#singlaub

[whatisonthemoon]

The WACL and CAUSA’s Role in the Ruthless Violence of US-Philippines Counterinsurgency

On the role of WACL and CAUSA in the “anti-communist” counterinsurgency tactics used in the Philippines 

Excerpts from "Revolutionary Struggle in the Philippines" by Leonard Davis

pg. 16

A broader fact-finding mission, headed by former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark, took place from 20 to 30 May 1987. The group visited the provinces of Davao, Cebu, Negros, and Central Luzon in what was the most thorough investigation of vigilantes under the Aquino administration.

Several recommendations were made to the government of the United States:

-The CIA's role in advising, organizing, arming, financing, or otherwise supporting vigilante violence in the Philippines is nothing less than a massive campaign of murder, deceit, and manipulation attempting to protect narrowly defined US interests in a policy that is doomed to fail! The US Congress should garner all its resources to put an immediate end to this cruel and absolutely unconscionable activity. -The US government should put an immediate end to all efforts to whip up anti-communist hysteria in the Philippines, whether through the direct distribution of rightist materials, as the US Information Service (USIS) is doing in Cebu, through the activities of "private citizens" such as Causa, or through funding, advising, and providing technical assistance to the Philippine military and vigilante movement. -The US Congress should cut off all military aid to the Philippines pending an investigation into the use of US military aid and hardware in supporting vigilante violence in the Philippines. -The US should withdraw its military facilities from the Philippines, which are of questionable strategic necessity and which were used as a reason to back the ruthless Marcos dictatorship, and are currently being used as a rationale for suppressing the freedom of those who support fundamental social and political changes in their own country.

pg. 163:

In this group are found those who supported Marcos to the bitter end, many of whom were agents of or close collaborators with the CIA or the military. They identify the present status quo as an order ordained by God, and all means - including right wing terrorism - are justified in defending the system against threats which are perceived as the work of Satan. The main actors here include Causa International, which is an arm of the Unification Church of the Reverend Moon. This is closely connected with WACL - the organisation referred to in Chapter 1 - with which a retired US general, John Singlaub, is associated.

pg. 164

. . . the ultra-conservatives launch anti-communist campaigns designed to scare people and induce hysteria. This was particularly so when the ceasefire was being proposed in 1986. In March 1987, VicePresident Salvador Laurel addressed the first national convention of Causa International. He said: We must reject communism as an unmitigated evil ... Causa is conducting the convention, to arouse and galvanise the will and determination of all good men to strengthen freedom and democracy so that the country can resist and prevail over the forces of materialism and godlessness that seek to conquer it. In May 1987, an international fact-finding mission, led by former US attorney-general, Ramsey Clarke, reported that it had evidence to prove that there was 'high prob ability of a link between the CIA and vigilante groups'. One of the members, Gerald Horne, linked Causa in the same way, pointing out that Causa leaders have close connections with the Korean Central Intelligence Agency; and that, in South Korea, they own munitions fcetories. 

p. 183:

In May 1986, NDF spokesman Antonio Zummel wamed that the Philippines would be tumed into 'an Asian graveyard for American servicemen if the US persisted In meddling in the insurgency'. This was in response to W ACL visits to the Philippines by Singlaub in his efforts to organise anti-communist vigilantes. Since then, nearly 200 CIA agents have slipped into the country, while US special advisors are involved in instructing Philippine troops in counter-insurgency warfare. American combat patrols operate with local police as far as 20 kilometres from the perimeter fence around Clark Air Base in search of NP A guerrillas, with Filipino fears in some quarters that this could trigger a wider conflict in the countryside. Warning of an escalation in US interference in domestic affairs, Senator Neptali Gonzales is reported as saying: 'History teils us that just one encounter between the dissidents will lead to escalation and this might lead to further the polarisation of the people.' In his reference to 'just one encounter', perhaps Gonzales was thinking of the San Juan Bridge incident which started the Philippine-American War in 1899.  There is no doubt that the country will first move further to the right, with or without US support. With US support, the AFP will build up a supply of sophisticated weaponry and techniques and use more 'subtle' ways of repression; without US support, the AFP will immediately move into full-scale crude and brutal terrorising of the people, more on a Chilean model. Either way, a 'second' revolution will eventually take place - whether as a brief civil war in which the US plays little part (because it has acknowledged its need to seek other venues for its bases and has disappeared), or in the manner of another Vietnam. In either case, the next change will not be without bloodshed, perhaps massive bloodshed. While heartened by the Nicaraguan experience, Filipinos do not expect an early resolution of their problems. Most people believe that it will take at least three generations to overcome the legacy of more than 400 years of domination, Spanish and American.

Related links below

Death Squads in the Philippines by Doug Cunningham

Those Spared in Duterte’s “War on Drugs” May Go to Moonie Rehabilitation

Korean ‘moonies’ leave the Philippines (1996)

Right-Wing Vigilantes Spreading in Philippines (1987)

Unification Church, WACL and CAUSA Were Involved In CIA Operations

Moonies Were Brainwashed by The CIA As Soldiers In The Cold War

Missing Pieces of the Story of Sun Myung Moon by Frederick Clarkson

On the Filipina “Migrant Wives”

The Unification Church’s Role in the FBI’s Cointelpro-style Campaign Against CISPES

“The Moonies Target Europe” (1986) - on CAUSA and right-wing Moonie activity in Europe

Korean UC Reverend takes $10,000 from a farmer for finding him a Filipina wife.

