#pathetic flavours polls

[striveattemptfail]

flavours of pathetic: Roy Harper Edition

kinda stupid

red hood and arsenal (2015) #2, #3, #12

shaped

arsenal (1999) #2, #3, #4

Extra™ pathetic

batman plus arsenal (1997)

[shortpplfedup]

Only Friends Character Rankings Episode 7

Listen, I didn't know how badly I wanted Mew/Ray until there was a legit chance of Mew/Ray and now IT'S ALL I CAN THINK ABOUT. Another killer episode as all the shit gets laid bare, Nick and Sand cement their bond over being pathetic simps for men who do not love them, Top sits in the loser feeling and DOES NOT LIKE IT and...OH YEAH MEW AND RAY ARE DATING NOW I GUESS. Last week Top ran away with the audience poll as I learned the valuable lesson that y'all actually pay attention to the poll question and I should probably think about it a bit more...lol. Here's my rankings for this week

🔹1. Ray (1)

It’s never too late, Mew. I love you no matter what. It’s all up to you whether you want to open your heart to me.

I almost gave it to Mew because FUCKING EPIC but Ray actually got everything he ever wanted by the end of this episode: Mew has decided to give him a chance, even if it's as a rebound. And y'all, I am INTO IT. They're never gonna have sex, obvi, because Mew high key isn't interested and Ray is #1 simp so dumb obsessed he'll never push it, but I'm still enjoying the flavour. Besides, when Ray gets horny or needs actual affection, he'll just call Sand anyway...OOP. So yeah, Ray wins the week.

🔺2. Mew (3)

I stopped being a good guy. I got no shit from that. To deal with nasty people, I must be as nasty as them.

Wasn't it fascinating that when it was time to break bad Mew a) looked to Ray for style inspo, b) decided to let Ray sniff it one time and c) is leaning into the Ray Life? I wanna dissect Mew like a lab specimen. He's like 'I'm gonna be shitty too' and then just...becomes Ray. Then he Boston-style mansplains manipulates manwhores his way into possessing Boston's sex tape. And THEN in what has to be a 100% Mew move (because neither Ray nor Boston would EVER) threatens to out Boston to his dad, but then Uno reverses it like OF COURSE I WOULD NEVER DO THAT BECAUSE I'M BETTER THAN YOU. And he looked like he REALLY fucking enjoyed that vantage point from the moral high ground. He really looks down on those friends of his huh. And his destiny for always having to 'win' his friendships and relationships is being betrayed and cheated on...don't @ me it's canon. I WANT TO STUDY MEW SO BAD, because from one angle he looks righteous and from another he looks like the living fucking worst. Amy Elliot-Dunne, here's looking at you kid.

🔺3. Boston (6)

Okay. I’m here to get yelled at. Yell at me all you want. Get it over with. Come on. I don’t expect it to be over. I just want you to vent. Fine. I’m sorry. I didn’t mean to. It was unintentional. It was so nice of me to introduce Mew to something new. I just borrowed him for a bit. What’s a big deal? Let’s be honest here. Without my help, there was no way Mew got his hands on a top-tier like that.

Boston sashaying into the hostel totally unrepentant is a top 5 Only Friends MOMENT and I LIVED for it. He decided the 'brazen' part of 'brazen slut' was the part to lean into and honestly, as one of the few people this ep actually owning their shit I respected the hell out of that. YEAH I FUCKED HIM, I FUCKED HIM BEFORE YOU DID, AND I FUCKED HIM AGAIN AND SO WHAT? In Boston's mind, everybody wins here: Ray wins, because Mew is single again, Mew wins because he knows Top's an untrustworthy cheater, and he wins because he wanted to fuck Top and he fucked Top. Everybody wins, let's just move on. I love the simplicity of Boston's worldview, and how internally consistent and oddly pure it is. He has the morals of an alley cat, but he never LIES. He'll manipulate, but he never actually deceives. In some ways you can trust him absolutely, he's unwavering. Fascinating.

🔹4. Nick (4)

I love him. He doesn’t have to care about me. I don’t have to be his number one. But he must not hate me. Do you get it?

Man, Nick and Sand were almost tied because equally pathetic this week, but at least Nick got a teensy bit of a kick in by telling Mew about the sex tape. Also interesting how he didn't rat Sand out to Boston despite Sand clearly not thinking or really caring about how sharing the audio clip would blow back on Nick. Nick's a creep, but he has a little bit of a code. Do I feel sorry for him, no I don't, but maybe a teeny tiny bit.

🔻5. Sand (2)

I’m your emergency staff anyway. I’ve always been since the first day we met.

I cannot believe that in episode 7 of Only Friends we got a scene where Sand and Nick hug each other and cry together over how pathetically they simp for shitty men who will never love them. WHOMST is doing it like Jojo n'em, I ask you? THAT MAN CALLED YOU A WHORE IN FRONT OF PEOPLE and then did it again while flinging you to the ground and in return you rescued him from a car crash, fed, bathed and shaved him. Sand has a degradation kink, that's the only thing that makes sense here I swear, because how can one human be down THIS atrocious? I wanna see how low he can go, and I also wanna see if we're getting that baseball bat and WHOM FOR. All the things I wished for Nick before the show aired, I now wish for Sand. Boil that bunny baby.

