global far-right. 

From the New York Times obituary, Arnaud de Borchgrave, Journalist Whose Life Was a Tale Itself, Dies at 88:

His father, Count Baudouin de Borchgrave d’Altena, was head of military intelligence for Belgium’s government in exile in Britain during World War II. His mother, Audrey Townshend, was the daughter of a British general. When he was 14, Arnaud, his mother and his sister fled the Nazi invasion by boarding a freighter from La Gironde in southwest France, bound for England.  When it changed course for Hamburg, Germany, as part of a plot by the captain, as he recounted it, he jumped overboard. The three were rescued by a British destroyer, which had been alerted and took them to England. There he attended King’s School, Canterbury, as well as the H.M.S. Worcester Nautical Training College. When he was 15 or 16, he persuaded his grandmother to claim that he was 17 so that he could enlist in the Merchant Navy. He was wounded on D-Day — shot in the leg and knee, by one account — when, trying to fix a jammed ramp, he leapt off a landing craft carrying Canadian troops to Juno Beach. After the war, the United Press news agency in London hired him as a writer, and in 1949 Mr. de Borchgrave succeeded Walter Cronkite as the agency’s bureau chief in Belgium. Two years later he joined Newsweek in Paris, where he helped hire an American Embassy information officer named Ben Bradlee. Mr. Bradlee would succeed Mr. de Borchgrave in Paris and later become editor of The Washington Post, while Mr. Cronkite became the anchor of CBS News. Debonair, perpetually tan and diminutive (he was called “the short count”), Mr. de Borchgrave cut a distinctive figure at Newsweek, where he served as foreign editor, roving senior editor and chief European correspondent. His exploits in corralling heads of state for exclusive interviews and insinuating himself into the front lines of battle were legendary, even if a few of the accounts might not have survived today’s microscopic scrutiny. (Did he parachute into Dien Bien Phu with French troops in 1954 or step off a helicopter?)

▲ Arnaud de Borchgrave speaks at the World Culture and Sports Festival '99 in Seoul Korea, February 1999. De Borchgrave's deep connections to the Public Information Office (PIO) reveal his own Gladio connections. 

In 1950, de Borchgrave joined Newsweek as its Paris bureau chief and would stay with the magazine for thirty years, serving as Senior Editor from 1953 on and starring as its chief international correspondent throughout the 1960s and 1970s. During this period, de Borchgrave played a key role in the genesis of PIO; as Bougerol recalled in an interview, it was de Borchgrave who, in the early 1970s, introduced Bougerol to PIO's future patron, Benoît de Bonvoisin. According to a May 1981 Sûreté report on de Bonvoisin's contacts in Paris, de Borchgrave also allegedly acted as an intermediary between de Bonvoisin and the CIA.

In the late 1970s, de Borchgrave was one of PIO's prized foreign press contacts; when PIO chartered a plane to fly journalists to the Zairean province of Shaba in 1978, the plane had to wait on the tarmac for one late VIP - de Borchgrave. De Borchgrave subsequently filed reports for Newsweek alleging Cuban involvement in the Katangese invasion of Shaba; Moss drew attention to de Borchgrave's Newsweek articles in a piece he wrote for the Heritage Foundation's Policy Review in its Summer 1978 issue (262)*. De Borchgrave and Moss were already longstanding friends; they had met in 1972 when de Borchgrave, in hiding in London after writing an article on Black September for Newsweek, asked to meet a specialist on subversion (263). The meeting would herald the beginning of a long partnership between the two men which would reach its peak in the 1980s.

De Borchgrave would also benefit from close contacts with SDECE chief Alexandre de Marenches, who, when asked where would be an interesting place to spend the Christmas of 1979, advised de Borchgrave to go to Afghanistan. De Borchgrave was one of the few Western journalists on the spot during the Soviet invasion (264). De Borchgrave would be fired by Newsweek in 1980 after he was discovered to have been building files on his colleagues for several years. At the time, he was working with Robert Moss on the first of two notorious disinformation novels, The Spike and Monimbo, both heavily influenced by the veteran CIA Counter-Intelligence chief James Jesus Angleton and filled with plots of Soviet subversion launched with the assistance of the Sandinista government in Nicaragua and the complicity of left-wing journalists in Europe.

In 1985, de Borchgrave would become editor-in-chief of the Moonies' newspaper, the Washington Times. The Unification Church would be a forum for cooperation between de Borchgrave and Cline: Cline was on the Editorial Board of The World and I, the Moonies' monthly edited by de Borchgrave. De Borchgrave was a former Board member of the Moonies' US Global Strategy Council, chaired by Cline in the late 1980s. Cline and de Borchgrave also shared a platform with William Casey as speakers at a special conference series on intelligence held at the Ashbrook Center, Ohio in 1986, one of Casey's last public appearances before his death in May 1987. At this time, de Borchgrave was working with Moss and John Rees of the John Birch Society in a "risk analysis" company, Mid-Atlantic Research Associates (MARA); the three also edited a monthly private intelligence report called Early Warning (265)*.

Together, de Borchgrave and Robert Moss engaged in disinformation efforts and authored novels influenced by intelligence activities, Monimbó in 1983 and The Spike in 1980. Moss today is now grifting new age circles as a so-called shaman. 

▲ An advertisement for a Robert Moss event In the early 1970s, de Borchgrave played a significant role in introducing key fascist figures to influential institutions, acting as an intermediary between them. He is said to have been the one who introduced Benoît de Bonvoisin to the Public Information Office (PIO) of the Belgian Ministry of Defence for the sake of funding. Bonvoisin became their primary patron. The PIO was publicly exposed as being infiltrated by and working with right-wing private intelligence entities and terroristic anti-communist organizations. Bonvoisin was also said to have been a major funder of, broadly, the far-right, funding countless Gladio operations beyond PIO. 

In the 80s, he was a senior associate at the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies.

SUBCOMMITTEE ON SECURITY AND TERRORISM (1981) - chaired by Strom Thurmond

We have another international journalist of extensive experience in journalism and with the subjects on which he has written, including the subject of disinformation and espionage. He, too, is associated presently with the Center for Strategic International Studies at Georgetown University, Mr. Arnaud de Borchgrave.

De Borchgrave was also on the Board of Directors of the US Global Strategy Council, an organization closely associated with CAUSA chaired by former Deputy Director of the CIA Ray Cline, fellow disinformation specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. "Inside the League” suggests that Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL) was also partially funded by CIA discretionary funds and/or U.S. Embassy Counterpart Funds transmitted through Ray Cline. Moon was a member of APACL during this period. 

In 1985, de Borchgrave became the editor-in-chief of Moon’s Washington Times after pro-Pinochet James Whelan left the Washington Times, denouncing it as being under the command of Moon’s movement. 

From ‘Arnaud de Borchgrave Boards Moon's Ship’ by Louis Wolf and Fred Clarkson in Covert Action Information Bulletin No. 24:

On March 20, 1985 the public was informed that Arnaud de Borchgrave was the new editor-in-chief of Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s newspaper, the Washington Times. Media analysts knew at once that Washington’s already shrill rhetoric would be reaching new heights.

Even before Ronald Reagan took office, de Borchgrave had ready access to the President-elect. On December 16, 1980, they met for a ‘‘very lengthy conversation’’ about disinformation, propaganda, and de Borchgrave’s recommendations for White House media strategy, nationally and internationally. That strategy must have paid off; de Borchgrave told the New York Times, ‘‘The Washington Times is the first thing Ronald Reagan reads each morning. He called me up and told me so.’’ (May 26, 1985.)

At the end of this article, Wolf and Clarkson wrote:

Asked whether the United States engages in disinformation, de Borchgrave said that present and former U.S. officials trying “in a free society . . .  to put the best face possible” on what they are doing or did in government is not disinformation. “That is called the management of the news.”

Related articles and notes below

The World Anti-Communist League: the Internationale of Crime - Thierry Meyssan

On the Ramparts of Freedom - Arnaud de Borchgrave at the God and Freedom Banquet celebrating Reverend Moon's release from Danbury Prison, August 20, 1985

From Bo Hi Pak's Messiah - My Testimony to Rev. Sun Myung Moon Volume II - Pak on de Borchgrave

The Unification Church and the KCIA – ‘Privatizing’ covert action: the case of the UC - Lobster Magazine

Note: The Center for Strategic and International Studies was founded in 1962, the same year Bo HI Pak began studying part-time the Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, after over a decade of intelligence work. From 1961-1964, Pak was working as the Assistant Military Attaché at the Korean Embassy, in constant communication with his bosses and colleagues at the KCIA and the US CIA.  More on Georgetown University’s Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) from The "Terrorism" Industry: The Experts and Institutions That Shape Our View of Terror by Edward S. Herman and Gerry O'Sullivan

The semipermanent terrorism experts of CSIS have been Ledeen, Laqueur, Kupperman, and Cline, but Yonah Alexander, Claire Sterling, Paul Henze, Arnaud de Borchgrave, and Robert Moss have been occasional participants in CSIS's activities bearing on terrorism. We noted earlier that the spectrum of terrorism opinion may be divided into three categories: (1) establishment moderate; (2) establishment far-right; and (3) critical and dissident. In this spectrum, of the four semipermanent and five transitory experts at CSIS, none fit category (3), only two (Laqueur and possibly Kupperman) fit category (1), and the seven others fall into category (2) right-wing extremist. The CSIS is not a "moderate" organization by this measure, or others noted above.

More on the United States Global Strategy Council from The "Terrorism" Industry: The Experts and Institutions That Shape Our View of Terror by Edward S. Herman and Gerry O'Sullivan

The council links together individuals connected with the Unification Church and other far-right operations (ASC, CIAS, and IFPA), to CSIS and the omnipresent Yonah Alexander. It has former officials Cline, Kirkpatrick, and Rumsfeld to lend respectability-to its terrorism studies. With this political cast, that South African viewpoints would be put in the frame of Soviet support and insurgent "terrorism" is a foregone conclusion.

More on “The Spike” by Arnaud de Borchgrave and Robert Moss - DE BORCHGRAVE (The Washington Post) - July 8, 1984

In two bestselling novels, The Spike (1980) and Monimbo (1983), de Borchgrave and coauthor Robert Moss lay out the scenario of this underground war, one battled with such subtlety by the enemy that most of us don't even know it's going on.

The story is one of classic decline and fall: barbarians (the Soviets) from without and decay (a media honeycombed with Marxist dupes) from within. The allegations of this plot have not gone unnoticed by some in the Reagan administration. At a Washington book party for Monimbo last September, administration figures who showed up included presidential counselor Edwin Meese, Attorney General William French Smith, USIA director Charles Wick and FBI director William Webster.

Because he has spent more than three decades as a reporter, The Spike and Monimbo aren't seen only as novels by de Borchgrave fans, but as thinly disguised accounts of what he thinks goes on in the media gulag. And because he spent so many years as a reporter, the vision of the world presented in the novels has many former colleagues scratching their heads about how he came to believe such a proposition.

1979 Assassination of U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan Adolph Dubs Set Groundwork for America’s Longest War - Covert Action Magazine

Shortly before his death, Anwar Sadat admitted to the world the massive role played by the U.S. in the Afghan rebellion. He revealed. to the consternation of U.S. officials, that Egypt was the conduit for U.S. arms shipments to the rebels, suggesting a scale of paramilitary involvement even greater than had been suspected. U.S. intervention in Afghanistan even reached the Style’ section of the Washington Post in a recent note describing a propaganda film supporting the rebels. The film benefit was sponsored by a shadowy group called Youth for Understanding, which sends American students overseas in highly-controlled and isolated programs. YFU's board includes David Abshire, Director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, base for many “retired” intelligence officers. Attending the screening were CIA Director William Casey and disinformation specialist Arnaud de Borchgrave.

[whatisonthemoon]

On the Unification Church in Japan and its political (KCIA) origins

Excerpted from the FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW, pp. 19–22 - an article by John Roberts

In Japan...The Unification Church is known variously as SEKAI TOITSU KYOKAI, TOITSU GENRI, OR GENRI UNDO, with numerous variations. The main adjuncts or manifestations of the Church are the KOKUSAI SHOKYO RENGO (International Federation for Victory over Communism of IFFVOC), which is essentially the Japanese chapter or counterpart of the World Anticommunist League/Asian People’s Anticommunist League (WACL/APACL): and the Genri Group under which various student activities are conducted.

In a top position is Professor Juitsu Kitaoka, a leader of the United Nations Association and member of several pro-American rightist organizations. He is described as a violent anti-communist advocating rearmament...Kitaoka is a long-time associate of Dr. Tetsuzo Watanabe, a former film tycoon whose ideas are no less violent.

Organiser of the APACL in Japan, Watanabe became international president of the WACL/APACL, the IFFVOC’s alter ego. Watanabe was closely connected with US Army intelligence and maintained relations with prominent McCarthyites in the U.S.

GENRI leaders, by their own admission, have been collaborating with the KCIA, and their movement worked in alliance with other organizations, notably the centrist SOKA GAKKAI and ultranationalist groups such as underworld boss Yoshio Kodama’s Youth Thought Study Society, and of course the IFFVOC, established jointly by Moon and gambling czar Ryoichi Sasakawa in 1967...Later, however, under president Sasakawa, a more presentable line-up of complaisant politicians, businessmen and scholars was mustered.

The IFFVOC was based originally on Sasakawa’s Federation of Motorboat Racing Associations...It appears that the IFFVOC serves Sasakawa as a private police force for his motor-boat courses...Sasakawa’s remarks indicate that he considers it as patriotic militia in reserve for political crises, similar to Hitler’s brownshirts and the uniformed militarist party that Sasakawa, a self-proclaimed fascist, organised during the 1930s.

...the Moon Machine established the World Peace Academy (WPA) in South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan. The Japan Chapter, set up in 1974, is reported to include among its consultants James Stewart of the Asia Foundation (an old CIA front) and Masahide Kanayama, a paid lobbyist of the South Korean Government and allegedly of the KCIA. One of the WPA’s activities is the International Congress for World Peace, to be held in Japan this summer under the co-sponsorship of the International Cultural Foundation, another Moon front. The WPA seems to have enlisted the active support or participation of the potent Japan Federation of Employers Associations, the Japan Productivity Centre, the Nomura Research Institute and the Mitsubishi Research Institute in its National Goals project for the study of Japan’s strategy in the 1980s.

The Moon Machine in Japan operates a...trading firm known as TOITSU SANGYO (Unification Industries) which raised eyebrows several years ago by importing several hundred shotguns and powerful air rifles manufactured by the Reverend Moon’s munitions factories in South Korea which assemble M‑16 rifles on a knockdown basis under US license and manufacture parts for the same weapons. Significantly, the shotguns and air rifles mentioned above were imported for the militant IFFVOC...

The picture is admittedly no more than an out-of-focus snapshot of the tip of the iceberg. Some of the Japan connections have been revealed or hinted at in the Koreagate investigations, but so far there has been no general expose...However, it has been reported that 200 Japanese right-wing politicians receive financial support from the Unification Church and its affiliates, or directly from the KCIA. This may be an understatement since at least 2,000 prominent Japanese politicians, businessmen and scholars as well as underworld bosses lend their support to Moon’s movement.