Moonies Support Vigilante Violence in the Philippines Around 1986/1987

On the Post-Marcos Unification Church’s Counterinsurgency Work in the Philippines

Cardinal Sin, the Catholic Church, & the Unification Church: Partners in Organized Anti-Communist Violence

Paraguay ‘Archives of Terror’ Yield New Horrors – and links to the Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon

The Unification Church and the KCIA – ‘Privatizing’ covert action: the case of the UC

“Moon’s Law: God Is Phasing Out Democracy”

The CIA’s Secret Global War Against the Left

Sun Myung Moon organization activities in Central & South America

CIA, Moonies Cooperate in Sandinista War (1984)

Covert Operations and the CIA’s Hidden History in the Philippines

Moon’s Vision: A New Pan-Asianism - on Headwing thought, Pan-Asianism, and counterinsurgency

On the Fascist International, and WACL

CounterSpy: Moonies Move on Honduras (1983)

CounterSpy: Moonies - CARP (1981)

The U.S. is complicit in war crimes in the Philippines

US Aid Privatized

On Yamashita’s Gold, Singlaub, and the Events Following Marcos’ Departure

On How the Moonies Take Advantage of Imperialist Crises in Today’s Philippines

The Moons and the Marcoses

Biden courts son of Philippine dictator he once opposed

Harris Visit to Philippines another Example of US Prioritization of Power over Human Rights

On the UC links to intelligence

Private Groups Step Up Aid to ‘Contras’ (1985)

The Rev. Moon, the Unification Church, and the KCIA

[immaculatasknight]

Oppressed or oppressor?

[zvaigzdelasas]

From the 1960s to late 1980s, the Unification Church was stridently anti-communist. More than 300,000 South Korean troops were sent to support American forces defending South Vietnam and Moon was a vocal supporter of the Vietnam War. His position was fully shared throughout the war by all mainstream Protestant churches in South Korea. At home, critics of the South Korean military deployment risked detention and torture by the KCIA, and massacres by Korean troops in Vietnam were covered up.[...]

Moon also sponsored the 1970 Tokyo meeting of the World Anti-Communist League, with which the IFVOC and Shokyo Rengo were affiliated. The WACL grew out of the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League, formed in 1954, at the request of South Korea’s Rhee Syngman and Taiwan’s Chiang Kai-shek, to fight communism in Asia after the end of the Korean War. The WACL, established in Taiwan in 1966, expanded the scope of anti-communist activity onto a global stage. In the 1970s, the European division of WACL became notorious for a large influx of fascist groups, especially after British white supremacist Roger Pearson took over as WACL chairman in 1978. Geoffrey Stewart-Smith, who headed the League’s British chapter, resigned in protest, describing the WACL as “largely a collection of Nazis, Fascists, anti-Semites, sellers of forgeries, vicious racialists, and corrupt self-seekers.”

Unification Church expansion in the United States began after Moon moved there with his rapidly growing family in the early 1970s, settling in a sprawling country estate in Tarrytown, in the Hudson Valley outside New York City. His religion appealed to young people seeking a communal ethos but turned off by the drugs and free love of the hippie counterculture. Converts hawked flowers and candles at airports and street corners, and with money also pouring in from Japan, the Unification Church bought the New Yorker Hotel in Manhattan, a seafood operation said to supply half of the sushi sold in the United States, a cable TV network, a recording studio, and a shipbuilding firm.[...]

When Maj. Gen. John Singlaub, chief of staff of U.S. forces in Korea, and a former field officer of the CIA, criticised the troop drawdown [from Korea] in an interview with the Washington Post, he was relieved from duty and later resigned from the military. In 1981, Singlaub founded the U.S. chapter of the WACL, the United States Council for World Freedom.

[milkboydotnet]

After the collapse of the Marcos regime in 1986, the Philippine military’s rediscovery of more conventional pacification methods coincided with codification of a special warfare doctrine by its main ally. In July 1986 the U.S. Army’s Command and General Staff College published its Field Circular: Low Intensity Conflict with a detailed explanation of the new tactics that the Philippine military embraced with apparent enthusiasm. While conventional military science applies maximum firepower against an enemy, LIC “is often characterized by constraints on the weaponry… and the level of violence” since counterinsurgency is above all “the art and science of developing. . . political, economic, psychological and military powers of a government." At the core of the formal LIC doctrine was a combination of social reform and unconventional military procedures, fusing appropriate force with “psychological operations.” Without “unduly disrupting the cultural system,’ the host government should “broaden the bases of political power through education and health programs.” Beyond such psywar and civic action, the Field Circular also advocated “eliminating or neutralizing the insurgent leadership” — words that repressive third world militaries could readily construe as a recommendation for selective assassination. Only months after the doctrine’s release, President Reagan reportedly signed a “finding” that authorized a two-year, $10 million CIA counterinsurgency effort in the Philippines. Reflecting the administration’s reliance on privatized covert operations, the Philippines, like El Salvador and Nicaragua, suddenly experienced a proliferation of Christian anticommunist propaganda and paramilitary death squads. Throughout 1987, Filipino anticommunist activists received a remarkable array of foreign visitors: Gen. John Singlaub (ret.), a former CIA officer who now headed the U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL); Dr. John Whitehall, a representative of the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade; and agents of the Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s anticommunist CAUSA. During his visit to Manila, General Singlaub, earlier identified with death squad activity in South Vietnam and Central America, met CIA station chief Norbert Garrett, AFP chief of staff Fidel Ramos, and Gen. Luis Villareal, head of both the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency and WACL’s Philippine chapter. Their recommendations found a receptive audience in Aquino’s government, particularly from Interior Secretary Jaime Ferrer, who had used CIA funds to organize election monitors in the 1950s and was now promoting armed vigilantes. The Reagan administration also showed strong “animosity toward the liberal approach” to land reform, allying with conservatives in the Aquino cabinet to block any serious land redistribution. In this same volatile period, Col. James N. Rowe, commander of the green beret training program at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, arrived in Manila to head the army detachment within the Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group. As a veteran of U.S. Army Special Forces operations in Vietnam, where he was famed for escaping after five years in a Vietcong prison camp, Rowe was uniquely qualified to revitalize the country’s counterinsurgency after a decade of decline under Marcos. Indeed, the posting of this top special warfare expert—who was intense, disciplined, and militantly anticommunist—was a strong sign of Washington’s renewed interest in the Philippines. During his year in Manila in 1988 -89, Rowe, according to the Manila Times, “worked closely with the CIA and was involved in a program to penetrate the NPA and the Communist Party of the Philippines which were both undergoing massive ideological upheavals that resulted in bloody purges.’ A Filipino security specialist described him as “clandestinely involved in the organization of anti-communist death squads like Alsa Masa and vigilante groups patterned after “Operation Phoenix’ in Vietnam which had the objective of eliminating legal and semi-legal mass activists.”