🔺6. Top (7)

I will make you fall in love with me again.

Top really stunned that he's lost. Look, I know my read on Top isn't the consensus read on Top, and yeah maybe I'm wrong, but to me this is only incidentally about Mew, because for Top Mew is a means of self-actualization. Getting Mew to be his boyfriend was awesome, because it means TOP is awesome. Losing Mew over a rookie fucking mistake is a tragedy because it means Top is a loser. Getting Mew back would reaffirm Top's awesomeness to himself. TOP LOVES THE IDEA OF MEW, NOT MEW. I wish I could show you guys the parade of Tops that my peeps and I have met in life so you could understand why I cannot stand this man and want to see him in ruins. But yeah, he's on the rise, because Mew is totally gonna take him back after his disaster run with Ray.

🔺7. Gap (8)

That look you gave. Was it intended to lure me to come after you?

Drake is back yet again, my favourite guest star. They totally cheated by not letting Gap and Mew actually touch lips, although that's probably character accurate. But Mew gets somebody else to look down on and feel morally superior to, and that's his version of an orgasm so Gap totally got SPIRITUALLY laid.

🔻8. Cheum (5)

I was rooting for Top. I thought he was a good guy.

At least she's keeping the group project afloat so they don't fail this damn class, but literally NOBODY ELSE thought Top was a good guy, NOT EVEN MEW. Jesus fix it girl.

[leidensygdom]

This is the last of the first round polls! Which brings two morally questionable characters with very different sort of flavours! Let's get to them!

Ilztvyll is that stinky entity you find in some dark alleyway selling you questionable goodies. A rat. Kinda undead. You can throw him against a wall and he'd probably squeak like a plush toy. He's funny in a pathetic way. Breaks the fourth wall. Has an extra-planar business he's made with other iterations of himself. Punchable.

Arcien Yu'Yden is a desperate parent who has taken some horrible decisions. In my campaign, they have kept their identity as a crystal undead entity hidden for decades, all while pulling the strings to settle a long due vengeance. They keep a friendly and fanciful mask at all times, but deep enough, they have full BBEG potential. Players suspected so for quite a long time.

These two make for fine sexymen. In fact, I've drawn Ilzt dressed as Spamton and Yden as Sans in the past (in unrelated circumstances). Now, it's your chance to decide who's the perfect sexyman fit: The funny merchant guy or the morally grey BBEG in disguise!

[victoryliononline]

Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe?

A few capital cities acquire political identities of their own , not ever winsome ones. Donald Trump led against “Washington” as much as he did against Hillary Clinton. For countless people in Europe, “Brussels” is a government character–a bureaucrat planning an ever-closer European union. That parody has just staged a convalescence that they are able to placed Lazarus to shame.

On the eve of the Brexit poll in June 2016, countless parties smelt that Brussels’ pulsation was fading. Two of the European Union’s great projects from the 1990 s–the euro and the Schengen Area of free movement–were in different forms of chaos, even as the third, the single sell, was still imperfect. Businesspeople, especially from the Anglo-Saxon world, fumed at the EU’s inscrutable administration. Mismanagement had left the continent with a sluggish economy, too many insolvent banks, and no major tech companionships. Politically, the Franco-German alliance that had driven the union send had crumbled. Even Angela Merkel, who’d fought so hard to keep Europe together, made it clear her success was in spite of the homunculi in Brussels.

Featured in, July 17, 2017. Subscribe now.

Illustration: 731 Nobody from the EU had been publicly admitted near the Remain campaign in Britain for fear of fating it; naturalnes from Brussels was the mobilizing bawl of the leavers. And the day after they triumphed, many Brexiteers jubilantly predicted that other countries would follow. The EU was ” a government assignment in denial ,” trumpeted Nigel Farage of the UK Independence Party.

Now Brussels is reborn. Two affairs have changed everything. The first, ironically, was Brexit. Far from killing the EU, Brexit has helped reunite it. The second was the election of the members of Emmanuel Macron in May this year, which has given the European projection a purpose–or the promise of one.

For all the public talk of weep, Brussels can barely contain its laughter at Britain’s spectacular reversal of fortune. The nation that had been Brussels’ central connoisseur and the most adept earner of opt-outs from EU campaigns hasn’t so much filmed itself in the hoof as machine-gunned both legs repeatedly. Farage’s rejoicing discussion gapes as premature as George W. Bush’s” Mission Accomplished” flag after the invasion of Iraq. Far from acting as a lighthouse for other leavers, the chaos the Little Englanders generated scared voters in the Netherlands and France into preferring pro-European leads, while Theresa May’s mistaken desire to recommend a hard Brexit married the officers of the EU against her. She called an election in June to consolidate that mandate but lost her majority in Parliament and her credibility–and recreated talk of Britain eventually staying in.