It may be recalled that Kishi, once a key figure in General Tojo’s World War II cabinet, became one of the most passionate spokesmen for Dr. Frank Buchman’s MORAL REARMAMENT (MRA) in the 1950s and 1960s. The striking similarities between the moral precepts and secular programmes of MRA and Moon’s church is of interest here because the latter was born as an international movement at the very time when MRA was swiftly declining in Japan. Following the upheaval over the Security Treaty in 1960, which forced his resignation as prime minister, Kishi declared with characteristic hyperbole: “But for MORAL REARMAMENT, Japan would be under communist control today.” Curiously, little heard about MRA after the early 1960s. Instead, there was much bombast about the Asian People’s Anticommunist League, in which Kishi played the same role as elder statesman and spokesman. There are reports that in 1959 or thereabouts Moon played go-between for an alliance between the MRA leadership and the APACL. When the World Anticommunist League and IFFVOC were formed in late 1966 and 1967 respectively, Kishi again came to the fore...

Revelations of the Fraser and Jaworski committees somehow stopped to exposing well-documented Korean depredations in Japan. Perhaps for diplomatic reasons, the US Government preferred to confine its investigation to events that occurred in the US, ignoring the fact that the Korean scandal is trilateral, with operations that involve and affect all three countries.

Also conspicuously absent from the investigation is evidence linking the CIA with the KCIA, its creation, and its grandchild, the Unification Church.

In court of law, the existence of such a link could not be proved but clues are everywhere. One of them is a series of documents (Supplement to Part 4) submitted in the March 1968 hearings of the Zablocki Committee. The concern a William A. Curtin Jr. and the Korean Freedom and Cultural Foundation. Curtin, an Army intelligence colonel, had been attached to the office of the Secretary of Defense. In 1959–60, he served a tour as adviser to the South Korean Army. In September 1960, he made a brief official trip to Japan and South Korea “where he met various ranking Korean government officials.”

His activities until his retirement in 1962 are not specified, but thereafter he devoted his time conning prominent Americans into lending their names or financial suport to the non-existent Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation (KCFF). This was nominally to promote friendly relations between the two countries in commemoration of the Korean War, but in practice it was used to raise funds for propaganda, suborning of American politicians and funding KCIA operations in Japan and Korea as well as the U.S., according to Department of Justice reports.

The foundation was formally registered in 1964 by Curtain (vice-president) and two American dummy directors. Astonishingly, the two honorary predsidents were REAL presidents — Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower — and the KCCF president was Admiral Arleigh Burke of World War II fame.

The honorary chairman of KCFF was Kim Jong Pil, founder of the KCIA who used the Unification Church as his tool. Serving as vice-presidents were Dr. Yang Yu Chan, ROK ambassador to Washington, and (later) Pak Bo Hi, the Reverend Moon’s right-hand man. The board of directors and advisory board — more than 100 persons in all — is a veritable roster of the American political and financial elite. How Curtin, reported by the FBI to be a dipsomaniac and a sick man (he died in 1965), could have assembled such a brilliant array of supporters is puzzling indeed. Probably, the dignataries did not inquire too deeply into the affairs of the organization whose overt activities included the promotion of the Little Angels of Korea choral group and financial support for the APACL Freedom Centre (APACLFC) in Seoul, Korea, which was also a client of Asia Foundation...

Another project of KCFF was Radio of Free Asia (ROFA), established in 1966 with General Dwight Eisenhower, Admiral Burke, and Ambassador Chang as honorary heads and Pak Bo Hi as executive director. On the advisory council were six senators, 12 congressmen and eight state governors as well as Richard Nixon and Ed Sullivan. ROFA raised political funds for dubious destinations and beamed pro-American propaganda to Asia during the Vietnam War. The US Department of Justice heard many complaints about ROFA...and in 1971 showed signs of investigating it on suspicion of violating the Foreign Registration Act and abusing its privileges as a tax-free foundation.

Through divine providence or other means, Pak Bo Hi secured the legal services of Robert Amory Jr., former deputy director of the CIA and a law partner of Thomas G. Corcoran, an adviser to the CIA and a prominent lobbyist for the ROK and Taiwan. The Justice Department dropped the investigation like a radioactive potato, and the KCFF and ROFA continued their work for the KCIA unmolested until the Koreagate investigation brought them out into the shrivelling glare of public opinion.

These revelations do not tell us who or what is behind the Moon Machine’s brash operations in Japan. However, the Fraser Committee in Washington has been under increasing pressure from some quarters to investigate not only the US angle but also corrupt US-Tokyo-Seoul connections.

Related links below

Yasue Erikawa: An Often Unrecognized Asset

The Imperial Ghost in the Neoliberal Machine (Figuring the CIA) by Koichiro Osaka

On the Unification Church Inheriting the Moral Re-Armament Movement’s Role (and Resources on the MRA)

A Japanese Import Breaking through in Korea - Yasue Erikawa in a FFWPU (UC) publication in November 2009 about working in South Korea. Erikawa on Kook Jin, “"Kook-jin nim is very spiritual, and at the same time, very intelligent. Whom could I introduce to him? It was so difficult to think of a person who could interact with and work with Kook-jin nim…“

“Japanese Bridgehead” - on how the UC gained power in and through Japan

The IFVOC in Japan, and the UC’s Presence in Okinawa

CIA’s Front Organizations: Unification Church And WACL

The CIA in Japan After WWII

On the Unification Church in Japan - excerpted from Moonwebs

IFVOC’s Founding (According to the UC)

On the 1962 Reorganization of the Unification Church as a Political Tool of Japan, South Korea, and USA

The CAUSA Kingdom

The Unification Church and KCIA: Some Notes on Bud Han, Steve Kim, and Bo Hi Pak

[whatisonthemoon]

Who was Nobusuke Kishi?

Nobusuke Kishi (岸 信介, Kishi Nobusuke, 13 November 1896 – 7 August 1987) was a Japanese bureaucrat and politician who was Prime Minister of Japan from 1957 to 1960.

Known for his exploitative rule of the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo in Northeast China in the 1930s, Kishi was nicknamed the "Monster of the Shōwa era" (昭和の妖怪; Shōwa no yōkai). Kishi later served in the wartime cabinet of Prime Minister Hideki Tōjō as Minister of Commerce and Vice Minister of Munitions, and co-signed the declaration of war against the United States on December 7, 1941.

After World War II, Kishi was imprisoned for three years as a suspected Class A war criminal. However, the U.S. government did not charge, try, or convict him, and eventually released him as they considered Kishi to be the best man to lead a post-war Japan in a pro-American direction. With U.S. support, he went on to consolidate the Japanese conservative camp against perceived threats from the Japan Socialist Party in the 1950s. Kishi was instrumental in the formation of the powerful Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) through a merger of smaller conservative parties in 1955, and thus is credited with being a key player in the initiation of the "1955 System", the extended period during which the LDP was the overwhelmingly dominant political party in Japan. Kishi backed up numerous organizations of far-right-wing causes including Korea's Unification Church (Toitsu Kyokai), the Asian People's Anti Communist League, the Moral Re-Armament Movement, and served as an adviser for the association of war veterans (Nihon Goyu Renmei) and of the national fascists (Sokoku-boei Doshi-kai) advocating the destruction of democracy.

As prime minister, Kishi's mishandling of the 1960 revision of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty led to the massive 1960 Anpo protests, which were the largest protests in Japan's modern history and which forced him to resign in disgrace.

His younger brother, Eisaku Satō, also was a prime minister. Kishi was the maternal grandfather of Shinzo Abe, twice prime minister and defense minister Nobuo Kishi.

Source: https://www.foranewworld.info/pt-br/node/27746

[whatisonthemoon]

Kishi was perhaps the most reactionary of all prime ministers in postwar Japan, taking full advantage of this tumultuous and confused period. In the short term of only three years, he tried to revise the Police Duties Execution Act to maximize the power of the police authorities, to restore Empire Day to the calendar, to instill “moral” lessons and the mandatory singing of the national anthem in the school—all template parameters for nationalist politicians. Kishi backed up numerous organizations of right-wing causes including Korea's Unification Church, the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League, the Moral Re-Armament Movement, and served as an adviser for the association of war veterans (Nihon Goyu Renmei) and of the national fascists (Sokoku-boei Doshi-kai).

[whatisonthemoon]

Anti-Communist victory in Japan (1970)

From Taiwan Today, October 01, 1970 Leftists fail in their plot to disrupt conferences of WACL and APACL at Kyoto and a rally of 20,000 freedom fighters in Tokyo

It was September 14, the evening after the closing of Expo 70 at Osaka. Two thousand Japanese gathered at a band stand on a Kyoto hillside and braved an hour-long downpour to launch WACL 70.

That same thunderstorm disrupted Osaka-Tokyo rail traffic for nearly three hours and caused several blackouts in the Osaka-Kyoto area. But the WACL eve gathering listened attentively to moving speeches and sang "Let's Join Our Hands, Friends of the World." Judo wrestlers in white practice suits and black belts stood on guard with arms folded and feet firmly planted.

Six days later, 20,000 equally determined people attended a live-hour WACL World Rally at the Nippon Budokan Hall in a Tokyo park. This Sunday afternoon event culminated 10 months of preparation. Most of the 20,000 arrived, lunch boxes in hand, be­fore 9 a.m. They waited quietly while guards outside checked and double-checked late-comers. Many rally workers had arrived before dawn to watch over every minute detail.

In between the Kyoto and Osaka gatherings were the 4th and 16th annual conferences of WACL and APACL—World Anti-Communist League and Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League—with an attendance of 231 persons from 67 member and 29 observer units around the world. Themes of the meetings were "Mobilizing the Forces of World Freedom" and "Promotion of an Asian-Pacific Regional Security Organ­ization."

△ Pictured: Japanese youth are taking their anti-Com­munist crusade to the people. Their slo­gans include "Communism Is Wrong," Let's Form a United Front for Victory over Com­munism" and "Denounce Red Aggression"

The opening WACL ceremony drew a throng of 2,500 to the US$10 million Kyoto International Conference Hall. Messages from nine presidents and prime ministers were read. Speeches were heard simultaneous­ly in four or five languages through loudspeakers and earphones. Subsequently adopted were 38 resolutions — 27 by WACL and 11 by APACL — denouncing Communist atrocities and expressing concern over the fate of the 1,000 million persons enslaved behind the Iron Curtain. Additionally, the two leagues released communiques totaling 43 paragraphs.

The World Youth Anti-Communist League, es­tablished only last December, also was represented. Sixty youth delegates from 17 nations and organiza­tions held separate sessions and drafted resolutions which reinforced those of the senior leagues.

Many details of the tightly scheduled conferences may have escaped the attention of foreign delegates and observers· But the image of the rain-drenched men and women singing on that Kyoto hillside and the determined faces of those attending the Tokyo rally are memories never to be forgotten.

That the WACL/APACL/WYACL meetings took place in Japan's ancient and present-day capital cities, both known for rampant leftist activities, was in itself significant. A battle was fought out in the midst of the pro-Communist enemy and the victory was decisive: all the plans of the extremists to wreck the anti-Communist conferences came to naught.

Most of the Japanese hosts, largely in their 20s and 30s, did not speak English and those who did spoke brokenly. But veteran anti-Communist leaders from abroad were moved and inspired by the dedica­tion of the Japanese. Although inexperienced in con­ducting international conferences, the young volunteers of Japan's International Federation for Victory over Communism (IFVC) made WACL 70 an event to be remembered longer than the Osaka fair.

Expo distinguished itself as the biggest, most expensive and most successful exposition in history by attracting nearly 65 million persons in six months. WACL 70 acquired superlatives for striking important new blows for man's freedom.

△ Pictured: September 27 issue of the Kokusai Shokyo Shinbun, the organ of Ja­pan's International Federation for Victory Over Communism, Head­ line: "Win a Triumph in the 1970s"  IFVC—"Kokusai Shokyo Rengo" in Japanese—has more than 50,000 members and some 3,000 full­ time volunteer fighters against Communism. In a na­tionwide fund-raising campaign that began last April, the volunteers held 83 lectures and 651 study meet­ings, displayed 1,200,000 posters, handed out 4,600,000 copies of leaflets and collected 150 million yen (about US$422,000) in addition to the signatures of 2 million persons pledging active support to the anti­-Communist movement. The money included proceeds from the sale of junk collected in door-to-door calls. To cut expenses, the young people often slept in the open. There was a constant threat from the leftists. Clashes were frequent.

Assurance that the WACL meeting in September could be successful came on May 11 when the WACL/ APACL Japan Chapter and IFVC brought together 6,000 volunteers at a National Rally for the Promotion of 4th WACL Conference. Hundreds of baskets of flowers and messages of felicitation were sent to that gathering at Tokyo's Fumonkan, the newly com­pleted largest music hall in Asia. Masajiro Kawajima, vice president of Japan's Liberal-Democratic Party, was there to read a congratulatory message from Eisaku Sato, head of the majority party and prime minister.

The magnitude of the Japanese feat is emphasized by the fact that most IFVC members had never heard of WACL or APACL before the conferences held in Bangkok late last year decided to hold the 1970 meetings in Japan. The Japanese were not present when APACL held its first conference at Chinhae, Korea, in June of 1954. Japan's military history and postwar leftist tendencies led some APACL founders to wonder whether the Japanese presence would contribute to effectiveness of an Asian anti-Communist alliance. The league charter adopted two years later at the 2nd APACL Conference stipulated that general membership meetings be held annually in major Asian countries. But Japan did not join APACL until the 6th conference in Taipei in 1960. The only APACL meeting held in Japan in subsequent years was the 8th in 1962.

Japanese leaders who hosted the 1962 meeting subsequently gave their attention to such other quasi-governmental organizations as the Asian Parliamen­tarians' Union and the Sino-Japanese and South Korea­ Japan Cooperation Committees. Emerging at the cabinet level was the Asian and Pacific Council-ASPAC. These were excellent organizations but left the more than 50 Japanese anti-Communist groups without ties to the world anti-Communist movement. Even when WACL was born in 1967 as an outgrowth of APACL the majority of Japan's 100 million population remained uninformed about anti-Communist progress in the world at large. The Japanese press was busy reporting leftist student riots which compelled 140 universities to shut down for weeks or months.

In the three years after 1967, changes favorable to the anti-Communist cause took place in Japan. Contributing factors were the progressive disunity of the Japanese Communists and Socialists and the mounting public opposition to the militant behavior of leftists.

The Japanese Communist Party (JCP) is also known as the Yoyogi sect because of the name of the Tokyo district where its headquarters is located. JCP's ideological shifts, apparently undertaken to attract followers, resulted in a rift with Moscow in March of 1964 and with Peiping exactly two years later. At its 11th National Congress in July of this year, JCP adopted a seemingly mild platform repudiating both revolu­tion by violence and the dictatorship of the proletariat and at the same time supporting freedom and parliamen­tary democracy. This was merely a gesture in the quest for members. The JCP, which is the second largest Communist party in the free world (next to that of Italy) with 300,000 members, would resort to violence as quickly as any other Communist party if conditions warranted.

The Japan Socialist Party (JSP) is a grotesque collection of left-wing Marxist-Leninists and right-wing democratic socialists. As the main leadership is composed of leftists, the party is essentially Communist. Evidence seems to indicate that JSP has been more loyal to Communist doctrine than the Yoyogi Reds.

Other Japanese Communists are loosely classified as the anti-Yoyogi sect. This category includes the Zengakuren (Federation of University Student Organizations) which has been mainly responsible for Japan's campus turmoil. There are anarchists and radical liberals, too, but the majority of anti-Yoyogis are ex­treme Marxist-Leninists who openly advocate violence. JSP supported this unpopular group as an anti-JCP tactic in the 1970 elections and lost a number of parliamentary seats.