Alfred W. McCoy, Policing America's Empire: The United States, the Philippines, and the Rise of the Surveillance State

[casbooks]

Books of 2023

Book 31 of 2023

Title: A Ranger Born: A Memoir of Combat and Valor From Korea to Vietnam Authors: Robert W. Black ISBN: 9780307414434 Tags: AC-47 Spooky, AH-1 Cobra, Airborne, B-52 Stratofortress, C-119 Flying Box Car, C-82 Packet, CHN China, CHN Mao Tse Tung, CHN PLA People's Liberation Army, CHN PLAGF People's Liberation Army Ground Force, CHN PVA People's Volunteer Army, CHN Yalu River, Cold War (1946-1991), French and Indian Wars, From LAPL, GBR BA British Army, GBR BA King's Shropshire Light Infantry, GBR Capt. John Smith (Explorer), GBR LCol Robert Rogers (Ranger), GBR United Kingdom, GER Berlin, GER Brandenburg Gate, GER East Berlin, GER Germany, GER West Berlin, Gliders, KOR Battle of Hill 299 Turkey Shoot (Korean War), KOR Battle of Hill 628 (Korean War), KOR Battle of Inchon (Korean War), KOR Battle of the Ch'ongch'on River (1950) (Korean War), KOR Chinese Spring Offensive / 5th Phase (1951) (Korean War), KOR DMZ Demilitarized Zone - 38th Parallel (Korean War), KOR GBR BA British Brigade (Korean War), KOR Hill 1010 (Korean War), KOR Hill 299 (Korean War), KOR Hill 628 (Korean War), KOR Korea, KOR Korean War (1950-1953), KOR Kunu-ri-Sunchon Road, KOR Line Idaho (Korean War), KOR Line Kansas (Korean War), KOR Line No Name (Korean War), KOR Operation Ripper (1951) (Korean War), KOR Pusan, KOR Pusan Perimeter (Korean War), KOR ROK 6th ID, KOR ROK Republic of Korea Army, KOR Sangczon, KOR Seoul, Kuomintang, O-1 Bird Dog, Office of Strategic Services (OSS), PRK North Korea, PRK Yalu River, Rangers, SGP Singapore, SGP Singapore - Newton Towers Hotel, SpecOps, Stalin, UN United Nations, US CIA Central Intelligence Agency, US FL Florida, US FL Florida - Miami, US FL University of Miami, US FL University of Miami - ROTC, US FL University of Miami - ROTC Princess Corps, US MSTS Military Sea Transportation Service, US MSTS USNS General W. F. Hase (T-AP-146), US President Harry S. Truman, US SDS Students for a Democratic Society, US Secretary of State Dean Acheson, US USA 10th Mountain Division, US USA 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team, US USA 19th Infantry Regiment, US USA 19th Infantry Regiment - I&R Platoon, US USA 21st Infantry Regiment, US USA 24th ID, US USA 2nd ID, US USA 2nd Ranger Infantry Co (Airborne) - Buffalo Rangers (Segregated), US USA 313th Infantry Regiment, US USA 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, US USA 35th Quartermaster (Pack) Co, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment - G Co, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment (Mechanized), US USA 39th Infantry Regiment (Mechanized) - 1/39, US USA 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment, US USA 50th Infantry Regiment, US USA 50th Infantry Regiment - E Co (LRP), US USA 5th Regimental Combat Team, US USA 6th Medium Tank Bn, US USA 6th Medium Tank Bn - C Co, US USA 79th ID, US USA 7th Army, US USA 7th ID, US USA 82nd Airborne Division - All American, US USA 8th Army Ranger Company (Airborne) / 8213th Army Unit, US USA 8th ID, US USA 8th ID - 3rd Brigade, US USA 8th Ranger Infantry Co (Airborne), US USA 9th ID, US USA 9th ID - 2nd Brigade, US USA 9th ID - 3rd Brigade, US USA Camp Carson CO, US USA Camp Hale CO, US USA Col Arthur "Bull" Simons, US USA Fort Benning GA, US USA Fort Benning GA - Harmony Church, US USA Fort Benning GA - Ranger Training Center, US USA Fort Dix NJ, US USA Fort Gordon GA, US USA Fort Gordon GA - Civil Affairs School, US USA Forth Benning GA - Victory Pond, US USA Forth Bragg NC, US USA General Douglas MacArthur, US USA General J. Lawton Collins, US USA General James Van Fleet, US USA General John K. Singlaub, US USA General Matthew Ridgway, US USA General Walton Walker, US USA LRRP Team (Vietnam War), US USA United States Army, US USMC 1st MarDiv, US USMC United States Marine Corps, US USN SEALS, US USN United States Navy, US USN USS General W. F. Hase (AP-146), US USN USS Pueblo (AGER 2), USAID, USAID John Paul Vann, VNM 1968 Tet Offensive (1968) (Vietnam War), VNM Battle of Dien Bien Phu (1954) (French Indochina War), VNM Ben Luc, VNM Can Duoc, VNM Can Giouc, VNM Cao Dai Religion, VNM CIA Air America (1950-1976) (Vietnam War), VNM Dien Bien Phu, VNM DRV Ho Chi Minh, VNM DRV NVA General Vo Nguyen Giap, VNM DRV NVA North Vietnamese Army, VNM DRV VC 265th Bn, VNM DRV VC 2nd Independent Bn, VNM DRV VC 506th Bn, VNM DRV VC COSVN Central Office for South Vietnam, VNM DRV VC K-3 Bn, VNM DRV VC Phu Loi Bn, VNM DRV VC Viet Cong, VNM DRV VM Viet Minh, VNM French Indochina War (1946-1954), VNM Gia Dinh, VNM Highway 4, VNM Ho Chi Minh Trail (Vietnam War), VNM Hoa Hao Religion, VNM IV Corps (Vietnam War), VNM Long An Province, VNM Me Ly, VNM Mekong Delta, VNM Operation Arc Light (1965-1973) (Vietnam War), VNM Operation Ranch Hand (1962-1971) (Vietnam War), VNM Rach Kien, VNM RVN ARVN 25th ID, VNM RVN ARVN 47th Infantry Regiment, VNM RVN ARVN 7th ID, VNM RVN ARVN Army of the Republic of Vietnam, VNM RVN ARVN RF/PF 627 RF Co (Vietnam War), VNM RVN ARVN RF/PF Regional Forces/Popular Forces (Vietnam War), VNM RVN ARVN Vietnamese Rangers - Biet Dong Quan, VNM RVN Chieu Hoi Program/Force 66 - Luc Luong 66 (Vietnam War), VNM RVN Kit Carson Scouts (Vietnam War), VNM RVN RVNP Can Sat National Police, VNM RVN RVNP CSDB PRU Provincial Reconnaissance Units (Vietnam War), VNM RVN USA CRIP Combined Reconnaissance and Intelligence Platoon (Vietnam War), VNM RVN USA CRIP Long An Province (Vietnam War), VNM RVNP CSDB Can Sat Dac Biet Special Branch Police, VNM Saigon, VNM Song Vam Co Dong, VNM Tam An, VNM Tan Tru, VNM Trach An, VNM US Agent Orange (Vietnam War), VNM US MACV Advisory Teams (Vietnam War), VNM US MACV Military Assistance Command Vietnam (Vietnam War), VNM USA MRF Mobile Riverine Force (Vietnam War), VNM USN MRF Mobile Riverine Force (Vietnam War), VNM Vietnam, VNM Vietnam War (1955-1975), Waco Glider, WW2 1st Special Service Force (1942-1944) Rating: ★★★★ (4 Stars) Subject: Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Korean War.US.Rangers, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Vietnam War.ARVN, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Vietnam War.US Army.Advisor, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.SpecOps.US.Rangers