Last month, with Britain’s economy souring downward and banks looking at other European funds, Prime Minister May’s Brexit negotiators arrived in Brussels for an encounter with what Monty Python would have described as the bleedin’ obvious. The rules for leaving the EU all favor the association rather than the quitter. Meanwhile, for all May’s bluster about” no batch being better than a bad deal ,” Britain relies on Europe for some 44 percentage of its exports; for Europe, Britain represents simply 9.5 percent. No cope would be a disaster. May’s promise of a frictionless Brexit is impossible, as the central European negotiator has rightly pointed out. Some Britons are already trying to reopen the idea of remaining in the customs union.

Watching the haughty British move, pontificate, and gradually succumb on concern after publication will impede Brussels happy for months–all the more so because May has sided the job of negotiating with the EU to three Brexiteers: Boris Johnson, Liam Fox, and David Davis. But Brussels is also feeling more self-confident in its dealings with the rest of the Anglo-Saxon world.

Americans who used to chortle at the spate of European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker representing Europe, alongside Barack Obama and China’s President Xi Jinping , now expend their age defending for Donald Trump. Rather than feelings against the EU’s protectionism, U.S. business leaders now have to explain steel excises from Washington. The EU recently reached a preliminary free-trade deal with Japan while Trump has told Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership founder. The euro-area economy is projected to grow 1.9 percentage this year, faster than the U.K.’s( 1.6 percent) and within collection of the U.S.’s( 2.2 percent ). The EU has begun to fix the banking crisis in Southern Europe–with Banco Santander SA buying Banco Popular SA in Spain and Italy setting bailouts of its three most troubled lenders. There’s even some approval in financier roundabouts for Europe having the intestines to rein in Google Inc. over its search monopoly.

However, the person who’s really conjured flavours in Brussels is Macron, who’s brought the prospect of France adopting economic reform. The Franco-German engine has sputtered back into life–and with it hope of incorporation in the euro area. Even the most misty Eurocrats are well aware that institutional change is hopeless in the broader EU, because it would require referendums in too many countries. But the core euro area doesn’t need that. Hence the hope of a slew: As Macron reconstructs France, Merkel will allow increased integration of the diverse monetary and economic conservatories in the euro zone. She’s already mentioned a euro-area finance minister.

Most economists agree that it’s very hard for a currency union to survive without a deeper banking solidarity and some risk-sharing through seam indebtednes sales or a movement solidarity( the U.S. has both ). Germans dislike the idea of having to threw their taxpayers on the hook to carry others, but the alternative are a number of catastrophes of confidence in least productive economies that are unable to let their currencies depreciate.

A more integrated euro area would commit an much clearer multitrack Europe, but that more might suit the union: The outer resound of non-euro countries could perhaps eventually include a penitent Britain, the Western Balkans, and( close your eyes and illusion) maybe even Turkey. The comeback by Brussels could augur a future with a more cohesive and regulated single market.

This is the sort of thing that obliges elderly Eurocrats start to vibrate on their bidets. But getting back on your feet is still a long way from rallying forwards. There are lots of ” ifs” in the EU’s renaissance. They begin with Macron. Talking about reform is a long way from ordaining it. He’s already lost a couple of cabinet ministers. The real test of his resolve will come in the National Assembly and then in the street: France has a huge public area that exhausts more than half gross national product and which will fight against reform.

There’s a bigger problem than France: Italy’s debt is 133 percentage of GDP, its economy is basically unreformed, and it faces an electoral next year that is able acquired by a bloc of Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right party and the anti-immigrant Northern League or even the anti-euro Five Star Movement. Merkel known to be German voters won’t be pleased with future prospects of salvaging such an Italy. Rather than exulting in their capacity as the euro’s principal beneficiaries, let alone impression guilty to the charges the austerity they’ve obligation on the rest of the continent, some Germans check themselves as long-suffering philanthropists who’ve bailed out the sleepy parties of Southern Europe repeatedly.

Indeed, both the politics and the economics of the EU look good mainly in the sense that they’re no longer ruinous. Across Europe more voters “d rather” Brussels recall strength to the member states than increase its own. The EU hasn’t solved the problem of refugees: Its southern territories are still far more porous, with Italy urgently trying help from its partners. The economy is still reliant on the European Central bank reproducing fund. The single busines stands pathetically unfinished. The continent has nothing close to a Pan-European bank. Europe evaluates the tempo of improvement against its own sluggish historic standards. Inspected at globally, it not only appears to be far behind America, but it’s also in danger of being caught by developing economies. And the primary enthusiast of structural reform, the British, are leaving.

That ties into a deeper possibility in dealing with Britain. Some European masters demand the British to tolerate to put off other potential renegades and to sell the British to reconsider leaving. There’s a fundamental danger of going too far, nonetheless. Ask a Eurocrat what the Union should do if Britain, having spent more humble pasty, begged, respond, for the Norway option–that is , nonmember customs-free access to the EU and allowing for the free circulation of people–and the immediate reaction in Brussels is to roster all the additional punishing circumstances the British should accept that the Norwegians haven’t. This seems counterproductive on many levels. Inducing an economic crisis in a market of 65 million people( which will still mansion much of the EU’s financial organisation) would scarcely cure European professions. The one unarguable achievement of the EU has been a most peaceful continent. An sour Britain, where even those who never wanted it to leave in the first place belief Brussels is discussing them unfairly, is in nobody’s interest. There is a big difference between a sullen participate and a deep alienated neighbor.