Considering that Japan that has been constantly exposed to leftist rallies and violence in recent years, the emergence of the International Federation for Victory over Communism was not without difficulty. IFVC founders decided that mere opposition to the Communists would not be enough. They chose the word "victory" instead of "anti" because they hoped their organization would be more powerful than other anti­-Communist groups. They are aware that to oppose Communists is not enough; the ideology must be defeated and eradicated.

IFVC's counterattack against Communism is uniquely religious. The federation emphasizes that military, political and economic cooperation among free nations is necessary but suggests that the joining of hearts is more crucial. Books written for IFVC followers speak of unity among men who love freedom, truth, beauty and goodness, of inspiring anti-Com­munist warriors to die for their "holy purpose" and of ways to reform the Communists.

"Communism Is Wrong" is the major slogan. Almost every IFVC lecture opens with this statement. In sharp contrast to the arrogant hippie-type Com­munist and Socialist campaigners the Japanese are accustomed to, the IFVC workers are clean, neat and full of evangelistic fervor. Dedicated preachers they truly are. Until the day of final victory over Communism, smoking and drinking will be taboo for IFVC members. The personal sacrifice, they say, is more than compensated for in the rewards of working for the happiness and well-being of mankind.

This devotion to an ideal comes easily to the Japanese, who renounced feudalism and militarism only recently and who do not yet wholly understand individual liberty and similar Western values. Japanese are still reared in an atmosphere of obedience.

The politico-religious dedication to victory over Communism was introduced to Japan by Koreans about a decade ago and perfected by the Society for the Study of Anti-Communist Theories sponsored by the Christian Unification Church of Japan. When IFVC was established in the spring of 1968 following a number of seminars and conferences, Osami Kuboki, the head of the church, became federation president.

Kuboki, now 39, is the son of a Japanese bank clerk and was born in northeastern China. He was a seventh-grader in Peiping when World War II ended. Returning to Japan in the spring of 1946, Kuboki was appalled by the coolness of people's hearts. As he continued his schooling, he came to see that peace and happiness could be brought about only through the perfection of human nature. Following graduation from Tokyo's Keio University, Kuboki formulated his theory of unification through value, belief, love and spiritual power.

He went to Bangkok in 1969 as a member of the Japanese delegation to the 3rd WACL Conference. Already a determined anti-Communist, he was convinced that his religious ideals could not be realized without the destruction of Communism. He proposed that Japan host the 4th WACL Conference so that the masses of his countrymen, ignorant of the serious­ness of Communist threats, could be awakened to join in the free world struggle against tyranny and aggres­sion.

The Japan Chapter of WACL and APACL is the international department of the Free Asia Association established in 1955 by Dr. Tetsuzo Watanabe anti other distinguished party and civic leaders. This chapter publishes a monthly periodical and has worked for the outlawing of the Communist party in Japan. But the strength of the chapter was not sufficient to sponsor anti-Communist meetings of worldwide scope.

As it turned out, IFVC's contribution was so large that Kuboki was chosen chairman of the WACL/APACL Councils and presided over the league conferences in Kyoto. He also was chairman of the WACL World Rally Executive Committee.

President of the committee was Ryoichi Sasakawa, who heads national foundations and associations promoting shipbuilding, maritime science, civil aviation, veterans' welfare, Japan's traditional arts and the karate skills of self-defense. Sasakawa is said to be over 70 years old but does not look it. He is a karate expert with the highest rank of 10th dan. Spectators cheered his demonstration at the Kyoto dinner party he gave for WACL/APACL delegates. He then intro­duced some 30 members of his Federation of All-Japan Karate-do Organizations. Their half-hour dem­onstration of body-building methods, karate chops and self-defense skills was an eye-opener for foreign guests. Piles of thick roof tiles were broken one after another with different parts of body—fist, forearm, elbow, foot and head. Sasakawa said his federation has 3 million karate wrestlers ready to oppose the Communists.

Assisting Sasakawa's executive committee was the WACL World Rally Promotion Committee headed by Nobusuke Kishi, former prime minister of Japan and still active as a member of the House of Representatives. Under Kishi were 18 advisers and 77 com­mittee members, all of them nationally known figures from political, industrial, business, educational, cultural and other fields. A list of their names and those of other promoters filled a 93-page book. Listed as promoters and co-sponsors of the WACL World Rally were 101 organizations, half of them in the religious field.

As the rally opened, the master of ceremonies presented messages received from 30 overseas sources and more than 400 Japanese organizations and individuals. None of the 20,000 participants that packed Budokan Hall was there for selfish reasons. Each had paid his own transportation and other expenses.

Sasakawa addressed the gathering, then remained on his feet for nearly five hours as one speaker after another went to the rostrum.

No fewer than half a million words in verbal or printed form were presented to the participants in the week-long WACL 70. The following excerpts total less than 1,000 words but give some idea of what WACL 70 was all about:

—Prime Minister John Gorton of Australia (message): "Australia and Japan have a common in­terest in countering Communist expansion."

—President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China (message): "Courage and dedicated service will be needed as we move along the road toward victory. I am confident that millions of men of goodwill will be marching with WACL."

—Prime Minister George Papadopoulos of Greece (message): "Today more than ever peoples need to struggle and undertake serious efforts in order that mankind may achieve progress and prosperity in peace."

—President Park Chung Hee of the Republic of Korea (message): "We know through our bitter ex­periences that their (Communists') peace offensive aims only at slackening and ultimately disintegrating the free world. Let us pledge anew to make victory ours."

—President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the Philip­pines (message): "I am convinced that free peoples everywhere can successfully vanquish Communism only through the full exercise of democratic alternatives and through the improvement of economic and social con­ditions."

—Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn of Thailand (message): "Where naked lies and deceit fail to produce results, it (the international Communist move­ment) normally recourses to threat and the use of force to subdue resistance."

—Vice President Spiro T. Agnew of the United States (message): "Your theme, 'Mobilizing the Forces of World Freedom,' is indeed very timely and appropriate today and will continue to be of great significance for years to come."

—President Nguyen Van Thieu of the Republic of Vietnam (message): "The Japan Chapter (of WACL and APACL) has successfully implemented a moral rearmament of the Japanese youths to counter Communist influences."

—Prime Minister Eisaku Sato of Japan in his capacity as president of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Japan (message): "The most important problem in the 1970s is to assure eternal peace of the world and to establish a truly wealthy human society."

—Secretary-General Jesus Vargas of the South­east Asia Treaty Organization (message): "It is well that the anti-Communist movement is global in scope and unwavering in character. This is consonant with the well-recognized dictum that the Communist threat of peace and freedom anywhere in the world imperils peace and freedom everywhere else."

—WACL Council Chairman Osami Kuboki of Japan (speech): "My country has often been criticized as being 'an economic animal.' But the Japanese youths have now been awakened from their long winter sleep to welcome the spring and to put forth their young green leaves of national-scale anti-Communist activities. "

—WACL Honorary President Ku Cheng-kang of China (speech): "The United States must not speak or act in any way to dampen the fighting spirit of its friends and benefit the enemies. Threatened by Com­munist aggressors, Asians must help each other, hit back together and establish a strong unity of deterrent forces."

—Okinori Kaya, former finance minister of Japan (speech): "Liberalism and capitalism are not without faults, but it is not right to choose Communism just because of these faults. Japan is like a virgin who does not know the danger of Communism. This can make the nation an easy prey."

—WACL Secretary-General Jose Ma. Hernandez (report): "International Communism is a world body. It requires another world body to fight it. WACL is that body."

—Dr. Whang Sung Soo of Korea (report): "The Communists have shown that they are wolves in the disguise of sheep. Our activities must now advance from mere protection of freedom to positive expansion of freedom."

—Mme. Suzanne Labin of France (report): "In the time of Hitler and Stalin, the freedom or slavery of mankind was decided in Europe. Today it is decided in Asia. Because freedom is indivisible: should it die in Saigon or in Tokyo, it will die in Paris and Washington."

—Stefan J. Possony of the American Council for World Freedom (report): "The United States is the main bastion of global freedom. The principal defense responsibility of the United States is with the U.S. itself."

—Miss Juanita Castro, younger sister of Fidel Castro, who has been living in Miami since defecting from Cuba in 1964 (speech): "The Communists are traitors to their homelands. The Communists arc fanatic followers of an ideology that rejects and proscribes every noble human feeling. The Communists want to enslave mankind by imposing Marxism-Lenin­ism, a system that is nothing more than a totalitarian dictatorship that sustains itself in power by means of military force, terror, repression and mass murder."

—Dr. Pham Huy Quat, former prime minister of Vietnam (speech): "The free world must take advantage of the Moscow-Peiping conflict and take positive steps against Communist aggressors in spite of A­merica's withdrawal policy."

—Ryoichi Sasakawa, president of the WACL World Rally Executive Committee (speech): "Com­munism is a kind of germ and Communists are germ-­carriers. We should cure the patients of their disease. I understand a group of radical leftists have sneaked into this hall. To them I gladly offer my therapy. If the patients won't listen, my treatment can be rough."

—Senator Strom Thurmond of the United States (speech): "Japan is presently spending only less than one per cent of its gross national product on self­-defense. But Japan's economic development cannot continue unless its free neighbors share in the development, support it and in turn are supported in the defense of the common interest."

As the communique of the 4th WACL Conference pointed out, searching examination of the many phases of the world situation had produced the following unanimous observations:

1. Confrontation is by no means ended. Com­munist forces, unless they are wiped out completely, will never give up their insidious attempts to enslave the whole of mankind.

2. Peace is what all peoples long for. But freedom is just as important a goal. WACL must con­tinue to oppose peace through appeasement at the cost of freedom, for peace gained through compromise and capitulation cannot endure.

3. Free nations must recognize the futility of non-alignment, be under no delusion that national unification may be attained through negotiations and desist from flirtations with the Communists.

As further elaboration of the main conference theme, important resolutions of the WACL Conference specifically called for:

1. Unification of the masses of all countries in joint efforts for the victory of freedom.

2. Rising of young people as a main force against Communist enslavement and for participation in the fight to protect freedom.

3. Smashing of all Communist attempts at infiltration and subversion.

4. Victorious resolution of the crisis in Southeast Asia, preserving the freedom and independence of the Republic of Vietnam and of Laos and Cambodia, and rejection of any suggestion of coalition governments in that area.

5. Appeal to the United States to implement fully the constructive side of its new Asian policy.

6. Promotion of peace in the Middle East and a heightened vigilance against Communist Chinese at­tempts to incite new wars in that area.

7. Support for the efforts of the Latin American nations against Communism and Castroism.

8. Whole-hearted participation of the African nations in the fight for freedom and against Commu­nist tyranny.

9. Encouragement of freedom movements among the enslaved peoples of Eastern Europe, their struggles for national independence and self-determination, and revolutions by the peoples enslaved in the Soviet Russian empire. (Included are such liberation movements as those in the Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkes­tan, Armenia, North Caucasia, Byelorussia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Rumania and Croatia.)

10. Call for support of the Republic of China's political offensive against the Chinese Communists, and concrete measures to liberate the oppressed masses on the Chinese mainland, as well as implacable opposition to U.N., admission of the Peiping regime.

11. Call for support of the Republic of Korea's unification program for Korea, and liberation of the enslaved people of North Korea in accordance with U.N. resolutions. "

12. Establishment of regional security organiza­tions to prevent further Communist aggression.

13. Mobilization of freedom forces and the est­ablishment of a global anti-Communist united front.

Other important business of WACL included:

—Amendment of the league charter to give life-long tenure to the honorary presidency of WACL, a post held by Dr., Ku Cheng-kang of China since the league's 1968 conference in Saigon.

—Amendment of the charter to facilitate expansion of the WACL Executive Board from 9 to 13 members so as to include representatives of youths, enslaved peoples and new regions. To be represented on the board for the next three years are the Republics of China and, Korea, Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Thailand, North America, Latin America, Europe, Africa, Middle East, WYACL and Captive Nations of Europe.

—Decision to hold the 5th WACL Conference in Manila, in July of 1971.

As subsequently decided, the 17th conference of APACL will take place in Manila immediately after the WACL meeting. This will be in keeping with the solidarity and ideological conformity of the two international anti-Communist organizations.

The APACL Conference in Kyoto wrote these passages into its communique:

"As an important regional body and component of WACL, this Asian league solemnly resolved to accept unreservedly all the resolutions adopted at the 4th WACL Conference and endeavor unremittingly for their first-priority execution and fulfillment....

"Further developments in this region will strikingly influence the rest of the world. Evidence today points to an impending major change for the whole of Asia, and the emergence of a new situation favorable to the free world or the worsening of the present, critical condition depends fully on the free nations' efforts toward a system of collective defense against Communism.

"For these reasons, the APACL Conference de­cided to call upon free Asian government leaders to work for the immediate convocation of an Asian Secu­rity Conference so that all the nations in the region can join forces for the strenuous task of defending their own freedom and security and for the early establish­ment of an Asian and Pacific Regional Security Organ­ization. The conference earnestly hopes that the Asian and Pacific Council can actively promote this plan, expand its own scope of operation and persuade all the concerned nations to join the formation of free Asian defense.... "

The need of a regional security organization for Asia and the Pacific has been recognized for years. When APACL met in Saigon in 1968, appeals were made for such a defense arrangement. This was repeated in Bangkok last December and again at Kyoto.

No one aware of the danger of Communism would doubt the wisdom of the APACL calls. But an im­mediate realization of the plan presents difficulties. For example, most people believe that APSO, as the proposed Asian and Pacific security organization might be called, could not be effective without Japan's par­ticipation. There is some opposition to this idea for fear that the Japanese may return to the militarism of the Pacific War days.

This fear may be overcome. The large majority of Japanese feel that their nation will never again invade or attempt to dominate other countries. There arc also capitulationist Japanese who want peace at any price, optimists who think Japan can stay aloof from Communist aggressions in neighboring countries and leftists who want the communization of Japan. For Japan to take part in a military alliance like ASPO, the nation's constitution would have to be amended. This is possible but not easy.

Security arrangements in the Asian and Pacific region presently include ANZUS, a 1951 pact involving Australia, New Zealand and the United States, and SEATO, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Additionally the United States has individual treaties with the Republic of China, Republic of Korea, Japan, Philippines and other countries.

Nations normally considered as possible members of APSO and pertinent data—(A) population in millions, (B) present internal Communist threat and (C) present threat of Communist conquest-are as follows:

Country                        A                   B                  C Cambodia                       7                 yes                yes Rep. of China                14                  no             slight Indonesia                    115                 yes                 no Japan                          105              slight                 no Rep. of Korea                31                  no              slight Laos                               3                 yes                 yes Malaysia                        11                 yes                   no Philippines                     36                 yes                   no Singapore                       2              slight                   no Thailand                        34              slight                  yes Rep. of Vietnam             17                  yes                 yes United States               205              slight                   no Australia                        12               slight                  no New Zealand                    3                   no                  no Population of the 14 nations totals nearly 600 million, including 375 million in Asian countries and 220 in the United States, Australia and New Zealand. The overall productivity is much larger than that of Communist Asia and the capacity for the scientific use of resources, of communication and organization is in­finitely greater.

However, in the words of Douglas Darby, an Australian and a member of the Parliament of New South Wales since 1945, the Asian APSO nations have not yet recognized that they all face the same problem and should have a joint purpose.