Description: Even as a boy growing up amid the green hills of rural Pennsylvania, Robert W. Black knew he was destined to become a Ranger. With their three-hundred-year history of peerless courage and independence of spirit, Rangers are a uniquely American brand of soldier, one foot in the military, one in the wilderness—and that is what fired Black’s imagination. In this searing, inspiring memoir, Black recounts how he devoted himself, body and soul, to his proud service as an elite U. S. Army Ranger in Korea and Vietnam—and what those years have taught him about himself, his country, and our future.Born at the start of the Great Depression, Black grew up on a farm at a time of great hardship but also tremendous national determination. He was a kid who toughened up fast, who learned the hard way to rely on his strength and his wits, who saw the country go to war with Germany and Japan and wept because he was too young to serve. As soon as the army would take him, Black enlisted. And as soon as he could muscle his way in, he became a Ranger.As a private first class in the 82d Airborne Division headquarters, Black withstood the humiliations of enlisted service in the peacetime brown-shoe army. When the Korean War began, he volunteered and trained to be an Airborne Ranger. In Korea, this young warrior, his mind and body bursting with the lusts of adolescence, grew up fast, literally in the line of fire. In clean, vivid prose, Black describes the hell of giving his all for a country that lacked the political resolve to give its all to a war against the North Koreans and the Chinese.If Korea was frustrating, Vietnam was maddening. The heart of this book is devoted to the years of action that Black saw in Long An Province starting in 1967. Black writes of the perplexity of collaborating with South Vietnamese officers whose culture and motives he never fully understood; he conjures up the sudden shock of the Tet Offensive and the daily horror of seeing fellow soldiers and innocent civilians slaughtered—sometimes by stray bullets, often by carelessness or treachery. Vietnam challenged everything Black had come to believe in and left him totally unprepared for the hostility he would face when he returned to a war-weary America. Written with extraordinary candor and passion, A Ranger Born is the memoir of a man who dedicated the best of his life to everything that is great and enduring about America. At once intimate in its revelations and universal in its themes, it is a book with profound relevance to our own troubled time in history. From the Hardcover edition

[donewithcapitalistfrayers]

In the time I've been aware of the term, 'deep state' has had a strange trajectory. It's now part of the US right-wing lexicon, but I first became aware of the term in relation to Turkish fascist organizations and corresponding Gladio networks. It used to be standard lingo on the left to refer to a 'shadow government' when describing the (admittedly much forgotten) dealings of Theodore Shackley, Thomas Clines, Rafael Quintero, John Singlaub, Albert Hakim, and Richard Secord, first in Vietnam/Laos, then in Iran-Contra.

More than a few times, I've come across a purely reactive 'Marxist take' since 'deep state' became a 'right-wing' thing: there is no deep state, only the bourgeois state, whatever that means. I see it as a bogus concoction along the lines of 'structural analysis, not conspiracy.' Deep state, shadow government, whatever your term of choice: there are elements of the state without visibility or democratic accountability in even compromised form, and they of course move conspiratorially. That's the simple and true point that used to be made by leftists. It's been a huge ruling class gain that the right adopts certain language, often muddling it in key ways, and then 'Marxists' feel they have to react by turning purely to describing abstractions rather than naming concrete persons, networks, organizations, and money streams.

There are roots of this ultra-abstract Marxism in Moses Postone who went so far as to argue that the 'personification of capital' (i.e. naming names) is latent antisemitism. This seems to be developing a lot of momentum right now, even among people who are likely unaware of its origins.

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

News World / The New York City Tribune – was money misused?

▲ The Tiffany Building at 401 Fifth Avenue was bought in 1977 by the Unification Church / FFWPU for $2.4million. It housed The New York City Tribune newspaper. An Il Hwa restaurant, another UC business, can be seen in this photo.

The first issue of News World was published in New York City on December 31, 1976. It was based in the New Yorker Hotel before moving to the Tiffany Building. On this occasion, Sun Myung Moon said, “We must create a newspaper company that can spread the word about universal justice in God’s name.” This newspaper reported, before the end of the presidential election in 1979, that the Republican presidential candidate, Ronald Reagan, had won. It changed its name to the New York City Tribune on April 4, 1983.