The truth is that Brussels is a bit like individual patients that’s had a mettle graft. It shouldn’t assume that its new rental on life is an endorsement of its most recent life-style. If it doesn’t improvement its dress, then it will be back on the operating table.

The post Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe? appeared first on Victory Lion.

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[leidensygdom]

Our fourth sexyblorbo match has a couple of really different characters, to oppose the third one! Both of them are fairly new in my rooster, but still quite beloved. Let's talk about them!

Urion Kilzynge is a bismuth-flavoured genasi. As glamorous as one can be, a gender goal all around, a renowned bassist in the band known as Demonwire, and somehow, also a neuroscientist. They joined an anarchist group in hopes of making the city of Ennu more bearable and fair to everyone. Yxala and Relé's beloved :)

Gar'vraenn Arethaol is a regal edgelord in appearance, but a pathetic beast of a man in truth. Having been assigned the Mask of Purity by a deity, he has walked a long path to discover its meaning: First he aimed for the purity of his own body by becoming a renowned baseball player. Then, he joined a BBEG who promised peace upon the city. Now... He's doing yoga.

These two couldn't be any more opposed to each other, which should make the choice much easier- It's like comparing a strawberry milkshake to a dish of poutine. Now, vote for your fave, and reblog if you wanna get an extra set of eyes to them!

[victoryliononline]

Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe?

A few capital cities acquire political identities of their own , not ever winsome ones. Donald Trump led against “Washington” as much as he did against Hillary Clinton. For countless people in Europe, “Brussels” is a government character–a bureaucrat planning an ever-closer European union. That parody has just staged a convalescence that they are able to placed Lazarus to shame.

On the eve of the Brexit poll in June 2016, countless parties smelt that Brussels’ pulsation was fading. Two of the European Union’s great projects from the 1990 s–the euro and the Schengen Area of free movement–were in different forms of chaos, even as the third, the single sell, was still imperfect. Businesspeople, especially from the Anglo-Saxon world, fumed at the EU’s inscrutable administration. Mismanagement had left the continent with a sluggish economy, too many insolvent banks, and no major tech companionships. Politically, the Franco-German alliance that had driven the union send had crumbled. Even Angela Merkel, who’d fought so hard to keep Europe together, made it clear her success was in spite of the homunculi in Brussels.

Featured in, July 17, 2017. Subscribe now.

Illustration: 731 Nobody from the EU had been publicly admitted near the Remain campaign in Britain for fear of fating it; naturalnes from Brussels was the mobilizing bawl of the leavers. And the day after they triumphed, many Brexiteers jubilantly predicted that other countries would follow. The EU was ” a government assignment in denial ,” trumpeted Nigel Farage of the UK Independence Party.

Now Brussels is reborn. Two affairs have changed everything. The first, ironically, was Brexit. Far from killing the EU, Brexit has helped reunite it. The second was the election of the members of Emmanuel Macron in May this year, which has given the European projection a purpose–or the promise of one.

For all the public talk of weep, Brussels can barely contain its laughter at Britain’s spectacular reversal of fortune. The nation that had been Brussels’ central connoisseur and the most adept earner of opt-outs from EU campaigns hasn’t so much filmed itself in the hoof as machine-gunned both legs repeatedly. Farage’s rejoicing discussion gapes as premature as George W. Bush’s” Mission Accomplished” flag after the invasion of Iraq. Far from acting as a lighthouse for other leavers, the chaos the Little Englanders generated scared voters in the Netherlands and France into preferring pro-European leads, while Theresa May’s mistaken desire to recommend a hard Brexit married the officers of the EU against her. She called an election in June to consolidate that mandate but lost her majority in Parliament and her credibility–and recreated talk of Britain eventually staying in.

Last month, with Britain’s economy souring downward and banks looking at other European funds, Prime Minister May’s Brexit negotiators arrived in Brussels for an encounter with what Monty Python would have described as the bleedin’ obvious. The rules for leaving the EU all favor the association rather than the quitter. Meanwhile, for all May’s bluster about” no batch being better than a bad deal ,” Britain relies on Europe for some 44 percentage of its exports; for Europe, Britain represents simply 9.5 percent. No cope would be a disaster. May’s promise of a frictionless Brexit is impossible, as the central European negotiator has rightly pointed out. Some Britons are already trying to reopen the idea of remaining in the customs union.

Watching the haughty British move, pontificate, and gradually succumb on concern after publication will impede Brussels happy for months–all the more so because May has sided the job of negotiating with the EU to three Brexiteers: Boris Johnson, Liam Fox, and David Davis. But Brussels is also feeling more self-confident in its dealings with the rest of the Anglo-Saxon world.

Americans who used to chortle at the spate of European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker representing Europe, alongside Barack Obama and China’s President Xi Jinping , now expend their age defending for Donald Trump. Rather than feelings against the EU’s protectionism, U.S. business leaders now have to explain steel excises from Washington. The EU recently reached a preliminary free-trade deal with Japan while Trump has told Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership founder. The euro-area economy is projected to grow 1.9 percentage this year, faster than the U.K.’s( 1.6 percent) and within collection of the U.S.’s( 2.2 percent ). The EU has begun to fix the banking crisis in Southern Europe–with Banco Santander SA buying Banco Popular SA in Spain and Italy setting bailouts of its three most troubled lenders. There’s even some approval in financier roundabouts for Europe having the intestines to rein in Google Inc. over its search monopoly.