Writing in the September issue of Asian Outlook, a publication of the WACL/APACL China Chapter, Darby warned: "With so much to lose and so much to gain, they (the Asian APSO nations) must con­centrate upon a practical approach and mutual under­standing. Nevertheless, a premature attempt may well result in failure. Those still suspicious of their neighbors need the healing forces of time and mutual res­pect."

Despite the obstacles that still must be surmount­ed, free Asians can be optimistic about a united anti­-Communist vista for the region. This hope was en­hanced in Japan during WACL 70 and is being strengthened further throughout the world.

Part of the new energy is coming from the music boxes that the anti-Communist leaders took home as gifts from their Japanese hosts. The tune is that of WACL. Records of the song in both Japanese and English have been made available so that others may learn and sing together. Owners of the music boxes will cherish memories of a significant week in Japan. The seedlings they and their new Japanese friends planted together will grow as their song—"Let's Join Our Hands, Friends of the World"—spreads far and wide.

[whatisonthemoon]

On Marshall Frothingham: Former MRA, Early U.S. Moonie

A testimony of Marshall Frothingham from the January 1968 issue of the Moonie publication New Age Frontiers

I first met the Divine Principle in February when my cousin happened to recognize me at a church coffee hour. This would not be so surprising except that we had had no contact with each other for years and she recognized me only because of snapshots in a family album.

At the time I was attending meetings of "Sing-Out, Washington" (affiliated with Moral Re-Armament), and because of the spirit and enthusiasm of the people in it and the songs they sang, I really felt that "Sing-Out" could provide an answer, or at least a part of the answer, to man's problems. From their songs and speeches, the members said theirs was an ideology superior to those advocated by bigots, dictators, and Communists because MRA advocated liberty, equality and fraternity for all mankind (though not in those exact words). My only objection was that they rarely gave any credit to, or even made mention of, the Father. For this reason, I worked in MRA and attended church, hoping the combination would prove to be effective.

Then when I met the Family, I saw it at first only as another group like the MRA, and tried to combine the three. (Later I joined the Civil Air Patrol, and for a couple of months I don't know how I ever kept track of all the different meetings I was supposed to attend.) Unfortunately, it took me a long time to grasp the extent of the difference and to realize how much more the Divine Principle had to offer and how important it was that everyone spread the teachings of the Principle in whatever ways possible.

This, then, is what I feel our job is: To understand the Principle so well that all our thoughts and actions are directed toward bringing all mankind into the proper relationship with the Father, with themselves, and with the rest of the universe.

Related articles and notes below

On the Unification Church Inheriting the Moral Re-Armament Movement’s Role (and Resources on the MRA)

The Imperial Ghost in the Neoliberal Machine (Figuring the CIA)

Happiness ginseng from earth-conquering Moonies – Japan 1978:

It may be recalled that Kishi, once a key figure in General Tojo’s World War II cabinet, became one of the most passionate spokesmen for Dr Frank Buchman’s Moral Rearmament (MRA) in 1950s and 1960s. The striking similarity between the moral precepts and secular programmes of MRA and Moon’s church is of interest here because the latter was born as an international movement at the very time when MRA was swiftly declining in Japan. Following the upheaval over the Security Treaty in 1960, which forced his resignation as prime minister, Kishi declared with characteristic hyperbole: “But for Moral Rearmament, Japan would be under communist control today.” Curiously, little was heard about MRA after the early 1960s. Instead, there was much bombast about the Asian People’s Anticommunist League, in which Kishi played the same role as elder statesman and spokesman. There are reports that in 1959 or thereabouts Moon played go-between for an alliance between the MRA leadership and the APACL. When the World Anticommunist League and IFFVOC were formed in the late 1966 and 1967 respectively, Kishi again came to the fore, and today he is front man for the Day of Hope.

From a UC obituary for Marshall Buxton Frothingham (March 5, 1986):

Marshall Frothingham's numerous activities in the Unification Church spanned the years from 1968 to 1986. Elder American church members have vivid memories of his cheerful contributions to early pioneering work, and the staff of the New York City Tribune fondly recall his loyal participation in the first years of the newspaper. Fellow families of the 1800 Couples Blessing treasure his dedication to the cause of unity, especially among blessed families.

Although he was never known to complain of his suffering, Marshall's entire life since babyhood was made difficult by chronic bronchial asthma, at times so severe as to make for a day-to-day struggle for survival. However, he chose not to be pampered, but instead always went out of his way to help others, even beyond the apparent limits imposed by a frail body, and always with effervescent good humor.

In the early hours of March 5, 1986, Marshall succumbed to one final attack of asthma at his home in the World Mission Center, where he lived with his wife Gloria and their one-year-old son Stephen Patrick. His Seunghwa ceremony was held in New York City, where President Mose Durst, Rev. Ken Sudo, and several other members gave moving testimonies to his stamina, his faith, and his example of fearlessness. All who were close to him share a sense of victory and joy in Marshall's Seunghwa. It is already clear that he will continue to work devotedly for the providence, as a testimony to the triumph of the living spirit.

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

Happiness ginseng from earth-conquering Moonies – Japan 1978

by John Roberts     Far Eastern Economic Review June 23, 1978    pages 57, 59 and 60.

BROWSING through a Tokyo department store a few weeks ago, I was accosted by a young lady, clad in traditional Korean costume, selling ginseng extract. It was excellent — so good that I took the trouble to decipher the fine print on the label to learn the source. The name of the company — Shiawase Shoji (Happiness Company) [Happy World] — sounded vaguely familiar: it was an affiliate of the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity, otherwise known as the Unification Church. I had been touched (for a stiff ¥10,000 [US$44]) by the self-anointed “Reverend” Moon Sun Myung, founder and Messiah of the quasi-Christian evangelical creed that is out to conquer the earth. That was humiliating enough, but subsequently I learned that the Unification Church was really an organ of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency and possibly nurtured by the American CIA.

It is all too easy to become ensnared by the ubiquitous Moon Machine, whose moving parts are known by a variety of names. In the US and internationally there are (or were) the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Day of Hope, Radio of Free Asia, Pioneer Academy, Asian People’s Anticommunist League, International Conference for Unity of the Sciences, Project Unity, One World Crusade, National Prayer and Fast for the Watergate Crisis, American Youth for a Just Peace (in Vietnam), Korean Folk Ballet, Little Angels of Korea, Freedom Leadership Foundation, International Congress for World Peace, Diplomatic National Bank, the News World and so on.

In Japan, most of the names are different. The Unification Church is known variously as Sekai Toitsu Kyokai, Toitsu Genri, or Genri Undo, with numerous variations. The main adjuncts or manifestations of the Church are the Kokusai Shokyo Rengo (International Federation for Victory over Communism or IFFVOC), which is essentially the Japanese chapter or counterpart of the World Anticommunist League/Asian People’s Anticommunist League (WACL/ APACL); and the Genri Group under which various student activities are conducted.

At the master controls is [Osami] Kuboki, a person of obscure antecedents. He is president of the Church, the IFFVOC, and also the International Cultural Foundation. As Henry O. Kuboki he is listed as a large stockholder in the Moon-affiliated Diplomat National Bank in Washington. Many other organizations are under the tight rein of Kuboki and Moon’s inner circle.

In a top position is Professor Juitsu Kitaoka, a leader of the United Nations Association and member of several pro-American rightist organizations. He is described as a violent anti-communist advocating rearmament, stronger police powers and capital punishment for communists, according to Ivan Morris, an authority on the Japanese right wing. Kitaoka is a long-time associate of Dr Tetsuzo Watanabe, a former film tycoon whose ideas are no less violent. Organiser of the APACL in Japan, Watanabe became international president of the WACL/APACL, the IFFVOC’s alter ego. Watanabe was closely connected with US Army intelligence and maintained relations with prominent McCarthyites in the US.

Pastor Moon Sun Myung boasts a flock of 2,000,000 believers in 120 countries, with 380,000 in South Korea, 300,000 in the US and 260,000 in Japan. [Some reports in the US state there were never more than 6,000 core members in the 1970s.] But some of the church’s official figures are mutually contradictory and there is little correspondence between the figures of headquarters and the branches.

It claimed a membership of 260,000 in 455 congregations throughout Japan in 1976. This would make it about 1/40th the size of Soka Gakkai, the largest of Japan’s “new religions.” The IFFVOC, the movement’s action corps, purports to have some 300,000 members and appears to comprise the WACL/APACL though the latter has a separate existence on paper. Less numerous than either the spiritual or the action arms, but perhaps more important ideologically, is the student contingent which has been called, variously, Genri Undo (Principles Movement), Genri Kenkyukai (Principles Research Society) and Genri Group. Genri Group says it has about 5,000 hard-core members but that it can mobilise 15,000 members at one time and is the second largest student group following the Communist Party-affiliated Democratic Youth League, the Japan Times reported in 1977.

▲ Pastor Moon at New York’s Yankee Stadium.

But there is something odd here. Genri Group claims to be growing, yet in 1971 the same Japan Times reported that Genri Kenkyukai had 33,000 members nationwide. Is it growing or shrinking?

At any rate, the student and youth movement is what the Moon Machine is all about. Genri Undo was established in Japan in 1960, the year of the great student uprising against the US-Japan military alliance. At that time, the student movement was firmly under the control of Zengakuren (the militant students group), which in turn was under strong Communist Party influence. Moral Rearmament (MRA) made strong and subtle attempts to win over the Zengakuren students to an anti-communist position, but its bland, middle-class image was not appealing. One hypothesis is that the cruder, more fanatical approach of Moon and his allies was considered to be more effective. The rise of Genri Undo accompanied the gradual decline and fragmentation of Zengakuren.

Of course, Genri Undo did not do all this alone. The full weight of the Government, the police and the legal system bore down on the universities which formerly had enjoyed considerable autonomy. Genri leaders, by their own admission, have been collaborating with the KCIA, and their movement worked in alliance with other student organizations, notably the centrist Soka Gakkai and ultra-nationalist groups such as underworld boss Yoshio Kodama’s Youth Thought Study Society, and of course the IFFVOC, established jointly by Moon and gambling czar Ryoichi Sasakawa in 1967 with the participation of several prewar ultranationalist, terrorist and underworld bosses. Later, however, under president Sasakawa, a more presentable line-up of complaisant politicians, businessmen and scholars was mustered.

▲ Left to right: Won-bok Choi (a ‘second wife’ of Moon), Hak Ja Han, Sun Myung Moon, Ryoichi Sasakawa, unknown, Hyo-won Eu (who wrote the 1957 Divine Principle and was the main lecturer and organizer of the UC in Korea in the late 1950s and 1960s) and Osami Kuboki (leader of the UC of Japan) at Gimpo airport, Seoul.

The IFFVOC was based originally on Sasakawa’s Federation of Motorboat Racing Associations, which grosses US$5 billion a year and employs tens of thousands of people, mostly young men. It appears that the IFFVOC serves Sasakawa as a private police force for his motor-boat courses and also assists his favourite conservative candidates during their election campaigns. Sasakawa’s remarks indicate that he considers it as a patriotic militia in reserve for political crises, similar to Hitler’s brownshirts and the uniformed militarist party that Sasakawa, a self-proclaimed fascist, organized during the 1930s.

Not overlooking the university faculties, the Moon Machine established the World Peace Academy (WPA) in South Korea, Taiwan and Japan. The Japan Chapter, set up in 1974, is reported to include among its consultants James Stewart of the Asia Foundation (an old CIA front) and Masahide Kanayama, a paid lobbyist of the South Korean Government and allegedly of the KCIA. One of the WPA’s activities is the International Congress for World Peace, to be held in Japan this summer under the co-sponsorship of the International Cultural Foundation (ICF), another Moon front. The WPA seems to have enlisted the active support or participation of the potent Japan Federation of Employers Associations, the Japan Productivity Centre, the Nomura Research Institute and the Mitsubishi Research Institute in its National Goals project for the study of Japan’s strategy in the 1980s.

▲ UC members who sold Yewha guns

The Moon Machine in Japan operates a number of commercial ventures, which include trading companies, tourist agencies and publishing enterprises. In addition to the Happiness Company [Happy World] mentioned above there is a trading firm known as Toitsu Sangyo (Unification Industries) which raised eyebrows several years ago by importing several hundred shotguns and powerful air rifles manufactured by the Reverend Moon’s munitions factories in South Korea which assemble M-16 rifles on a knockdown basis under US licence and manufacture parts for the same weapons. Significantly, the shotguns and air rifles mentioned above were imported for the militant IFFVOC, presumably to be used (when Der Tag / The Day comes) against targets whom the Messiah chooses to designate as communists.

According to the church, Toitsu Sangyo has 30 employees and a turnover of US$7 million from machinery, building materials, firearms, and allegedly some narcotics. Shiawase Shoji, with 30 employees and a turnover of US$17 million, handles health food, aphrodisiacs and art objects. Profits must be high, because the markup on ginseng is astronomical and most of the work (except book-keeping) is done by unpaid Moonies.

The Unification Church in Japan declared an income of about ¥3 billion in 1975. Most of it was from members who contribute 10% of their monthly earnings to it. The action arm, IFFVOC, claims that its activities are supported by dues of ¥1,000 monthly from each of 380,000 members. In 1975, that could have added up to US$16 million exclusive of other sources such as a grant of US$160,000 from the church. But here again, the official spokesmen are conflicting and ambiguous.

▲ Ryoichi Sasakawa: Self-proclaimed fascist. Seen here with Mussolini

This picture is admittedly no more than an out-of-focus snapshot of the tip of the iceberg. Some of the Japan connections have been revealed or hinted at in the Koreagate investigations, but so far there has been no general exposé of what informed observers regard as a long-standing conspiracy of the KCIA and its extensions, including the Unification Church, to corrupt and subvert the Japanese Government. However, it has been reported that 200 Japanese right-wing politicians receive financial support from the Unification Church and its affiliates, or directly from the KCIA. This may be an understatement since at least 2,000 prominent Japanese politicians, businessmen and scholars as well as underworld bosses lend their support to Moon’s movement.

Let it not be thought that these adherents to the movement are gullible Moonies. They tend more towards Shintoism and conservative Buddhism than to evangelical Christianity, but those whose ideology is identifiable have certain familiar traits in common. For one thing, they loathe communism, an ideology that they tend to confuse with liberalism, and they are not fastidious about the means used in suppressing what they call dangerous thought, especially when profits or boodle [ = money, especially that gained or spent illegally or improperly] are involved.

Japanese reporting on the doings of the Moon Machine has been so scanty as to suggest a taboo in the daily press. However, one weekly magazine, Shincho, gave a glimpse of the upper-crust of Moonism that provides some idea of the cult’s influence. The event, said to be the largest banquet ever held at the Imperial Hotel, took place on May 7, 1974. It was hosted by the executive committee of The Day of Hope (Japan). (Its chairman, former prime minister Nobusuke Kishi, has been a leading figure in the WACL/APACL also.)

▲ Sun Myung Moon with Nobusuke Kishi (center); on the right is Osami Kuboki.

The guest of honour was Moon himself, and 1,700 prominent Japanese showed up to hear him speak. The guest list was not published, and the press was rigorously excluded, but among those reported present was (then) finance minister Takeo Fukuda, now Prime Minister. It is believed that most of the guests were executives doing business with South Korea (or ROK) and Taiwan, and conservative dietmen belonging to groups comprising the ROK-Taiwan lobby.

In this respect, it must be remembered that Kishi has long headed the Japan-ROK Cooperation Council through which most big deals between the two countries must be channelled if they are to be concluded successfully. And it is no accident that the principal figures in the council have been leaders or front men in a succession of very similar right-wing organizations from 1950s onward.