_________________________________________

It has been alleged that the leadership at The New York Tribune misused money. This was uncovered by a senior member. Apparently $1million was being given to the paper every month, but only about a quarter of that was being used for the Tribune payroll, etc. It was said that money was taken down to Uruguay. Apparently there was a meeting of the Tribune senior management at which the financial situation was explained – and that because of a lack of cash, the paper would have to close. Reportedly there was a lot of shouting, but the paper closed on January 3, 1991.

These details have not been confirmed by the former staff of the Tribune, or by News World Communications, Inc. However, the arrival of undocumented cash in Uruguay has been confirmed by numerous sources and described in interviews in the Reputations: Emperor of the Universe (2001) documentary. Here is the Uruguay mansion Moon purchased:

_________________________________________

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New-York_Tribune


A “new” New York Tribune debuted in 1976 in New York City. It was published by News World Communications, Inc., owned by the Unification Church. It was published in the former Tiffany and Company Building until it printed its last edition on January 3, 1991. Its sister paper, The Washington Times, is circulated primarily in the nation’s capital. The Tribune carried an expansive “Commentary” section of opinions and editorials. Former New York City Mayor Ed Koch was one of the columnists.

_________________________________________

From the transcript of the Emperor of the Universe documentary:

Narrator: “Moon and the Japanese poured cash into the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), which included neo-Nazis, fascists and even death squad members form South America.”

44:00 General John Singlaub (former Chairman of World Anti-Communist League): “His organization, from my point of view, was more of a political effort, that is to save the world from the ‘evil empire’ than it was to save individuals from the devil.”

Rev Moon speaking in Korean

Narrator: “Moon preached love, but aligned himself with murderous Latin regimes that tortured or killed their left wing opponents. Latin America, he believed, would be the graveyard of communism. He was deeply disillusioned with the United States. ‘Satan created this hell on earth,’ he said.”

Inauguration: “I, Ronald Reagan, do solemnly swear that I will…”

Narrator: “Moon had spent many millions supporting Republican causes.” President Ronald Reagan: “that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, so help me God.”

Narrator: “But the Reagan administration declined to pardon him for his tax offense:

Michael Hershman (Congressional Investigator): “He was extremely bitter, and decided that he could better grow his organization, better grow his influence, outside our shores.”

Narrator: “In poor Uruguay the army had won a wasting war with Tupamaros guerrillas. The capital, Montevideo, was an off-shore banking center were rich foreigners could hide their cash. For Moon it held other attractions too.”

45:30 Michael Hershman: “A friendly legal environment. That is laws and regulations that were not as well developed as here in the United States. A fairly uneducated and poor population, who was ready to accept a message of anyone who made promises for a better life.”

Narrator: “Moon called Uruguay his oasis. Today he owns newspapers and sponsors radio programmes that preach family values. As Moon sees it, if only the world would listen, all its problems from AIDS to racial hatred would simply vanish.”

Chung-hwan Kwak (senior leader, Unification Church): “If all peoples would follow our leader, why not be solved?”

Narrator: “War?” Chung-hwan Kwak: “War also. This is messiah’s law.”

▲ 4,000 Japanese Moonies arrived in Montevideo bringing cash for Moon.

Narrator: “Moon built Uruguay’s first luxury hotel. He also bought a bank. On one occasion bank employees claimed that 4,000 Japanese Moonies had suddenly showed up, depositing millions of dollars in cash.”

Juan Ramos (Bank Worker’s Association): “The money still had the U.S. Federal Reserve band around it. More than $80 million was deposited over the course of a week.”

Narrator: “More than once the authorities accused the bank of breaching banking rules. A local journalist asked embarrassing questions. Some time later, as he told the judge, he was grabbed by two men in a car who stuck a gun in his mouth. They said they had no connection with Moon, but warned him off. Even in his new haven, Moon was under fire.”

Jorge Guldenzoph: “I remember Rev. Moon’s wife saying, ‘How long are they going to think we’re bad?’ I felt humbled because there was no trace of resentment or bitterness in him. No part of him was asking why he had to suffer. It was like Jesus on the cross.”

Narrator: “One of Moon’s key men in Uruguay Jorge Guldenzoph, a veteran of the dirty war with the left. A former communist, he joined the secret police.”

Jorge Guldenzoph: “The Rev Moon is my savior. My life was literally saved by him. It’s as simple as that, Rev. Moon is my savior.”

▲ Rev Moon’s home in Montevideo. 48:08 Narrator: “By the late 1980s Moon owned so much property in Montevideo that locals wryly renamed it ‘Moontevideo.’ Moonies say that this palatial building was going to be his home, his Latin American sanctuary.”

▲ Rev Moon speaking at his Punta del Este resort by the ocean in Uruguay.

“Instead he chose a lush resort on the ocean, and a ranch by a river where he could fish. Here he hoped to find peace.”

Antonio Betancourt (Unification Church): “He fishes for the physical fish, but this is symbolic of many things. One fish could be a great leader who listens to him.”

Narrator: “He said he would like his own fleet of submarines to free him from national boundaries…”

_________________________________________

Consortium News: Rev. Moon’s Uruguay Bank Scam

Rev. Sun Myung Moon’s operatives stripped a leading Uruguayan bank of nearly all its assets, prompting Uruguay’s central bank to seize control of the near-bankrupt institution in September [1998].

_________________________________________

Re: Korean National Tax Authority initiates full-scale investigation of Tongil Group

News World / The New York City Tribune – was money misused?

_________________________________________

Sun Myung Moon: The Emperor of the Universe, transcript and links 1. “Rev Sun Myung Moon: Emperor of the Universe” documentary
.   A BBC / A&E Network co-production, 2000 2. World Domination – Sun Myung Moon died before he could take over a single country. _________________________________________

After Sun Myung Moon’s help, North Korea Launch an SLBM Missile on October 2, 2019

Evidence that Moonies Jump-Started the North Korean Nuclear Program that Now Threatens the US

_________________________________________

Falling Out podcast: No Hope Academy: Aurl Jin Vornbrock & Sun Ae Davis, Part 1

[warsofasoiaf]

Following up on the Carter write up, I was wondering if you could expand on some points you made when discussing his relationship with the military. Specifically, you mention his firing of a general for criticizing his policy decisions, and b attempting to take more direct control of military spending. On their face, these don't seem necessarily bad; unaccountable spending and officers being seen as questioning the CoC are problems that need dealing with when they arise. What made it a problem?