However, the person who’s really conjured flavours in Brussels is Macron, who’s brought the prospect of France adopting economic reform. The Franco-German engine has sputtered back into life–and with it hope of incorporation in the euro area. Even the most misty Eurocrats are well aware that institutional change is hopeless in the broader EU, because it would require referendums in too many countries. But the core euro area doesn’t need that. Hence the hope of a slew: As Macron reconstructs France, Merkel will allow increased integration of the diverse monetary and economic conservatories in the euro zone. She’s already mentioned a euro-area finance minister.

Most economists agree that it’s very hard for a currency union to survive without a deeper banking solidarity and some risk-sharing through seam indebtednes sales or a movement solidarity( the U.S. has both ). Germans dislike the idea of having to threw their taxpayers on the hook to carry others, but the alternative are a number of catastrophes of confidence in least productive economies that are unable to let their currencies depreciate.

A more integrated euro area would commit an much clearer multitrack Europe, but that more might suit the union: The outer resound of non-euro countries could perhaps eventually include a penitent Britain, the Western Balkans, and( close your eyes and illusion) maybe even Turkey. The comeback by Brussels could augur a future with a more cohesive and regulated single market.

This is the sort of thing that obliges elderly Eurocrats start to vibrate on their bidets. But getting back on your feet is still a long way from rallying forwards. There are lots of ” ifs” in the EU’s renaissance. They begin with Macron. Talking about reform is a long way from ordaining it. He’s already lost a couple of cabinet ministers. The real test of his resolve will come in the National Assembly and then in the street: France has a huge public area that exhausts more than half gross national product and which will fight against reform.

There’s a bigger problem than France: Italy’s debt is 133 percentage of GDP, its economy is basically unreformed, and it faces an electoral next year that is able acquired by a bloc of Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right party and the anti-immigrant Northern League or even the anti-euro Five Star Movement. Merkel known to be German voters won’t be pleased with future prospects of salvaging such an Italy. Rather than exulting in their capacity as the euro’s principal beneficiaries, let alone impression guilty to the charges the austerity they’ve obligation on the rest of the continent, some Germans check themselves as long-suffering philanthropists who’ve bailed out the sleepy parties of Southern Europe repeatedly.

Indeed, both the politics and the economics of the EU look good mainly in the sense that they’re no longer ruinous. Across Europe more voters “d rather” Brussels recall strength to the member states than increase its own. The EU hasn’t solved the problem of refugees: Its southern territories are still far more porous, with Italy urgently trying help from its partners. The economy is still reliant on the European Central bank reproducing fund. The single busines stands pathetically unfinished. The continent has nothing close to a Pan-European bank. Europe evaluates the tempo of improvement against its own sluggish historic standards. Inspected at globally, it not only appears to be far behind America, but it’s also in danger of being caught by developing economies. And the primary enthusiast of structural reform, the British, are leaving.

That ties into a deeper possibility in dealing with Britain. Some European masters demand the British to tolerate to put off other potential renegades and to sell the British to reconsider leaving. There’s a fundamental danger of going too far, nonetheless. Ask a Eurocrat what the Union should do if Britain, having spent more humble pasty, begged, respond, for the Norway option–that is , nonmember customs-free access to the EU and allowing for the free circulation of people–and the immediate reaction in Brussels is to roster all the additional punishing circumstances the British should accept that the Norwegians haven’t. This seems counterproductive on many levels. Inducing an economic crisis in a market of 65 million people( which will still mansion much of the EU’s financial organisation) would scarcely cure European professions. The one unarguable achievement of the EU has been a most peaceful continent. An sour Britain, where even those who never wanted it to leave in the first place belief Brussels is discussing them unfairly, is in nobody’s interest. There is a big difference between a sullen participate and a deep alienated neighbor.

The truth is that Brussels is a bit like individual patients that’s had a mettle graft. It shouldn’t assume that its new rental on life is an endorsement of its most recent life-style. If it doesn’t improvement its dress, then it will be back on the operating table.

The post Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe? appeared first on Victory Lion.

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via IFTTT

from Tumblr http://ift.tt/2ul0zLE

via IFTTT

The post Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe? appeared first on Victory Lion.

from WordPress http://ift.tt/2vj2yNJ

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The post Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe? appeared first on Victory Lion.

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[victoryliononline]

Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe?

A few capital cities acquire political identities of their own , not ever winsome ones. Donald Trump led against “Washington” as much as he did against Hillary Clinton. For countless people in Europe, “Brussels” is a government character–a bureaucrat planning an ever-closer European union. That parody has just staged a convalescence that they are able to placed Lazarus to shame.

On the eve of the Brexit poll in June 2016, countless parties smelt that Brussels’ pulsation was fading. Two of the European Union’s great projects from the 1990 s–the euro and the Schengen Area of free movement–were in different forms of chaos, even as the third, the single sell, was still imperfect. Businesspeople, especially from the Anglo-Saxon world, fumed at the EU’s inscrutable administration. Mismanagement had left the continent with a sluggish economy, too many insolvent banks, and no major tech companionships. Politically, the Franco-German alliance that had driven the union send had crumbled. Even Angela Merkel, who’d fought so hard to keep Europe together, made it clear her success was in spite of the homunculi in Brussels.