It may be recalled that Kishi, once a key figure in General Tojo’s World War II cabinet, became one of the most passionate spokesmen for Dr Frank Buchman’s Moral Rearmament (MRA) in 1950s and 1960s. The striking similarity between the moral precepts and secular programmes of MRA and Moon’s church is of interest here because the latter was born as an international movement at the very time when MRA was swiftly declining in Japan. Following the upheaval over the Security Treaty in 1960, which forced his resignation as prime minister, Kishi declared with characteristic hyperbole: “But for Moral Rearmament, Japan would be under communist control today.” Curiously, little was heard about MRA after the early 1960s. Instead, there was much bombast about the Asian People’s Anticommunist League, in which Kishi played the same role as elder statesman and spokesman. There are reports that in 1959 or thereabouts Moon played go-between for an alliance between the MRA leadership and the APACL. When the World Anticommunist League and IFFVOC were formed in the late 1966 and 1967 respectively, Kishi again came to the fore, and today he is front man for the Day of Hope.

page 60: So how did Moon, a country preacher with a criminal record, get into this high-powered act? Only recently, from a well qualified source, I found a plausible answer. In 1959 a confidant and disciple of Moon established the first mission of the Unification Church in Japan. This missionary, whose name is given as Choi Sang-Ik [Papasan Choi] had been held for deportation as an illegal entrant. A benefactor appeared in the person of Ryoichi Sasakawa who wrote a letter of guarantee for Choi, who in turn went out to propagate the faith in Japan and more recently has been an official of the Unification Church in the US.

▲ Choi Sang-Ik (aka Papasan Choi) with his wife in Tokyo.

The Moon Machine’s sponsorship by the KCIA is attested by a CIA report dated February 26, 1965 which states: “Kim Chong Pil organised (sic) the Unification Church . . . while director of the ROK Central Intelligence Agency and has been using the church, with a membership of 27,000, as his political tool.” It is quite clear that the invasion by President Park’s secret police was condoned and facilitated by Japanese military, police and intelligence authorities who have been fully aware of the Moon Machine’s illegal activities in collusion with the KCIA for years.

The situation is like that in the US where trespasses of the same elements have long been under benign scrutiny by the various intelligence authorities, as demonstrated by the voluminous government-sourced documentation presented during the Koreagate investigation. But observation of illegal activity without intervention is tantamount to collusion or obstruction of justice, and in that sense we can say that the American CIA, FBI and State Department have been accessories to the misdeeds of the Moon Machine. Revelations of the Fraser and Jaworski committees somehow stopped at the water’s edge when it came to exposing well-documented Korean depredations in Japan. Perhaps for diplomatic reasons, the US Government preferred to confine its investigation to events that occurred in the US, ignoring the fact that the Korean scandal is trilateral, with operations that involve and affect all three countries.

Also conspicuously absent from the investigation is evidence linking the CIA with the KCIA, its creation, and its grandchild, the Unification Church.

In court of law, the existence of such a link could not be proved but clues are everywhere. One of them is a series of documents (Supplement to Part 4) submitted in the March 1968 hearings of the Zablocki Committee. They concern a William A. Curtin Jr. and the Korean Freedom and Cultural Foundation. Curtin, an Army intelligence colonel, had been attached to the office of the Secretary of Defence. In 1959-60, he served a tour as adviser to the South Korean Army. In September 1960, he made a brief official trip to Japan and South Korea “where he met various ranking Korean government officials.”

His activities until his retirement in 1962 are not specified, but thereafter he devoted his time to conning prominent Americans into lending their names or financial support to the non-existent Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation (KCFF). This was nominally to promote friendly relations between the two countries in commemoration of the Korean War, but in practice it was used to raise funds for propaganda, suborning [bribe or otherwise induce (someone) to commit an unlawful act such as perjury] of American politicians and funding KCIA operations in Japan and Korea as well as the US, according to Department of Justice reports.

▲ Yoshio Kodama: Lockheed problems.

The foundation was formally registered in 1964 by Curtin (vice-president) and two American dummy directors. Astonishingly, the two honorary presidents were real presidents — Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower — and the KCCF president was Admiral Arleigh Burke of World War II fame.

The honorary chairman of KCFF was Kim Jong Pil, founder of the KCIA who used the Unification Church as his tool. Serving as vice-presidents were Dr Yang Yu Chan, ROK ambassador to Washington, and (later) Pak Bo Hi, the Reverend Moon’s right-hand man. The board of directors and advisory board — more than 100 persons in all — is a veritable roster of the American political and financial elite. How Curtin, reported by the FBI to be a dipsomaniac and a sick man (he died in 1965), could have assembled such a brilliant array of supporters is puzzling indeed. Probably, the dignitaries did not inquire too deeply into the affairs of the organization whose overt activities included the promotion of the Little Angels of Korea choral group and financial support for the APACL Freedom Centre (APACLFC) in Seoul, which was also a client of Asia Foundation. According to KCCF president Burke, the objectives of the APACLFC were “to pull together cold war specialists from many countries and give training to Asian peoples which will enable them to defend themselves from communist imperialism …”

Another project of KCCF was Radio of Free Asia (ROFA), established in 1966 with General Dwight Eisenhower, Admiral Burke, and Ambassador Chang as honorary heads and Pak Bo Hi as executive director. On the advisory council were six senators, 12 congressmen and eight state governors as well as Richard Nixon and Ed Sullivan. ROFA raised political funds for dubious destinations and beamed pro-American propaganda to Asia during the Vietnam War. The US Department of Justice heard many complaints about ROFA (some emanating from CIA sources) and in 1971 showed signs of investigating it on suspicion of violating the Foreign Registration Act and abusing its privileges as a tax-free foundation. Through divine providence or other means, Pak Bo Hi secured the legal services of Robert Amory Jr, former deputy director of the CIA and a law partner of Thomas G. Corcoran, an adviser to the CIA and a prominent lobbyist for the ROK and Taiwan. The Justice Department dropped the investigation like a radioactive potato, and the KCFF and ROFA continued their work for the KCIA unmolested until the Koreagate investigation brought them out into the shrivelling glare of public opinion.

These revelations do not tell us who or what is behind the Moon Machine’s brash operations in Japan. However, the Fraser Committee in Washington has been under increasing pressure from some quarters to investigate not only the US angle but also corrupt US-Tokyo-Seoul connections.

Some people want to know, for example, why Pak Bo Hi delivered US$3,000 in US$100 bills to Fumiko Ikeda, a Unification Church lecturer, at the office of the Little Angels group in Seoul — on orders from a KCIA chief in Washington. They would like to know also under what circumstances Pak, on several occasions, allegedly brought large sums of cash (as much as US$70,000 per trip) from Tokyo to Washington for investment in the Diplomat National Bank.

And how is it that Mitsuharua Ishii, the president of Toitsu Sangyo — and concurrently publisher of the Church’s Sekai Nippo (World Daily News) claiming 235,000 readers — is listed as a big stockholder in Diplomat National Bank? Whose money is it, and what is it used for?

As these bits of information fester, there are predictions in Washington that this month the Fraser Committee will at last drop the other shoe and expose some of these trilateral capers — possibly to the mortification of Japan’s ruling party. █ __________________________________

A Memoir from the Early Period of the Unification Church of Japan By Rev. Sudo – Page 14

…Mr. (Papa San) Choi…had made a connection with Mr. Sasagawa (a powerful right-wing multi-millionaire businessman, head of the Motorboat Association of Japan)…by the 11th of June, 1963…we began the training session in the motorboat race-camp building that could accommodate more than one hundred trainees…This Toda Training Center was where I worked as a lecturer until the end of my mission in training. (During this period, most of the present Japanese church leaders and members came through these training sessions and decided to join full time. This extensive list included Mr. Oyamada, Mr. Kamiyama, Mr. Furuta, Mr. Sakurai, Mr. Kajikuri, Mr. Ohta and a little later, Dr. Shirnmyo and Dr. Masuda.)

The training session at Toda Center continued until July, 1965.

http://www.tparents.org/Library/Unification/Publications/TodaysWorld/TodaysWorld-91/TodaysWorld-9110.pdf

__________________________________

Ryoichi Sasagawa Interview

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UcRAAMsnmYE

__________________________________

How Sun Myung Moon bought protection in Japan

Asian ginseng – there is currently no conclusive evidence supporting any health benefits

How Rev. Moon’s ‘Snakes’ Infested the US by Robert Parry

6,500 Japanese women missing from Moon mass weddings

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum: KCIA used the Unification Church since 1961

INVESTIGATION OF KOREAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS HEARINGS before the SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS of the

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

NINETY-FIFTH CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION

SUPPLEMENT TO PART 4

MARCH 15, 16, 21, AND 22, 1978

___________________________________________

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI, Wisconsin, Chairman

___________________________________________

Investigation of Korean-American Relations by the Subcommittee on International Organizations

DONALD M. FRASER, Minnesota, Chairman

MICHAEL HARRINGTON, Massachusetts

EDWARD J. DERWINSKI, Illinois

BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL, New York

WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania

LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana

LEO J. RYAN, California

Robert B. Boettcher, Subcommittee Staff Director

___________________________________________

Part 4—Documents Relating to Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc., and Radio of Free Asia

CONTENTS

A. Summaries of representative documents contained in sections B through J page 1

B. FBI investigative report dated 1964-66, entitled “Dr. Seymour Murray Vinocour; William A. Curtin, Jr.; Kim Tong Song—RA Korea”   page 28

C. File of Admiral Arleigh Burke (Ret.), founding president, Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc   page 209

D. Declassified documents provided by U.S. intelligence agencies   page 457

E. Declassified documents provided by the Department of State   page 475

F. Declassified documents provided by the U.S. Information Agency   page 510

G. Correspondence among the Department of State, the Department of Justice, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, with respect to an investigation of Radio of Free Asia, 1971-72   page 531

H. Minutes of meetings of the Board of Directors of the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc   page 617

I. Auditors’ workpapers regarding Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc., Arthur Young & Co. and Price Waterhouse   page 671

J. Miscellaneous documents   page 706

Note:—Deletions in the attached documents are for the purpose of security or the protection of an individual’s privacy

___________________________________________

ABBREVIATIONS

APACL Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League

APACL-FC Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League Freedom Center

Burke Memo Memorandum for the Record prepared by Adm. Arleigh Burke

Burke # Document provided by Adm. Burke; number assigned by him

FARA Foreign Agents Registration Act (18 U.S.C. 951)

FBI Report FBI Investigative Report dated 1964-66, entitled “Dr. Seymour Murray Vinocour; William A. Curtin, Jr.; Kim Tong Son -- RA Korea”

ISD Internal Security Division, Department of Justice

KBS Korean Broadcasting Service

KCIA Korean Central Intelligence Agency

KCFF Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc.

ROFA Radio of Free Asia

ROK Republic of Korea

ROKG Government of the Republic of Korea

UC The Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity; commonly known as The Unification Church

___________________________________________

NOTES

Not all documents attached are included in the summaries of Section A. Known variations of Korean names are given the first time the name appears. Individuals are identified the first time their names appear. ___________________________________________

A. SUMMARIES OF REPRESENTATIVE DOCUMENTS CONTAINED IN SECTIONS B THROUGH J

1.  1961:  FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour

In 1961, Vinocour (Seymour Murray Vinocour, also known as Joseph Vinocour), PR consultant to the Korean Embassy in Washington, was contacted by Ambassador Chung II Kwon (then-Ambassador to the U.S. later Prime Minister; currently Speaker of the National Assembly) who advised him of the ROKG’s interest in establishing APACL-FC. Chung arranged an ROKG-sponsored trip to Korea to enable Vinocour to confer with authorities of APACL-FC. Vinocour also discussed the project with Kim Jong Pil (Kim Chong Pil, founder of the KCIA; then-Chairman of the ruling Democratic Republican Party). As a result of these discussions Vinocour submitted a prospectus for U.S. fundraising for APACL-FC, a copy of which was given to the ROK Embassy in Washington, D.C. The trip never took place because Vinocour terminated his formal association with the ROKG in September 1961.

2.  Spring 1962:  Day of Hope in Review, Part 1, 1972-74, p. 173

The Reverend Sun Myung Moon is said to have founded the Korean dance troupe known as the Little Angels which were organized in the spring of 1962.

3.  February 26, 1963:   CIA Information Report

Kim Jong Pil organized the UC while he was the director of the KCIA, to be used as a political tool. The church was headed by the Reverend Moon, founder of the Olive Tree Cult. [Reverend Moon founded the Unification Church. Elder Tae-seon Park founded the Olive Tree Cult.]

4.  Early 1963:   FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour

APACL-FC Preparatory Commission, Korean Chapter, publishes a proposal for the establishment of a Freedom Center to be built and staffed for anti-communist activities in Korea. This was decided in June of 1962. They have the full concurrence of the ROKG, including financial support. An ROKG Cabinet meeting of August 17, 1962 granted 50 acres of land for the construction of the center. The site is identified as Jang Choon-Dan Park on Namsan Hill in the southeastern section of Seoul City.

5.  Early 1963:   Burke #69, Historical background of APACL-FC

Includes a financial statement indicating that the ROKG has contributed $538,461.

6.  Summer 1963:   FBI Report

Cho Dong Ha (also known as Dongha Cho), a representative of APACL-FC and the ROKG, and said to be close to President Park Chung Hee, contacts Vinocour about raising funds in the U.S. for the construction of the FC.

7.  Fall 1965:   Burke Memo

Former ROKG Ambassador Yang You Chan (also known as Chan Yang) approaches Burke with the idea of establishing a tax-exempt foundation to promote mutual understanding, respect and friendship between the U.S. and Korea. Yang urges Burke to become Founding Chairman. Burke is reluctant but Yang succeeds in persuading him. Burke will become Chairman and Yang will be responsible for overseeing the day-to-day operations, establishing a Board of Directors, and appointing an Executive Director with a staff.

8.  Fall 1963:   FBI Report, Interview of Luis Corea

Yang approaches Corea of Riggs National Bank for his support of an organization proposing to build a structure in Seoul memorializing U.S.-Korean friendship and to serve as a cultural center.

A preliminary meeting was held, attended by: Admiral Arleigh Burke (Ret.), who accepted the presidency; Colonel William A. Curtin, Jr. (Ret.); Ambassador Yang; Colonel Pak Bo Hi (also known as Bo Hi Pak; then-military attache in the Korean Embassy in Washington); and Luis Corea.

The proposed organization is to be known as KCFF.

9.  November 5, 1963:   FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour

Vinocour sends his feasibility study for fundraising for APACL-FC to Cho Dong Ha.

10.  December 1963–January 1964:   Burke Memo

Yang and Burke have several meetings regarding plans for KCFF projects and personnel.

11.  December 21, 1963:   Burke #1, Brochure of KCFF

Yang sends a copy of KCFF’s brochure to Burke. The Little Angels is the only proposed project.

12.  Early 1964:   Burke Memo

Burke says that Yang appointed Curtin. Burke does not know Curtin but trusts Yang’s judgment. Yang told Burke that Col. Pak Bo Hi had greatly assisted him in the preliminary work on KCFF and is keenly interested in the Foundation. Burke says that he only knew Pak from social functions at the Embassy; he describes him as suave, a good administrator and a hard worker. Burke says that he is heavily committed in other areas and relies on Yang, Pak and Curtin.