This is where Carter's lack of knowledge in military affairs hurt him. Carter believed that the Joint Chiefs were padding their budgets without really saying exactly how or why. So instead of coming across as a principled cut in unaccountable spending, it came across as ignorant blundering, only made worse with the high-profile failure of Operation Eagle Claw.

Firing Singlaub brought to mind Truman's dismissal of MacArthur, but Singlaub did nothing to contradict Carter the way MacArthur to Truman. Withdrawing troops from the Korean peninsula was seen as a betrayal of South Korea, and brought to mind the fall of Saigon. Given the context of Carter dismissing five members of his Cabinet, his refusal to have a chief of staff, and his frequent sidelining of those who contradicted him, this simply showed Carter to be an ineffective leader incapable of being criticized.

Thanks for the question, Anon.

SomethingLikeALawyer, Hand of the King

[whatisonthemoon]

Don Diligent’s Notes on Moon’s Theocracy, Plus Fascism and Terrorism

▲ John K. Singlaub

An archived WIOTM post from “Don Diligent” on July 21, 2016, “Mr. Moon! You did mean autocratic theocracy! Plus fascism & terrorism! Just ask Gary Jarmin & Neil Salonen!” Significance Of The Training Session Reverend Sun Myung Moon May 17, 1973

My dream is to organize a Christian political party including the Protestant denominations, Catholics and all the religious sects. Then, the communist power will be helpless before ours…when it comes to our age, we must have an automatic theocracy[*] to rule the world. So, we cannot separate the political field from the religious…We have to purge the corrupted politicians, and the sons of God must rule the world. The separation between religion and politics is what Satan likes most.

United States Council for World Freedom - Militarist Monitor 

The U.S. Council for World Freedom (USCWF) is the United States affiliate of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The first WACL branch in the U.S., the American Council for World Freedom (ACWF), was founded in 1970 by Lee Edwards. Edwards had worked with the Young Americans for Freedom.

In 1980, retired Major General John K. Singlaub went to Taiwan to speak at the WACL annual convention. A year later he was asked to start a new U.S. chapter…Joining Singlaub from the ACWF board were John Fisher, Stefan Possony, Lev Dobriansky, J. A. (Jay) Parker, and Fred Schlafly.

Report from Neil Salonen about FLF November 1969 Page 27

Because Vietnam is now America’s most crucial national issue, we felt that FLF must take a clear and decisive stand, to be responsible to our created mission. Our campus program has been geared toward uniting the efforts of as many students as possible, to create a coordinated response to the radical activities of the violent revolutionists. In a meeting of all those student groups who were interested in supporting our policy of PEACE WITH FREEDOM, a broad coalition was formed with the Student Coordinating Committee for Peace with Freedom in Vietnam; the Washington, D. C., Young Republicans; and the Young Americans for Freedom. The coalition adopted the name STUDENT FAST FOR FREEDOM and formed a steering committee for all planning. Over 40 students in Washington alone joined in the three days of fasting to demonstrate their willingness to sacrifice for the freedom of all people. For all those Family members who participated, the Fast had an even deeper, more symbolic meaning.

The opening rally was held in Copley Lounge at Georgetown University on Thursday, October 10, at 8:00 p.m. The Fast Coordinators, Neil Salonen (FLF) and Charlie Stephens (SCC), opened the press conference with a statement of the goals of the Fast, a briefing to all the participants of the mechanics of the three days, and an appeal to all of America to join in supporting this demonstration of commitment to the revitalization of the American nation. The assembled group was then addressed by Mr. Neil Staebler, Democratic National Committeeman from Michigan, considered one of the senior statesmen of the Democratic Party; Dr. Walter Judd, former Congressman from Minnesota, with 30 years service as a medical missionary in China; His Excellency, Bui Diem, Ambassador to the United States from Vietnam; and Mr. Bernard Yoh, a veteran of a lifetime of guerrilla warfare against communist aggression in Southeast Asia.

ACWF - American Council For World Freedom

1977 OFFICERS

Dr. Walter H. Judd, Honorary President

Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, President

Dr. Stefan T. Possony, First Vice President

Mr. David Keene, Second Vice President

Mr. Lee Edwards, Secretary

Mr. J.A. Parker, Treasurer

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Mr. Paul Bethel

Rev. Raymond de Jaegher

Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky

Mr. Ronald F. Docksai

Dr. Joseph Dunner

Dr. Walter Dushnyck

Lt. Gen. Daniel Graham (USA Ret.)

Mr. Lee Edwards

Dr. Walter H. Judd

Mr. David Keene

Mr. Marx Lewis

Adm. John McCain (USN Ret.)

Dr. Robert Morris

Mr. J.A. Parker

Mr. Ron Pearson

Dr. Stefan Possony

Dr. David Rowe

Dr. Edward Rozek

Mr. Neil A. Salonen

Mr. Fred Schlafly

FLF Celebrates Fourth Anniversary - Neil Salonen - August 5, 1973

Receiving the guests prior to the dinner were FLF President and Mrs. Neil Salonen, Congressman and Mrs. Richard Ichord, and FLF Secretary-General Gary Jarmin.

Mr. Salonen completed the program by giving surprise birthday gifts to four people who have been with FLF since its beginning. Honored were Accuracy in Media head Reed Irvine, Congressional assistant David Martin, Committee for Free China representative Lee Edwards, and Bernard Yoh.

Conservative Foreign Policy - CSPAN

Gary Jarmin moderated a discussion, “What Is a Conservative Foreign Policy?” The speakers discussed topics such as protecting U.S. interests, maintaining peace through strength, and the legacy of President Ronald Reagan.

MY COMMENTS:Gary Jarmin introduces David Keene (35:45 - 50:25) and after his talk Jarmin mentions (50:33 - 50:41) that he was the Legislative Director of the American Conservative Union from 1975 - 1979. It is quite apparent then, that when Gary Jarmin “broke his Blessing” in early 1975 and left the UC, he landed on his feet not only with a “new job” but was given a high level position working under David Keene who had strong ties to the World Anti Communist League. By the way, Gary Jarmin also founded the American Service Council.