Featured in, July 17, 2017. Subscribe now. Illustration: 731 Nobody from the EU had been publicly admitted near the Remain campaign in Britain for fear of fating it; naturalnes from Brussels was the mobilizing bawl of the leavers. And the day after they triumphed, many Brexiteers jubilantly predicted that other countries would follow. The EU was ” a government assignment in denial ,” trumpeted Nigel Farage of the UK Independence Party.

Now Brussels is reborn. Two affairs have changed everything. The first, ironically, was Brexit. Far from killing the EU, Brexit has helped reunite it. The second was the election of the members of Emmanuel Macron in May this year, which has given the European projection a purpose–or the promise of one.

For all the public talk of weep, Brussels can barely contain its laughter at Britain’s spectacular reversal of fortune. The nation that had been Brussels’ central connoisseur and the most adept earner of opt-outs from EU campaigns hasn’t so much filmed itself in the hoof as machine-gunned both legs repeatedly. Farage’s rejoicing discussion gapes as premature as George W. Bush’s” Mission Accomplished” flag after the invasion of Iraq. Far from acting as a lighthouse for other leavers, the chaos the Little Englanders generated scared voters in the Netherlands and France into preferring pro-European leads, while Theresa May’s mistaken desire to recommend a hard Brexit married the officers of the EU against her. She called an election in June to consolidate that mandate but lost her majority in Parliament and her credibility–and recreated talk of Britain eventually staying in.

Last month, with Britain’s economy souring downward and banks looking at other European funds, Prime Minister May’s Brexit negotiators arrived in Brussels for an encounter with what Monty Python would have described as the bleedin’ obvious. The rules for leaving the EU all favor the association rather than the quitter. Meanwhile, for all May’s bluster about” no batch being better than a bad deal ,” Britain relies on Europe for some 44 percentage of its exports; for Europe, Britain represents simply 9.5 percent. No cope would be a disaster. May’s promise of a frictionless Brexit is impossible, as the central European negotiator has rightly pointed out. Some Britons are already trying to reopen the idea of remaining in the customs union.

Watching the haughty British move, pontificate, and gradually succumb on concern after publication will impede Brussels happy for months–all the more so because May has sided the job of negotiating with the EU to three Brexiteers: Boris Johnson, Liam Fox, and David Davis. But Brussels is also feeling more self-confident in its dealings with the rest of the Anglo-Saxon world.

Americans who used to chortle at the spate of European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker representing Europe, alongside Barack Obama and China’s President Xi Jinping , now expend their age defending for Donald Trump. Rather than feelings against the EU’s protectionism, U.S. business leaders now have to explain steel excises from Washington. The EU recently reached a preliminary free-trade deal with Japan while Trump has told Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership founder. The euro-area economy is projected to grow 1.9 percentage this year, faster than the U.K.’s( 1.6 percent) and within collection of the U.S.’s( 2.2 percent ). The EU has begun to fix the banking crisis in Southern Europe–with Banco Santander SA buying Banco Popular SA in Spain and Italy setting bailouts of its three most troubled lenders. There’s even some approval in financier roundabouts for Europe having the intestines to rein in Google Inc. over its search monopoly.

However, the person who’s really conjured flavours in Brussels is Macron, who’s brought the prospect of France adopting economic reform. The Franco-German engine has sputtered back into life–and with it hope of incorporation in the euro area. Even the most misty Eurocrats are well aware that institutional change is hopeless in the broader EU, because it would require referendums in too many countries. But the core euro area doesn’t need that. Hence the hope of a slew: As Macron reconstructs France, Merkel will allow increased integration of the diverse monetary and economic conservatories in the euro zone. She’s already mentioned a euro-area finance minister.

Most economists agree that it’s very hard for a currency union to survive without a deeper banking solidarity and some risk-sharing through seam indebtednes sales or a movement solidarity( the U.S. has both ). Germans dislike the idea of having to threw their taxpayers on the hook to carry others, but the alternative are a number of catastrophes of confidence in least productive economies that are unable to let their currencies depreciate.

A more integrated euro area would commit an much clearer multitrack Europe, but that more might suit the union: The outer resound of non-euro countries could perhaps eventually include a penitent Britain, the Western Balkans, and( close your eyes and illusion) maybe even Turkey. The comeback by Brussels could augur a future with a more cohesive and regulated single market.

This is the sort of thing that obliges elderly Eurocrats start to vibrate on their bidets. But getting back on your feet is still a long way from rallying forwards. There are lots of ” ifs” in the EU’s renaissance. They begin with Macron. Talking about reform is a long way from ordaining it. He’s already lost a couple of cabinet ministers. The real test of his resolve will come in the National Assembly and then in the street: France has a huge public area that exhausts more than half gross national product and which will fight against reform.