13.  Early 1964:   Testimony of Robert Roland before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Activities of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency in the United States, June 22, 1976, p. 14

Roland, one-time member of the KCFF Board and a social acquaintance of Pak, is told in early 1964 by Pak of his plans to form KCFF to gain influence and raise money for the Reverend Moon. At the same time Pak also speaks of forming ROFA.

14.  January 10, 1964:   Burke #5, Letter from Yang to Dr. Decker

Yang congratulates Clarence L. Decker, Academic Vice President of Fairleigh Dickinson University, on Decker’s trip to the ROK as a guest of the ROKG to attend President Park’s inauguration. Yang inquires about a conversation between Kim Jong Pil and Dr. Decker in which Kim is said to have discussed KCFF and pledged his full support to the Foundation.

15.  January 17, 1964:   Burke #8, Letter from Curtin to Kim Jong Pil, Chairman, Democratic Republican Party

Curtin says that he has been informed that Kim has been briefed on KCFF and has indicated his approval and support; also, that Kim has accepted the position of Honorary Chairman of the Board.

16.  January 21, 1964:   Burke #6, Letter from Decker to Yang

Decker confirms his conversation with Kim Jong Pil in which they discussed the Foundation.

17.  ca. January 21, 1964:   Burke #13, Biographical Sketch of Kim Jong Pil

Because Burke does not know who Kim Jong Pil is, Pak Bo Hi provides him with a biographical sketch.

18.  January 26, 1964:   Burke #9, Letter from Kim Jong Pil to Curtin

Kim says that he has been thoroughly briefed on all aspects of KCFF; he gives his endorsement and accepts the position of honorary chairman.

19.  February 23, 1964:   Burke #61, Letter from Curtin to Kim Jong Pil

Curtin suggests that it appears to be appropriate and politically judicious for the ROKG to award a governmental decoration to Pearl Buck for The Living Reed. A Washington ceremony would accord international press coverage.

20.  March 12, 1964:   Burke #62, Letter to Curtin from Kwan Soo Park, Chairman, APACL-FC

Park informs Curtin that Kim Sang In (also known as Steve Kim; an aide and interpreter to Kim Jong Pil; later an employee of KCIA) has forwarded Curtin’s proposal for the “Freedom Center Fund Raising Program.” He asks for a more formal proposal and contractual conditions.

21.  March 18, 1964:   Burke #22, Letter from Curtin to Park Kwan Soo, Chairman, APACL-FC

Curtin outlines the program which KCFF has suggested for raising of U.S. funds for the Freedom Center. He asks APACL-FC to provide certain information, including total contributions of ROKG and total donations. He requests Park Kwan Soo to forward an enclosed copy of this letter to Kim Sang In.

22.  ca. March 18, 1964:   Burke Memo

Burke is concerned about KCFF’s involvement with APACL-FC. He discusses these reservations with Yang and Curtin. He is particularly concerned about supporting an organization over which they have no control. Also, KCFF is not in a position to make any significant financial commitments. Burke is under the impression that Yang and Curtin agree.

23.  March 24, 1964:   FBI Report, Letter to Vinocour from Cho Dong Ha

Kim Dong Sung (former Vice Speaker of the National Assembly) will be appointed adviser to the ROKG Ambassador to the UN in place of Col. Ben Limb (also known as Im Byung Jik). When Kim’s appointment is announced, a formal request will be made for him to be in charge of APACL-FC fundraising in the U.S. Kim Jong Pil, President Park and Prime Minister Choi are ready to advance the $10,000 requested in Vinocour’s proposal. Kim Dong Sung wants Cho to come to the U.S. with him. Cho asks Vinocour if he can be put on Vinocour’s payroll when the contract is awarded.

24.  March 27, 1964:   FBI Report, Interview of Corea

KCFF is formally incorporated in Washington, D.C., by William A. Curtin, Jr., William E. Carey and Luis F. Corea.

25.  April 14, 1964:   KCFF Minutes

The KCFF incorporators meet and name Burke, Yang, John G. Flowers and Lawrence W. Horning to the Board of Directors.

26.  April 17, 1964:   FBI Report, Letter from Cho Dong Ha to Vinocour

Cho relates the substance of a letter from William Curtin to Kim Jong Pil in which Curtin states that since Ambassador Kim is unwilling to undertake the APACL-FC project, and Vinocour’s proposal has been turned down, that KCFF can raise $500,000 for the project. Cho says he has contacted Curtin and asked for a proposal and contract. Curtin’s reply is that KCFF will raise funds at no cost to APACL, and thus no contract is necessary. Cho says Curtin has not yet received a commitment. Cho asks what Vinocour knows about Curtin. Cho says he is applying pressure to have Kim Dong Sung’s appointment at the UN announced so that Kim can come to the U.S.

When Kim comes, Cho will be with him.

27.  May 1, 1964:   FBI Report, Personal letter from Vinocour to Cho Dong Ha

Vinocour is annoyed about ROKG handling of the APACL-FC project and suggests that communications problems exist between the Embassy and Seoul. It has been almost one year since he submitted his proposal but he has not received an answer; KCFF now proposes to raise funds for APACL. Vinocour suggests that KCFF has plagiarized his original proposal.

28.  May 22, 1964:   Letter to Gene F. Caprio, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department of State; from Nathan B. Lenvin, Chief, Registration Section, Internal Security Division, Department of Justice

The subject is Joseph Vinocour, William Curtin, and Kim Tong-song; Foreign Agents Registration Act, Korean Activities in the United States. Reference is made to Caprio’s memorandum of April 29th in which he requested advice as to whether the subjects and/or KCFF are or ever have been registered under the FARA. Lenvin says that a review of Registration Section’s files reveals no registration for any of them, and that he is unable to determine if Joseph Vinocour is the same S. M. Vinocour who was registered until September 25, 1961 as an agent of the Korean Information Center. Lenvin is therefore requesting the FBI to ascertain this information as well as whether any of the individuals will be engaged in fundraising in the U.S. for APACL-FC.

29.  May 25, 1964:   Letter to Director, FBI, from J. Walter Yeagley, Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division

Yeagley requests the Director to have the FBI conduct an investigation to determine: whether Joseph Vinocour is the same as S.M. Vinocour; whether Vinocour will be raising funds in the U.S. for APACL-FC; whether Curtin has engaged in similar activities; and to determine the accuracy of the reports that Kim Dong Sung will be named ROK Consul General in New York and will be raising funds for APACL-FC in the U.S.

30.  May 25, 1964:   Burke #64, Letter from Curtin to Park Kwan Soo of APACL-FC

Curtin says KCFF’s application for certification as a non-profit organization is pending. The Treasury Department has taken exception to the program for support of APACL-FC because of the substantial out-flow of U.S. dollars. Burke and Yang will align sufficient political, Congressional and philanthropic strength to overcome these objections. Curtin says KCFF wants to support APACL-FC; that it will be among their prime objectives.

31.  May - June 1964:   FBI Report

Dong Sung Kim is to be named Korean Consul General in New York City, and is to raise funds for APACL-FC.

32.  July 1, 1964:   Burke #65, Letter from Park Kwan Soo to Curtin

Park Kwan Soo acknowledges receipt of Curtin’s May 25th letter and says that the Chosun Ilbo has reported that KCFF has included APACL-FC as one of its major projects. Park says that they have received a letter from Col. Pak of the Korean Embassy in Washington in which he informed them of the establishment of KCFF.

33. Summer 1964:   FBI Report, Interview of Corea

Corea is visited by Pak Bo Hi at this time and urged by him to institute a workable fundraising campaign for KCFF.

34. September 1964:   Burke Memo

Ambassador Yang informs Burke that Pak, who had been assisting Curtin, is very much interested in the work of KCFF. Yang says he hopes Pak will resign from the Korean Army and become an assistant to Curtin. Yang tells Burke that Pak’s prospects with KCFF are better than they would be back in Korea. Pak has impressed Burke favorably and therefore Burke is in favor of Pak’s continued association with KCFF.

35.  September 4, 1964:   Burke #37, Letter from Yang to General Min Ki Shik

Yang says that Pak provided the inspiration and guidance resulting in the establishment, development and current operational capabilities of KCFF. Pak could contribute far more to the attainment of ROKG objectives by associating himself with KCFF than by continuing his career as a Regular Army officer. Pak can interpret anti-communism in KCFF’s day-to-day operations and can achieve far more for the overall good of the ROK than by serving as an Army officer. Yang asks for Pak’s release from the Army so that he can take over as Vice President and Director of KCFF. Yang further states that KCFF intends to pay Pak a salary.

36.  October 3, 1964:   Burke #43, Letter from Pak to Curtin

Pak thanks Curtin for a luncheon prior to Pak’s departure and for Curtin’s seeing him off at the airport.

37.  Fall 1964:   FBI Report, Interview of Curtin

Pak approaches Curtin and tells him he is going to retire from the ROK Army and will be returning to the U.S. in early 1965. He wants to assist KCFF, particularly with the Little Angels project. Curtin accepts the offer.

38.  November 3, 1964:   Burke #46, Letter from Pak to Yang

Pak apologizes for not having reported earlier as they had planned. He says that he arrived in Seoul on October 7th and after two weeks began the processing for his discharge. Pak says that Yang’s letter to General Min was helpful because action was taken immediately and by October 22nd he was a civilian; Pak says this is viewed as “unprecedented.”

Pak says that in his 14 years of military service he had dedicated himself to the honorable service of his country and that in his position with KCFF he will dedicate himself to even greater service for his country.

Pak says he has already begun working for KCFF. He has delivered Yang’s letter to General Lee at the Blue House and made an appointment to give him a briefing on KCFF; met with Park Chong Kyu (head of the Presidential Protective Force) of the Blue House and Yang can count on him as a partner in their efforts. Park will try to arrange a meeting with President Park to brief him on the Foundation. Pak has also called on Prime Minister Chung II Kwon who agreed to be a member of the Advisory Council of KCFF. Pak has used the National Film Production facilities to produce a 30-minute color movie of the Little Angels. Pak says he will continue his all-out campaign to earn credit and understanding for Yang’s leadership in the Foundation.

39.  November 3, 1964:   Burke #47, Letter from Pak to Curtin

Pak tells Curtin about the Little Angels film and other promotional details of a proposed U.S. tour. Pak also tells Curtin, “Regarding your concern of so called ‘Mr. Kim Yong Tae’s letter’ (Kim Yong Tae is a close associate of Kim Jong Pil) you have nothing to worry about.” Pak says that “they” can’t hamper the development of the Foundation; he is there in Korea to take care of this. He says he will report in his next letter and asks for a report on developments on Curtin’s side, noting that he is most concerned with the fundraising aspects.

40.  November 3, 1964:   Burke #50, Letter to Burke from Pak

Pak informs Burke that he was honorably discharged from the Army on October 22nd, in order to join KCFF. On that same day he formally assumes the Vice Presidency of the Foundation.

41.  November 6, 1964:   Burke #49, Letter from Curtin to Pak

Curtin acknowledges receipt of Pak’s letter and says that he will comment on it and send an up-to-date report separately.

Curtin tells Pak that Garfield I. Kass, whom Pak knows, will be visiting Seoul in the near future. There are enclosed letters for Pak to have delivered to the Premier, the Vice Premier and the Foreign Minister. Curtin says there are copies for Pak and copies have been provided to Kass. Curtin suggests that Pak check with the U.S. Embassy on Kass’s itinerary. Curtin also suggests that Pak arrange a special performance of the Little Angels for Kass; he says he thinks it will “pay off.”

42.  December 10, 1964:   Burke #52, Letter to Yang from Pak

Pak gives run-down on Kass visit, detailing his itinerary. He says that Kass was well-satisfied and that they have earned another good friend for Korea. Pak had arranged for Kass to meet the following ROK officials: Mr. Park, special assistant to the President, National Assemblyman Kil, and Premier Chung.

43.  December 18, 1964:   U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum for the Record

Kim Jong Pil started the Tong-il (UC) Church about one year ago. The KCFF in Washington is the first step toward organizing a Tong-il in Washington. It has been previously reported that Bud Han (also known as Han Sang Kook/Keuk/Kuk), Pak Bo Hi and another Army officer were involved with the Washington organization; the third party is Kim Yong Ju or Kim Yong Chun. Yang You Chan is identified as a mere front-man, used to endow the organization with respectability. Pak Bo Hi is the real leader. Pak will return to Washington soon.

44.  January 4, 1965:   U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum for the Record

Kim Jong Pil has been using the Tong-il Church (UC) since 1961.

His interpreter (Steve Kim) is involved in this organization. The organization is secret and run like a communist organization. Bud Han is now General Min Ki Shik’s aide.

45.  ca. March 1965:   FBI Report, Interview of Curtin

Pak returns to Washington and starts working officially for KCFF.

He volunteers to assist KCFF financially and arranges through the ROK Embassy for the use of their addressograph plates for KCFF initial fundraising (30-40,000 names). These names are from the Korean Information Services mailing list. KCFF also will use Richard A. Viguerie Co., Inc.

46.  March 5, 1965:   FBI Report, Interview of Curtin

Current employees of KCFF: Curtin, Pak Bo Hi, Caesar A. Giolito. All serve without salary. Giolito was employed at Pak’s insistence.

Pak Bo Hi’s association with KCFF is through the Little Angels which KCFF hopes to bring to the U.S. on a nationwide tour. The time for this tour will be approximately May 1965, to coincide with President Park Chung Hee’s visit to the U.S. Pak Bo Hi is the Project Director for this tour.

Pak has told Curtin that he has contributed substantial personal funds to support the Little Angels. Pak also has a deep spiritual interest in the Unification Church, a Korean spiritualist group in the Washington area.

Curtin denies any direct or indirect contact with the ROK Embassy, nor does he have any understanding, agreement or contract with the ROKG. KCFF is an American-Oriental organization that hopes to be a vehicle of expression in U.S. foreign policy, particularly in Korea and Southeast Asia.

Curtin believes that he is exempt from having to register with the Justice Department as a foreign agent because KCFF is solely engaged in activities in furtherance of religious, scholastic, academic or scientific pursuits.

Curtin says that the APACL-FC as it appeared in the original draft of the KCFF brochure has been eliminated as a project of KCFF and will not receive any support from KCFF. The inclusion of the FC in the KCFF brochure goes back to 1963, when Curtin prepared the brochure, and was unaware of U.S. Treasury regulations governing the exporting of U.S. dollars.

47.  Spring 1965:   FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour

Park Kwan Soo, Chairman of APACL-FC, writes to Vinocour asking him to reconsider the FC project, (cf. May 15, 1965)

48.  April 13, 1965:   Burke #57, Letter from Earl Voss to Burke

Voss says, as he had told Burke when they met at Mickey Kim’s house (Mickey Kim, also known as Kim Un Yong, KCIA official at the ROK Embassy in Washington, later assistant to Park Chong Kyu), when they had discussed KCFF’s representations about fundraising for APACL-FC, that he is learning more about the Freedom Center. Leaders at the APACL-FC are upset that KCFF is representing in its brochures that the FC is its #1 project without the Center’s permission. They regard KCFF as “some sort of racket” using the FC’s name to raise funds.

49.  April 26, 1965:   Burke #60, Letter of solicitation from Burke to Fellow Americans

The letter contains a brochure setting forth KCFF’s current objectives. The objectives include activities in support of anticommunist organizations in the Far East, coordination with other anti-communist organizations in the U.S., and aiding and supporting the Freedom Center under the auspices of APACL.