Related

On the 1962 Reorganization of the Unification Church as a Political Tool of Japan, South Korea, and USA Rev. Moon, the Bushes & Donald Rumsfeld

Moonstruck: The Reverend and His Newspaper Briefly on Moonies Organizing Against Miners, Workers, Communists, etc. On Arnaud de Borchgrave, Editor-in-Chief of the Washington Times and Friend of Gladio Terrorists

Rev. Moon Buys а College, Hires Spooks & Moonies (1992) Moonies offered to pay leaders of the Contras The Reinvention of the Latin American Right VOC, CAUSA & Moonie Anti-Communism in Central America in Bo Hi Pak’s Own Words

[immaculatasknight]

Eternal Nazis

[zvaigzdelasas]

Major General John Kirk Singlaub (July 10, 1921 – January 29, 2022) was a major general in the United States Army, founding member of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and a highly decorated officer in the former Office of Strategic Services (OSS). [...]

Singlaub headed CIA operations in postwar Manchuria during the Chinese Communist revolution, led troops in the Korean War, managed the secret war along the Ho Chi Minh trail in the Kingdom of Laos and Vietnam, worked with the Contras in Nicaragua, and Afghan resistance during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. [...]

In 1977, while Singlaub was chief of staff of U.S. forces in South Korea, he publicly criticized President Jimmy Carter's proposal to withdraw U.S. troops from the Korean peninsula. On May 21, 1977, Carter relieved him of duty for overstepping his bounds and failing to respect the President's authority as Commander-in-Chief.[7][8][9] [...]

After retiring [sic] from the army, Singlaub, with John Rees and Democratic Congressman from Georgia, Larry McDonald founded the Western Goals Foundation. [...] it was intended to "blunt subversion, terrorism, and communism" by filling the gap "created by the disbanding of the House Un-American Activities Committee".[12] [...] Singlaub was founder in 1981 of the United States Council for World Freedom, the U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The chapter became involved with the Iran–Contra affair,[13] with Associated Press reporting that, "Singlaub's private group became the public cover for the White House operation".[14] The WACL was described by former member Geoffrey Stewart-Smith as allegedly a "largely a collection of Nazis, Fascists, anti-Semites, sellers of forgeries, vicious racialists, and corrupt self-seekers." Singlaub is credited with purging the organization of these types and making it respectable.[15]

U.S. Army General William Westmoreland described Singlaub as a "true military professional" and "a man of honest, patriotic conviction and courage."[citation needed][sic][...]

He personally knew William Casey, Director of Central Intelligence during the Reagan Administration, as well as Oliver North, and was involved in the Iran–Contra affair. Singlaub was President Reagan's administrative chief liaison in the Contra supply effort to oppose Moscow's and Fidel Castro's advances in El Salvador and Nicaragua during the Cold War and their support for armed Marxist revolutionary guerrilla movements. Through his chairmanship of the world Anti-Communist League (WACL) and its U.S. chapter, the U.S. Council for World Freedom (USCWF), he enlisted Members of the US Congress from both political parties, Washington, D.C. policymakers, retired U.S. military officials, paramilitary groups, foreign governments, and American think tanks and conservatives in the Contra cause. He often met on Capitol Hill with members of the U.S. Congress, including Congressman Charlie Wilson (D-TX) about U.S. support and funding for the Contras and anti-communist resistance forces in Afghanistan opposed to the Red Army invasion of Kabul in 1979 [...]

He was a member of the advisory council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation.[16] [...] In January 2020 Singlaub used the "America's Future" of Phyllis Schlafly to plead with Attorney General William Barr to "free Mike Flynn, drop the charges".[18] He turned 100 in July 2021, and died on January 29, 2022.[19][20]

[antoine-roquentin]

The Vietnam War had a further pernicious effect: it helped make possible the paramilitary expression of racist sentiment. In the first half of the 20th century the American far right had conducted a campaign of violence against blacks and others, especially in the South. But while they could rely on the support of large sections of society for their cause, their main aim was to instil fear rather than to try to realise fantasies of extermination or separatism. The capacity for more directed violence among white power groups that became evident in the 1980s would not have been possible without their Vietnam training and access to weapons stolen from military bases. Faced with an economic recession exacerbated by the war’s vast expenditures, many veterans believed they would never find ordinary employment, which led some to gravitate toward the fringes of American society both left and right.

John Rambo, for his part, did both. In First Blood (1982), Sylvester Stallone’s character is a ‘half-German, half-Indian’ veteran, traumatised by the war, who arrives in a small town to pay his respects to a black comrade killed by exposure to Agent Orange. Mistaken for a hippie grafter, he is hounded by the local police and struggles to find work: ‘There [in Vietnam] I flew helicopters, drove tanks, had equipment worth millions. Here I can’t even work parking!’ But in Rambo: First Blood Part II (1985), Rambo turns right, fighting the Vietnam War all over again single-handed. ‘Sir,’ he asks, ‘do we get to win this time?’

‘Bring the war home’: what began as an anti-war slogan on the American left was appropriated by the extreme right as a proclamation of intent. Louis Beam – one of the major strategists of the paramilitary right and a central figure in Belew’s book – was a decorated veteran who had logged more than a thousand hours as a door-gunner on Huey choppers. Back home he promptly joined the Louisiana chapter of the KKK, beginning a career that seamlessly combined white power fanaticism with anti-communism. In 1977, Beam received a grant from the state of Texas to build a simulated Vietnamese rice paddy in swampland near Houston: here, he trained recruits as young as 13 to kill an imaginary enemy. Four years later a promising opportunity presented itself. A number of South Vietnamese refugees had been resettled on the other side of Galveston Bay, and local shrimp farmers didn’t want the competition. Beam seized on these fears and gave a speech to a crowd of 250 white farmers. Shortly afterwards a group of them set out and burned two Vietnamese boats, torched crosses on their lawns, and patrolled the bay on a ship equipped with a small cannon and a mannequin hanging from a noose. The campaign of intimidation was ended by the Southern Poverty Law Centre, which won a court order to disband Beam’s group and close his training camps.