There’s a bigger problem than France: Italy’s debt is 133 percentage of GDP, its economy is basically unreformed, and it faces an electoral next year that is able acquired by a bloc of Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right party and the anti-immigrant Northern League or even the anti-euro Five Star Movement. Merkel known to be German voters won’t be pleased with future prospects of salvaging such an Italy. Rather than exulting in their capacity as the euro’s principal beneficiaries, let alone impression guilty to the charges the austerity they’ve obligation on the rest of the continent, some Germans check themselves as long-suffering philanthropists who’ve bailed out the sleepy parties of Southern Europe repeatedly.

Indeed, both the politics and the economics of the EU look good mainly in the sense that they’re no longer ruinous. Across Europe more voters “d rather” Brussels recall strength to the member states than increase its own. The EU hasn’t solved the problem of refugees: Its southern territories are still far more porous, with Italy urgently trying help from its partners. The economy is still reliant on the European Central bank reproducing fund. The single busines stands pathetically unfinished. The continent has nothing close to a Pan-European bank. Europe evaluates the tempo of improvement against its own sluggish historic standards. Inspected at globally, it not only appears to be far behind America, but it’s also in danger of being caught by developing economies. And the primary enthusiast of structural reform, the British, are leaving.

That ties into a deeper possibility in dealing with Britain. Some European masters demand the British to tolerate to put off other potential renegades and to sell the British to reconsider leaving. There’s a fundamental danger of going too far, nonetheless. Ask a Eurocrat what the Union should do if Britain, having spent more humble pasty, begged, respond, for the Norway option–that is , nonmember customs-free access to the EU and allowing for the free circulation of people–and the immediate reaction in Brussels is to roster all the additional punishing circumstances the British should accept that the Norwegians haven’t. This seems counterproductive on many levels. Inducing an economic crisis in a market of 65 million people( which will still mansion much of the EU’s financial organisation) would scarcely cure European professions. The one unarguable achievement of the EU has been a most peaceful continent. An sour Britain, where even those who never wanted it to leave in the first place belief Brussels is discussing them unfairly, is in nobody’s interest. There is a big difference between a sullen participate and a deep alienated neighbor.

The truth is that Brussels is a bit like individual patients that’s had a mettle graft. It shouldn’t assume that its new rental on life is an endorsement of its most recent life-style. If it doesn’t improvement its dress, then it will be back on the operating table.

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Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe?

A few capital cities acquire political identities of their own , not ever winsome ones. Donald Trump led against “Washington” as much as he did against Hillary Clinton. For countless people in Europe, “Brussels” is a government character–a bureaucrat planning an ever-closer European union. That parody has just staged a convalescence that they are able to placed Lazarus to shame.

On the eve of the Brexit poll in June 2016, countless parties smelt that Brussels’ pulsation was fading. Two of the European Union’s great projects from the 1990 s–the euro and the Schengen Area of free movement–were in different forms of chaos, even as the third, the single sell, was still imperfect. Businesspeople, especially from the Anglo-Saxon world, fumed at the EU’s inscrutable administration. Mismanagement had left the continent with a sluggish economy, too many insolvent banks, and no major tech companionships. Politically, the Franco-German alliance that had driven the union send had crumbled. Even Angela Merkel, who’d fought so hard to keep Europe together, made it clear her success was in spite of the homunculi in Brussels.

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Nobody from the EU had been publicly admitted near the Remain campaign in Britain for fear of fating it; naturalnes from Brussels was the mobilizing bawl of the leavers. And the day after they triumphed, many Brexiteers jubilantly predicted that other countries would follow. The EU was ” a government assignment in denial ,” trumpeted Nigel Farage of the UK Independence Party.

Now Brussels is reborn. Two affairs have changed everything. The first, ironically, was Brexit. Far from killing the EU, Brexit has helped reunite it. The second was the election of the members of Emmanuel Macron in May this year, which has given the European projection a purpose–or the promise of one.

For all the public talk of weep, Brussels can barely contain its laughter at Britain’s spectacular reversal of fortune. The nation that had been Brussels’ central connoisseur and the most adept earner of opt-outs from EU campaigns hasn’t so much filmed itself in the hoof as machine-gunned both legs repeatedly. Farage’s rejoicing discussion gapes as premature as George W. Bush’s” Mission Accomplished” flag after the invasion of Iraq. Far from acting as a lighthouse for other leavers, the chaos the Little Englanders generated scared voters in the Netherlands and France into preferring pro-European leads, while Theresa May’s mistaken desire to recommend a hard Brexit married the officers of the EU against her. She called an election in June to consolidate that mandate but lost her majority in Parliament and her credibility–and recreated talk of Britain eventually staying in.

Last month, with Britain’s economy souring downward and banks looking at other European funds, Prime Minister May’s Brexit negotiators arrived in Brussels for an encounter with what Monty Python would have described as the bleedin’ obvious. The rules for leaving the EU all favor the association rather than the quitter. Meanwhile, for all May’s bluster about” no batch being better than a bad deal ,” Britain relies on Europe for some 44 percentage of its exports; for Europe, Britain represents simply 9.5 percent. No cope would be a disaster. May’s promise of a frictionless Brexit is impossible, as the central European negotiator has rightly pointed out. Some Britons are already trying to reopen the idea of remaining in the customs union.