50.  April 28, 1965:   Burke #66, Letter from Pak to Burke

Pak says he has been instructed by Yang to give Burke full information for a reply to the April 13, 1965 letter from Voss. Pak says that the APACL-FC people have misunderstood and he advises Burke to send a polite letter to the FC stating the current status of KCFF without mentioning Voss’s letter. He also suggests writing a letter to Kim Jong Pil, chairman of the ruling Democratic Republican Party, asking him to tell APACL-FC officials of KCFF’s earnest intentions and current situation.

51.  May 25, 1965:   KCFF Minutes

Pak is elected a member of the Board of Directors and Vice President of KCFF. Pak has arranged a U.S. tour for the Little Angels with KCFF as the official sponsor. Although sponsorship of the Little Angels had not been officially brought before the Board, KCFF directors vote to accept sponsorship since it appears to them to be a fait accompli.

52.  May 1965:   FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour

(date established by Vinocour’s use of word “recently”)

Pak Bo Hi calls on Vinocour. Vinocour formerly knew Pak as a military attache at the Korean Embassy. Pak now identifies himself as the project director or PR man for KCFF in its efforts to assist the APACL-FC. Pak tells Vinocour that Curtin is not doing the job and that KCFF is bankrupt.

53.  May 26, 1965:   Burke #70, Letter from Pak to Burke

Pak mentions Yang’s recent address before the Political Study Club being inserted in the Congressional Record of April 27, 1965.

54.  May 27, 1965:   Burke #71, Letter from Pak to Burke

Pak says that Dr. Chin Kim and Cho Dong Ha, officers of APACL-FC visiting Washington, met with him. They have ironed out their misunderstandings and differences. They had already met with Yang. Pak says that he made it clear that KCFF is still interested but not obligated. Because KCFF is in its formative stage, the APACL-FC should not depend on the efforts of KCFF.

55.  June 1965:   FBI Report, Interview with Don Kramer (date possibly earlier)

Cho Dong Ha requests that Kramer urge their mutual acquaintance Vinocour, a professional PR counselor, to undertake informal noncontractual agreement to work for APACL-FC.

Kramer talks to Vinocour and is advised that Cho has not been totally candid with him; Vinocour had previously submitted a professional program. Kramer says he reported Vinocour’s reaction to Cho.

Kramer’s impression was that Cho was trying to explore Kramer’s availability to assist, but that no direct overtures were ever made.

Kramer says that Cho is living with Tongsun Park at 1713 22nd Street, N.W., Washington, telephone 232-6860. Kramer’s impression is that Tongsun Park is subsidizing Cho during his stay but not contributing to the Freedom Center.

56.  June 8, 1965:   Burke #76, Letter from Cho Dong Ha to Burke

Cho asks Burke if KCFF would act as agent to collect and transmit contributions for APACL-FC.

57.  June 8, 1965:   Burke #77, Letter from Burke to Cho Dong Ha

Burke says that KCFF would be happy to act as a repository for U.S. donations to the APACL-FC. However, these contributions would be subject to 15% commission.

58.  July 12, 1965:   Burke #82, Letter from Robert W. Roland to Burke

Roland informs Burke that Pak has been an acquaintance of his for a number of years. He has discussed KCFF with Pak many times.

Pak has told him that KCFF is to function as the financial supporter and propagator of the ideology of the Unification Church, headed by Moon.

59.  August 1965:   Burke Memo

Burke advises Yang of Roland’s letter concerning Pak. Yang assures Burke that he is certain Pak is not misusing KCFF and that he, Yang, would not permit it. Yang adds that Pak is a devout Buddhist.

Burke comments that the matter could not be resolved without further data. There is no indication that the Foundation is being misused, but it has to be carefully watched. Burke contemplates resigning because he feels that things are happening of which he is not aware. He submits his resignation on August 6, 1965, to be effective in September or October.

60.  August 26, 1965:   Burke #99, Letter from David Rowe to Earl Voss

Rowe says that Yang is in Korea on a short visit, and that he is working on staking a claim for KCFF in relation to the APACL- FC. Yang has represented that KCFF can supply a backer, Mr. Salvatori, who is a very big potential source of money for the FC.

Yang told Rowe that before he had left for Korea he had had a meeting with Burke at which he proposed that Burke approach Congressional Members of the committee supervising the CIA to have them bring pressure on the CIA to put a large amount of money into the APACL-FC. The purpose would be to use the FC for recruiting and training agents, since students from all over Asia and Africa would be arriving there. All this was said in the presence of a secretary from the Foreign Office who had been assigned to Yang.

Rowe says that he is confident Burke will not fall for this idea but is unsure of other members of KCFF or Congress. He asks Voss to see Burke and show him this letter.

61.  August 27, 1965

William A. Curtin, Jr. dies.

62.  September 9, 1965:   Burke #100, Letter from Burke to Voss

Burke disavows involvement in the Salvatori idea and says that he did not know that Yang and Dr. Haynes Fraser had had such an idea. Burke says that he had thought the CIA idea a bad one and had told Yang so before he left. Burke says the reason for his meeting with Yang was for Burke to submit his resignation. Burke asks Voss not to use this information to embarrass Yang.

63.  September 13, 1965:   KCFF Minutes

Burke, Corea and Carey exhibit concern about the financial status of the Foundation. A resolution is passed that: certified public accountants will be employed to certify financial statements and to make an annual report to be delivered to the president and the executive committee; that Pak Bo Hi will make monthly statements to the treasurer with copies to the executive committee, showing all income and expenditures; and that hereafter projects will not be initiated until funded. Funds raised for a specific purpose will be held in trust until full funding has been achieved.

64.  December 1965:   FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour

On December 14, 1965, Vinocour had lunch with Min Pyong Whi, the First Secretary of the ROK Embassy. Min stated that Cho Dong Ha does not represent the ROKG in his fundraising efforts in the U.S. for the APACL-FC. Min said that Cho had returned to Korea in November and would not return to the U.S. before February or March 1966. Min feels that duplicate organizations such as KCFF and the Freedom Center create confusion.

65.  May 15, 1966:   KCFF Minutes

First mention of the ROFA project is at this meeting. General Coulter, president and chairman, states for the record that Pak Bo Hi is one of the founders of the KCFF and that he had returned to the U.S. for the sole purpose of pioneering the projects of the Foundation. General Coulter gives the following information regarding Pak:

– Yang requested the ROKG to release Pak so that he could work for the Foundation.

– The ROKG granted the release. On July 3, 1965 (sic; KCFF minutes of May 25, 1965 indicate that it was at that meeting that Pak was elected director and vice president of KCFF) Pak returned to Washington and took up a fulltime position as vice president of KCFF.

– Pak has been working fulltime since that time in his capacity as vice president. Pak has not received any salary or compensation for his services for the entire year of 1965.

The Board votes to pay Pak $750 per month, retroactive to January 1, 1966.

66.  July 14, 1966:   KCFF Minutes

Corea and Carey resign from the Board, making a total of four vacancies. The vacancies are filled by: Tongsun Park, Lawrence L. Mays, Leigh Brite, and Leon Fontaine, all effective August 1, 1966. Kyong Eup Kim (also known as Jimmy Kim) is appointed Operations Director of the Foundation in Seoul. His duties will be to establish KCFF headquarters and make initial arrangements for the ROFA project.

Yang informs the Board that the ROKG Minister of Public Information had requested Kim’s appointment as Operations Director. The Board specifies that Kim is not to incur any expenses chargeable to KCFF until advised that funds are available.

Lawrence L. Mays is appointed International Chairman of ROFA.

67.  August 9, 1966:   KCFF Minutes

The stated purpose of the meeting is formally to institute ROFA as the principal project of KCFF and to formulate policy for ROFA. The Board sets August 15, 1966 as the date for the first broadcast from KBS transmitters. The Board authorizes a trip to Korea for Mays, Yang and Pak to negotiate a contract with the ROKG for the inauguration of ROFA.

68.  August 10, 1966 U.S. Intelligence Agency Report

The Seventh Bureau (Psychological Warfare Bureau) of the KCIA has been given the task of working out a proposal for the reestablishment of ROFA. The operation is tightly held within the KCIA and is apparently the result of a KCIA-Washington letter to KCIA director Kim Hyung Wook, and communication from Kim to Yang You Chan. Director Kim, who is said to be enthusiastic about the project, and the 7th Bureau are expected to discuss the matter with Yang.

69.  August 1966:   Testimony of General Kim Hyung Wook, former director, KCIA, before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Investigation of Korean-American Relations, Part 1, June 22, 1977, p. 28

Kim said he first met Pak in 1964; Pak was not connected with the KCIA but whenever he came to Seoul he would visit Kim and discuss the situation and his activities in the U.S.

Kim recalled Pak coming to Korea with Ambassador Yang and an American named Mays. At that time Pak described ROFA and told Kim that Eisenhower was honorary chairman and that many influential Americans were involved in advising them.

Pak said that he was going to broadcast programs to North Korea and to Communist China and Kim had no objection; he asked Pak how he could help. Pak said he needed a permit from the ROKG. Because Kim felt that it was the type of work that the government should be doing, if they had had the funds, he told Pak that he would welcome the project and assist him in obtaining the required permit.

To express his appreciation to the group, he gave Mays a commemorative plaque usually given those who apprehend North Korean spies. Kim contacted the Ministry of Information to expedite the required permit.

70.  August 25, 1966:   Letter to Samuel D. Berger, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, to Winthrop G. Brown, U.S. Ambassador to Korea

Brown expresses his concern about ROFA to Berger. He feels that the persons connected with the project are inexperienced and that some have “unsavory records.” Brown wants to warn distinguished Americans whose names are being used.

71.  August 26, 1966:   Airgram from U.S. Embassy, Seoul, to State Department, with five enclosures

Biographical data is supplied concerning Pak Bo Hi and Kim Dong Sung, as well as memoranda of three conversations between Lawrence Mays, ROFA International Director, and U.S. Embassy officials. Embassy officials exhibit concern at the level of experience of the ROFA officials and on the question of control of program content. ROFA is said to have made its first broadcast at 11:00 p.m. on August 15th.

72.  September 6, 1966:   KCFF Minutes

Coulter, Giolito, Pak and Mays are present. Pak makes a full report of his trip to Korea, stating that he had witnessed the commencement of ROFA broadcasting on August 15th; however, no details are given in the minutes.

Coulter states that the purpose of the meeting is to appoint an Operations Director and a Deputy Operations Director in Seoul. He has issued a letter to Dong Sung Kim on August 15th, appointing Kim, a former Minister of Public Information for the ROKG, as Operations Director. Kim will supervise the overall policy of ROFA and the planning of programs and the execution of policy established in Washington. Kim will also be empowered to negotiate a permanent contract with the ROKG for the use of KBS facilities. Kim Chong Hoon (Chong Hoon Kim) has been recommended by Kim Dong Sung to be Deputy Operations Director.

73.  September 7, 1966:   State Department Memorandum of Conversation among Lawrence L. Mays and a Mr. Vogt; and Deputy Assistant Secretary Berger and Korea Country Director Benjamin A. Fleck

Mays meets with State Department officials to ascertain the reasons for their opposition to ROFA. Berger explains that ROFA is a private venture with which the U.S. Government cannot be involved in any way. They also discuss KCFF’s irregular methods of handling funds, which, according to Mays, led to Burke’s resignation.

Mays says that during his recent trip to Seoul with Pak and Yang “he had discovered the true nature of the organization.” While in Seoul he had secretly met with Reverend Moon and a National Assemblyman. “As a result of that meeting, it had become clear to Mr. Mays that the purpose of the Unification Church in organizing the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation and in sponsoring the Foundation’s fundraising activities (primarily the Little Angels children’s choir and the radio project) was to raise funds in the United States for use in furthering the Unification Church’s religious and political objectives in Korea.”

74.  September 12, 1966:   KCFF Minutes

Yang announces the resignation of Mays as International Chairman of ROFA and from the Board fo KCFF. The position of International Chairman is abolished. General Graves B. Erskine, USMC (Ret.), is appointed Executive Director of ROFA and a member of the Board of KCFF. Erskine also is to serve as chairman of the committee on ROFA which will determine policy, control implementation of policy, review program content, and plan for expansion.

75.  September 20, 1966:   Memorandum to Deputy Undersecretary of State

U. Alexis Johnson from William P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary for East Asian & Pacific Affairs

Bundy attaches Ambassador Brown’s letter and memorandum dealing with ROFA. Bundy agrees with Brown that some persons connected with the project are “unsavory” and that it is possible that money donated by Americans is being used for purposes other than those stated publicly. Bundy recommends that Johnson attempt to persuade someone to sever his ties with the Foundation and ROFA.

76.  September 21, 1966:   State Department Memorandum of Conversation among Colonel Bo Hi Pak, To Kyong Limb, First Secretary, Korean Embassy, and Benjamin Fleck

Pak confirms that General Erskine has been appointed Executive Director of ROFA. Pak relates the circumstances of his and Yang’s relationship with Lawrence Mays. Mays and Coulter have resigned from KCFF and have incorporated the radio project as a separate organization.

Pak says that a Baltimore PR firm hired by Mays for a fundraising banquet is now working for KCFF and is launching a campaign that it is hoped will raise $150,000 for the radio project. Pak outlines ROFA’s operational plans, and he notes that General Rod Smith of Radio Free Europe has offered assistance. Pak also says that KCFF is bring the Little Angels to the U.S. for a concert tour; he hopes that the Little Angels will make money so that the proceeds can be given to ROFA.

Pak also notes that during his recent trip to Seoul he had renewed his personal friendship with President Park. Their friendship is based on their service together during the Korean War and one period in particular when they “had spent a harrowing seven days together before being reunited with their unit.”

77.  November 10, 1966:   State Department Memorandum for the Record

Re: Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation

The memorandum recites the history of KCFF’s founding and its connections with Vinocour, Curtin and the APACL-FC. The memo reports the sponsorship of the Little Angels by KCFF and reiterates State Department concern about ROFA. The memorandum concludes that KCFF “is an organization of questionable motivation” and recommends that no actions should be taken which could be construed as U.S. Government approval of KCFF or any of its projects.

78.  December 6, 1966:   KCFF Minutes

General Coulter resigns and General Erskine is appointed President and Chairman of the Board of KCFF.

79.  March 9, 1967:   KCFF Minutes

Erskine and Pak enter into a contract with International Foundation Consultants, Ltd., fundraisers, on behalf of ROFA. The firm advances $15,000 to ROFA. On motion by Pak, the Board decides that Erskine will deliver $10,000 of this sum by hand to Korea for the operational fund, while $5,000 will be retained in Washington to pay accumulated bills. Y. W. Coty, Vice President of Finance, will accompany Erskine on the trip.

Ambassador Yang is visiting Korea upon the invitation of President Park. Although Yang’s mission is largely involved with the ROKG, he is doing much good on behalf of the Foundation while there.

KCFF must regard his stay in Korea as an official representation of the Foundation; the Foundation must therefore pay any expenses which Yang incurs on its behalf. A resolution is passed to pay $500 in expenses to Yang, unless he requests additional monies.

80.  March 14, 1967:   U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum to the Ambassador -- Subject: ROFA

The KCIA’s 7th Bureau monitors the programs and activities of ROFA, and facilities are provided free by KBS. The only guidance provided by KCFF is that all programs must support U.S. policy. KBS does not charge ROFA and actually saves money because there are no script costs and ROFA programs surplant KBS programs. The Director of KBS has indicated that KBS does not receive payment from ROFA. The memorandum states that ROFA is fortunate to have Kim Dong Sung as its Korean Director. It further states that ROFA is apparently proceeding with the full knowledge and support of the ROKG.

81.  June 5, 1967:   KCFF Minutes

Erskine and Coty resign for personal business reasons.

82.  September 26, 1967:   KCFF Minutes

Ambassador Yang is absent because of governmental duty in Africa. Pak reads the resignation letter of Kim Dong Sung who has been appointed ROKG Ambassador to Argentina. Kim Dong Sung recommends the appointment of his Deputy, Kim Chong Hoon, to replace him.

The Board approves his suggestion and Kim Chong Hoon is now the Operations Director of ROFA.

83.  1968:   Arthur Young Accountants Workpapers, Handwritten Notation

“$100 gift to Un Yang Kim (Korean Secret Service) on the death of his mother. I surmise that this is in the line of KCFF business, as favors are sometimes asked of this man, although I question the account classification.”

84.  February 1969:   Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF-Seoul (prepared July 1971)

In 1969 Park Chong Kyu, head of the Presidential Protective Force, lent his private house, without cost, to the Little Angels for their use.

85.  March 11, 1969:   USIA cable from U.S. Embassy, Seoul, to State Department, Re ROFA

The cable describes ROKG as having complete supervision and control of the program content of ROFA, but the Ministry of Culture and Information is still not pleased with the situation, “even though ROKG supervision now complete.” ROFA seems to be under some sort of examination; USIA does not know by whom. USIA feels that ROFA is probably not contributing anything positive to Free World broadcasting to North Korea.

86.  April 23, 1969:   USIA Memorandum of Conversation with ROFA Officials.

ROFA is broadcasting 36 hours and 45 minutes each week over KBS facilities at no cost to ROFA. The ROKG is considering a request for 2,000 pyung of land at Namsan for the construction of ROFA’s own facilities. This would be an administrative facility with transmitters to be built later.

ROFA is using contract help for writing; including some KBS employees and others who are professors and non-KBS radio writers. Regarding policy, the ROFA official says that they have to be careful not to differ too strongly with the ROKG. Much of their material comes from defector interviews arranged by the KCIA; at all of these interviews there is a KCIA man in the studio monitoring and suggesting alterations wherever he sees fit. USIA observes it is unlikely that ROFA has substantial freedom.

87.  November 25, 1969:   USIA Memorandum of Conversation with ROFA Official.

ROFA will build a studio and office on 3,000 pyung of land provided by the ROKG. They have no immediate plans to build their own transmitters. In general reference to his operations, the ROFA official states that KBS broadcasts must reflect ROKG policy, but ROFA does not have to do this since it reflects U.S. policy. Regarding ROFA’s description of its broadcasts to North Korea, USIA official observes that it is highly unlikely since most radio receivers in North Korea are of fixed frequency, making it impossible for reception of the described broadcasts.

88.  February 1970:   Hearings before the Senate Subcommittee on U.S. Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, p. 1687

ROFA and KCFF are mentioned during the course of these hearings. Concern is expressed about the use of names of prominent Americans, and the tax-exempt status of KCFF and ROFA. There is also some discussion about whether “propagandist organizations” should be registered with the Justice Department under the FARA.

89.  May 25, 1970:   Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF-Seoul

KCFF buys land and building from Chung II Kwon (then-Prime Minister) for Won 20,000,000 (approximately $142,496.82), to be used as the intermediate headquarters for ROFA.

90.  September 2, 1970:   State Department Memorandum enclosed with

June 8, 1971 letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary of State Johnson

A report dated September 2nd lists Pak Bo Hi of KCFF as one of several ROK lobbyists in Washington whose activities were to be coordinated by the KCIA.

91.  September 8, 1970:   Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF.

An entry for September 8th lists expenses incurred for “Promotion letters written by President Park Chung Hee.”

92.  October 14, 1970:   State Department Memorandum enclosed with June 8, 1971 letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary of State Johnson

A report dated October 14th stated that in late September Pak Bo Hi was in Seoul with a ROFA mailing list of 60,000 Americans who had contributed to ROFA. It was arranged for President Park Chung Hee to send letters to all of the contributors, at a cost of $20,000.

93.  December 14, 1970:   State Department Memorandum from Howard F. Newsom to Mr. Prentice

The memorandum reiterates State’s “grave doubts about the competence and integrity of many of the persons connected with ROFA’s operations.” The present Ambassador, Kim Dong Jo, shares these concerns. As ROFA uses KBS facilities, there is a question as to what ROFA does with the funds it raises in the U.S.

94.  December 15, 1970:   State Department Memorandum, from Rowberg of Korea Desk to Ambassador Brown

In matters concerning ROFA, the Department will be using the attached drafts as statements to be released.

95.  December 23, 1970:   Letter to IRS from Winthrop G. Brown, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs

The letter requests that IRS provide information as to the tax-exempt status of ROFA.

96.  December 23, 1970:   Letter to Robert C. Mardian, Assistant Attorney General, from Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown

The letter requests that Justice Department provide information as to ROFA’s status under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.

97.  December 31, 1970:   Telegram from State Department to U.S. Embassy, Seoul

The telegram requests the Embassy to monitor ROFA broadcasts and to report information on all aspects of ROFA operations.

98.  January 8, 1971:   Letter from Assistant Attorney General Mardian to Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown

Mardian acknowledges receipt of Brown’s December 23rd letter and states that Justice Department files have no information on ROFA. A request is being made of the FBI to search its files for available information, or information that may result from the inquiry Justice is requesting FBI make.

99.  January 8, 1971:   Memorandum to Director, FBI, from Assistant Attorney General Mardian

The memorandum encloses copies of State Department’s letter to Justice requesting information on ROFA. Mardian asks that the FBI furnish any information it may have regarding ROFA; in the event FBI files are negative, Mardian requests that the FBI ascertain ROFA’s principal place of business and interview a responsible official.

100.  February 16, 1971:   U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum

Subject: Pak Bo Hi, KCFF, Little Angels and ROFA

The memorandum provides biographical information on Pak; budget information and objectives of the KCFF; the costs of the Little Angels school to the KCFF; and discussion of ROFA studios to be constructed. There is also general information on ROFA and an analysis of KCFF and ROFA positions. The memorandum states that KCFF is now divorced from Yang who had tried to associate himself with the Foundation and ROK lobbying in Washington. Pak is said to be aware of, and intending to avoid, ROKG attempts to use the Foundation in the future. Pak describes this as difficult because he needs ROKG support; he also notes that ROKG officials are very demanding.

101.  April 5, 1971:   Letter to Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown from Assistant Attorney General Mardian, by James C. Hise, Chief, Registration Section

Brown is informed that, based on information now available to the Justice Department, ROFA cannot be considered an agent of a foreign principal since there is a lack of evidence to establish a connection with a foreign principal; hence there is no obligation to register under the FARA.

102.  April 14, 1971:   Letter to Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown from Exempt Organizations Branch, IRS

In reply to Brown’s December 23rd letter, the Chief of the Ruling Section states that a careful search of their files reveals that ROFA is not exempt from federal income tax and therefore contributions to ROFA are not tax-deductible.

103.  June 8, 1971:   Letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary of State Johnson

Johnson encloses material regarding ROFA concerning which he has spoken to Mitchell. He is concerned that “a lot of our people are being ‘taken.’”

A memorandum dated June 2, 1971, originally classified “secret”, is enclosed with this letter. This memorandum is headed “Radio of Free Asia” and mainly reiterates State Department concerns about ROFA. There are other paragraphs, however, which evince concern about a coordinated lobbying plan on the part of the South Korean Government. There is mention made of Tongsun Park’s offer to contribute to the campaigns of several congressmen and there are “suspicions that he has been involved in many other irregularities as a lobbyist.”

104.  July 7, 1971:   Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF-Seoul.

Daily broadcasting of programs is checked by the Ministry of Culture and Information, (K)CIA, KBS, and Mr. B.S. Lee, program controller of KCFF.

105.  July 7, 1971:   Memorandum to James C. Hise, Chief, Registration Section, from Robert C. Mardian, Assistant Attorney General, ISD

Mardian encloses the material received from State Department and says it is clear that State is highly concerned about ROFA’s operations. Mardian states that the material indicates persons associated with ROFA are of questionable reputation and may have some connection with the Korean Government. He suggests that the Criminal Division may have to determine if fraud is involved and that the FBI should be requested to conduct an investigation.

106.  July 28, 1971:   Letter to Undersecretary Johnson from Attorney General Mitchell

Mitchell acknowledges receipt of Johnson’s June 8th letter and requests concurrence of State in supplying the June 2nd secret memorandum to the FBI and to have the Bureau undertake an inquiry of the matter.

107.  October 1, 1971:   Letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary Johnson

Johnson states that State Department has no objection to Justice instituting a full scale investigation of the ROFA matter. He notes that materials contained in the June 2nd secret memorandum originated with a third government agency, however, Johnson states that it is his understanding that the third agency will send to the FBI through their own channels a separate memorandum summarizing the information that was contained in State’s June 2nd memo.

108.  November 1, 1971:   Memorandum to Director, FBI, from Assistant Attorney General Mardian, Subject: ROFA

Mardian makes reference to his January 8th memorandum to the FBI and says that the State Department has furnished additional information “indicating that certain persons associated with the subject are men of questionable reputation who may be engaged in fraudulent activity and who are also believed to be in the employ of the South Korean Central Intelligence Agency.” Mardian requests that the FBI initiate an investigation to determine whether ROFA should be registered under FARA.

Mardian also draws the FBI’s attention to State Department information that “Pak Tong Sun” who is a member of KCFF’s Board, may be a member of the KCIA; “it is requested that this element be included in your investigation.”

109.  November 11, 1971:   Memorandum from the Director, FBI, to the Washington Field Office (WFO) of the FBI

The memorandum encloses all pertinent documentation and requests the WFO immediately to initiate an investigation in accordance with the guidelines set forth in Mardian’s November 1st memorandum.

A note attached to this memorandum states, among other things, that James C. Hise of the Justice Department, ISD, advised on 11/4/71 that he did not desire interviews to be conducted of the prominent persons listed on KCFF’s letterhead, and requested that at this time the interviews of ROFA personnel be limited to Pak and Yang.

110.  December 28, 1971:   Memorandum to the Director, FBI, from WFO

By this memorandum the WFO submitted its investigative report in the ROFA matter to the Director, FBI.

111.  January 27, 1972:   Memorandum to Assistant Attorney General Mardian, ISD, from Assistant Attorney General Petersen, Criminal Division

Petersen states that the Criminal Division has reviewed the FBI’s December 28, 1971 report on ROFA and can find no basis for prosecution under federal fraud statutes.

112.  March 15, 1972:   Memorandum to Assistant Attorney General Mardian from Justin O’Shea, Acting Chief, Registration Section

O’Shea informs Mardian that the FBI investigation “reveals that the initial allegations concerning (ROFA) cannot be confirmed by competent evidence.” O’Shea concludes that based on the informa- provided by State Department and contained in the FBI report, neither the subject nor its officers and directors have incurred an obligation to register under FARA.

113.  March 16, 1972:   Memorandum to Acting Attorney General Kleindienst from Assistant Attorney General Mardian

Mardian recounts the history of the ROFA investigation to the Attorney General and suggests that he send the attached letter to the Undersecretary of State.

114.  March 16, 1972:   Letter from Acting Attorney General Kleindienst to Undersecretary of State Johnson

Kleindienst reiterates the information contained in the two preceding memoranda and advises Johnson that, in the absence of additional information, the Justice Department contemplates no further action on the ROFA matter.

115.  May 1, 1972:   Memorandum to the President of ROFA from the Vice President for Operations, Subject: Weekly Report

The Vice President for Operations relates that at a dinner party attended by various Korean and American officials he was asked many questions regarding KCFF and ROFA operations. Mr. Richardson refused to believe that ROFA is not a part of the KCIA. Steve Kim will contact Richardson and explain that ROFA is not connected with the KCIA.

******

_________________________________________

Bo Hi Pak and The Origins of KCFF

United States Congressional investigation of Moon’s organization

Gifts of Deceit – Robert Boettcher

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FBI and other reports on Sun Myung Moon:

1. FBI Report (San Francisco office) on the UC / FFWPU, September 1975

2.  Napa Sentinel, March-April 3, 1992   “The Moonies – What Rev. Moon teaches the young” by Harry V. Martin and David Caul

3. Chicago Tribune, Monday, March 27, 1978   James Coates “The Moonies: Government Files Trace Church from Sex Cult to Korean CIA”

4. New York Times Magazine, May 30, 1976   Berkeley Rice: “The pull of Sun Moon”

5. The Moon Organization Academic Network, Fall 1991  by Daniel Junas

_________________________________________

Robert Parry’s investigations into Sun Myung Moon

Politics and religion interwoven

Sun Myung Moon and the United Nations

Donald M. Fraser’s house was attacked by an arsonist just after his investigation into the Unification Church. It was only saved by good fortune.

Moonie “Dirty Tricks” against Donald Fraser

The Mysterious Death of Robert Boettcher in 1984

[whatisonthemoon]

Frank Frivolous on the Japanese Fascist Connection

Originally posted November 23, 2014

Pictured: Osami Kuboki

Moon reveals to the world his relationship with Japanese Fascist elements himself. This is chapter 36 in the Moon chronicles on Tparents.org

http://www.tparents.org/Moon-Books/SunMyungMoon-Life/SunMyungMoon-Life-36.htm

Read this quote carefully and you will understand why the Japanese church operates somewhat autonomously from the rest of Moon’s church:

"Church president Osami Kuboki represented Japan. I had originally wanted to bless him when I visited Japan in 1967, but I could not do it. For that reason, when I blessed the 430 couples in 1968, I invited Kuboki to come to Korea as Japan’s representative and I blessed him.

I invited Ryoichi Sasakawa, a rich Japanese, to our large wedding ceremony. I sent him an invitation that read, "Sir, I believe you should come and offer your congratulations this time.” Rev. Kuboki and his wife were blessed in the ceremony, and Mr. Sasakawa actually came. In other words, Adam, Eve and the Japanese archangel have been restored. When you think about Sasakawa being the Japanese archangel, you realize that this year’s Blessing Ceremony served as a good starting point. At the end of the seven years, people such as Osami Kuboki were restored, which served as an important turning point in Japan’s restoration. Sasakawa came to the ceremony and thus established a standard on which we could begin to carry out our plan to put an end to communism.“

Kuboki-san was not a convert to Unificationism but an extension of the Sasakawa/Kodama empire which came to an agreement with Moon on its Japanese operation. The short history on Sasakawa and Kodama is that they were remnants of the previous Japanese Government that survived war prosecution mainly due to the intervention of the C.I.A. The following book link explains the relationship in detail.

http://books.google.com/books?id=AX-8RWhxTfgC&pg=PA69&lpg=PA69&dq=apacl,+unification+church&source=bl&ots=4cEU9Grh6f&sig=iVyfKod2xcMdtWOhg27PDQk7RY8&hl=en&sa=X&ei=KCdqVMCtDY-zogSk44D4BQ&ved=0CB4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=apacl%2C%20unification%20church&f=false

Since the Japanese occupation Government was denied both an intelligence as well as military capacity after their defeat in WW2, the C.I.A. revived it’s Fascist/Yakuza network to serve it’s purposes just as it did in Germany. For those of us church members who were tasked to serve under these Japanese operatives in the United States, it has more than the ring of truth to it. Stay tuned for more entertaining info from the church archives, or better yet; do the research yourself. Frank Frivilous