Watching the haughty British move, pontificate, and gradually succumb on concern after publication will impede Brussels happy for months–all the more so because May has sided the job of negotiating with the EU to three Brexiteers: Boris Johnson, Liam Fox, and David Davis. But Brussels is also feeling more self-confident in its dealings with the rest of the Anglo-Saxon world.

Americans who used to chortle at the spate of European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker representing Europe, alongside Barack Obama and China’s President Xi Jinping , now expend their age defending for Donald Trump. Rather than feelings against the EU’s protectionism, U.S. business leaders now have to explain steel excises from Washington. The EU recently reached a preliminary free-trade deal with Japan while Trump has told Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership founder. The euro-area economy is projected to grow 1.9 percentage this year, faster than the U.K.’s( 1.6 percent) and within collection of the U.S.’s( 2.2 percent ). The EU has begun to fix the banking crisis in Southern Europe–with Banco Santander SA buying Banco Popular SA in Spain and Italy setting bailouts of its three most troubled lenders. There’s even some approval in financier roundabouts for Europe having the intestines to rein in Google Inc. over its search monopoly.

However, the person who’s really conjured flavours in Brussels is Macron, who’s brought the prospect of France adopting economic reform. The Franco-German engine has sputtered back into life–and with it hope of incorporation in the euro area. Even the most misty Eurocrats are well aware that institutional change is hopeless in the broader EU, because it would require referendums in too many countries. But the core euro area doesn’t need that. Hence the hope of a slew: As Macron reconstructs France, Merkel will allow increased integration of the diverse monetary and economic conservatories in the euro zone. She’s already mentioned a euro-area finance minister.

Most economists agree that it’s very hard for a currency union to survive without a deeper banking solidarity and some risk-sharing through seam indebtednes sales or a movement solidarity( the U.S. has both ). Germans dislike the idea of having to threw their taxpayers on the hook to carry others, but the alternative are a number of catastrophes of confidence in least productive economies that are unable to let their currencies depreciate.

A more integrated euro area would commit an much clearer multitrack Europe, but that more might suit the union: The outer resound of non-euro countries could perhaps eventually include a penitent Britain, the Western Balkans, and( close your eyes and illusion) maybe even Turkey. The comeback by Brussels could augur a future with a more cohesive and regulated single market.

This is the sort of thing that obliges elderly Eurocrats start to vibrate on their bidets. But getting back on your feet is still a long way from rallying forwards. There are lots of ” ifs” in the EU’s renaissance. They begin with Macron. Talking about reform is a long way from ordaining it. He’s already lost a couple of cabinet ministers. The real test of his resolve will come in the National Assembly and then in the street: France has a huge public area that exhausts more than half gross national product and which will fight against reform.

There’s a bigger problem than France: Italy’s debt is 133 percentage of GDP, its economy is basically unreformed, and it faces an electoral next year that is able acquired by a bloc of Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right party and the anti-immigrant Northern League or even the anti-euro Five Star Movement. Merkel known to be German voters won’t be pleased with future prospects of salvaging such an Italy. Rather than exulting in their capacity as the euro’s principal beneficiaries, let alone impression guilty to the charges the austerity they’ve obligation on the rest of the continent, some Germans check themselves as long-suffering philanthropists who’ve bailed out the sleepy parties of Southern Europe repeatedly.

Indeed, both the politics and the economics of the EU look good mainly in the sense that they’re no longer ruinous. Across Europe more voters “d rather” Brussels recall strength to the member states than increase its own. The EU hasn’t solved the problem of refugees: Its southern territories are still far more porous, with Italy urgently trying help from its partners. The economy is still reliant on the European Central bank reproducing fund. The single busines stands pathetically unfinished. The continent has nothing close to a Pan-European bank. Europe evaluates the tempo of improvement against its own sluggish historic standards. Inspected at globally, it not only appears to be far behind America, but it’s also in danger of being caught by developing economies. And the primary enthusiast of structural reform, the British, are leaving.

That ties into a deeper possibility in dealing with Britain. Some European masters demand the British to tolerate to put off other potential renegades and to sell the British to reconsider leaving. There’s a fundamental danger of going too far, nonetheless. Ask a Eurocrat what the Union should do if Britain, having spent more humble pasty, begged, respond, for the Norway option–that is , nonmember customs-free access to the EU and allowing for the free circulation of people–and the immediate reaction in Brussels is to roster all the additional punishing circumstances the British should accept that the Norwegians haven’t. This seems counterproductive on many levels. Inducing an economic crisis in a market of 65 million people( which will still mansion much of the EU’s financial organisation) would scarcely cure European professions. The one unarguable achievement of the EU has been a most peaceful continent. An sour Britain, where even those who never wanted it to leave in the first place belief Brussels is discussing them unfairly, is in nobody’s interest. There is a big difference between a sullen participate and a deep alienated neighbor.

The truth is that Brussels is a bit like individual patients that’s had a mettle graft. It shouldn’t assume that its new rental on life is an endorsement of its most recent life-style. If it doesn’t improvement its dress, then it will be back on the operating table.

The post Britain Is Shamed and Brussels Triumphant. But Is That Good for Europe? appeared first on Victory Lion.

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