Crucially, as Belew shows, most American paramilitary groups in the years after Vietnam considered themselves vigilantes. They were taking up the fight themselves because they believed the state was too cowardly or too paralysed to defend itself against Judeo-communist usurpers: the liberal establishment was infiltrated, or naive, or merely weak, unable to contend with a communist agenda that sought to destroy white nativist values and identity. In this conspiracy, blacks often featured as unwitting pawns, but that did not spare them from being targeted. In 1979, nine vehicles carrying Klansmen and neo-Nazis – most of them veterans – drove to the site of a march in Greensboro, North Carolina, where members of the Communist Workers’ Party were protesting against the Klan’s attempt to sabotage their organising of black textile workers. Five of the protesters were killed in a shoot-out; 12 were wounded. The trial that followed resulted in acquittals for all of the accused, including the local police informants who had guided the assailants to the march.

Then, in 1980, Ronald Reagan arrived. Here was a president who quoted Rambo, referred to the Vietnam War as ‘the noble cause’ and told veterans that they had been ‘denied permission to win’. Reagan not only made it clear that he intended to open new fronts in the Cold War, he even appeared to some on the far right to be paying tribute to their tactics. In 1981 a motley group of a dozen mercenaries in Louisiana – Klansmen, neo-Nazis, arms smugglers – were caught by the FBI hatching a hare-brained scheme to topple the government of the Caribbean island of Dominica and restore a puppet dictator through whom they would launder funds to the KKK and prepare a staging ground to conquer Grenada. The press mocked their failure as ‘the Bayou of Pigs’ (the plan to collaborate with a splinter group of local Rastafarians to take down what was already a right-wing government strained credulity). But as Belew notes, the US invaded Grenada two years later and justified its coup with language remarkably similar to that of the Dominican plotters, who, like Reagan, referred to the island as a ‘Soviet-Cuban colony’.

The paramilitary right had a tense but ultimately productive relationship with Reagan. In 1979 the anti-communist Georgia congressman Larry McDonald established the Western Goals Foundation, a privately funded version of the House Un-American Activities Committee, which had been wound up four years earlier. Like HUAC, McDonald’s database stored files on thousands of Americans deemed ‘subversives’, especially those who – it was imagined – might be agitating on behalf of communist movements in Central America. The information the foundation gathered was shared with the FBI and other state agencies, along with the recommendation that the government outsource the work of counter-insurgency to the very same private security firms that were helping to fund the foundation. The increased privatisation of US state violence under the Reagan administration fitted neatly with the president’s more general anti-statist rhetoric.

Kyle Burke provides a guide to this dark underground territory of the Cold War. Just as the civil rights movement spanned the globe, so too did the reaction against it. In some regions it was the reaction that proved more enduring. Burke devotes space to the largely neglected World Anti-Communist League, founded in Taiwan in 1966. The league was remarkable for its fusion of Eastern and Western anti-communist funding and expertise. The US branch was organised by a gay ex-socialist from Brooklyn, Marvin Liebman, who had converted to anti-communism after reading Elinor Lipper’s Gulag memoir. Having recruited the US congressman Donald Judd and the Catholic priest Daniel Lyons, Liebman travelled to Taipei and helped draft the league’s agenda; at the league’s 1974 conference William F. Buckley gave the keynote address. And then there was John Singlaub, a retired general and another of the league’s main organisers, who thought the US government had fumbled the urban counter-insurgency against the Black Panthers and other radical groups, and that lessons should be learned from the admirable ruthlessness with which Latin American and East Asian authoritarians had crushed their leftist opponents.

In its early years the league stirred with impossible ambitions, such as winning back China for the Kuomintang. By the early 1970s, however, it had narrowed its focus. League affiliates in Chile and Argentina were considered to have helped score major successes – including Pinochet’s coup and the Dirty War. But as Burke shows, the league and its offshoots’ activities gradually became too radical for most of its American members: too many of those involved, such as the Ukrainian nationalist Yaroslav Stetsko, openly flaunted their fascist pedigrees, while groups such as Tecos in Mexico, which had once been recruited by the Nazis to fight on the US-Mexico border, waged an open campaign of terror against Castro-inspired rebels that included bombings, assassinations and kidnappings, all barely countered by the Mexican security forces.

One of the league’s main purposes was to serve as a headhunting and staffing agency for anti-communist operations. Liebman and Singlaub – whom Reagan commended for giving him ‘more material for my speeches than anybody else’ – became middlemen for right-wing networks that channelled millions of dollars from respectable sources (the beer magnate Joseph Coors was a major donor) to anti-communist causes and counter-insurgency operations around the world. Their largesse was spread wide. Liebman founded the Friends of Rhodesian Independence, which led tours for US government officials and professors, while Singlaub helped fund arms shipments to groups like the Contras in Nicaragua. Special interests sometimes clashed. In Angola, Chevron managed to forge an oil exploration agreement with the communist MPLA guerrillas, just as Singlaub and others – including a young consultant called Paul Manafort – successfully lobbied to get the Reagan administration to back their client, Jonas Savimbi. That the US government would hinder American companies from operating in South Africa, an anti-communist ally, but allow them to work with a communist regime in Angola outraged Singlaub and his colleagues. They soon called for a boycott of Chevron and encouraged Savimbi to attack the company’s Angolan properties.

In Rhodesia, the interests of American white power internationalism and American anti-communism dramatically converged. In 1965, Ian Smith’s white supremacist regime unilaterally declared Rhodesian independence from Britain, emboldened by support from across the US political establishment, from Dean Acheson to Bob Dole. When Reagan, as a presidential candidate, began flirting with the idea of backing white Rhodesians against Robert Mugabe’s growing insurgency, several hundred American mercenaries were already fighting there. Congressional attempts to establish the exact number – let alone stop them – made little progress. Not-so-covert action in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) continued even after Mugabe came to power in 1980. As late as 1999, three Americans from a right-wing church in Indiana were arrested at Harare airport while apparently engaged in a plot to assassinate Mugabe. (His paranoia wasn’t always unjustified.)

One lingering puzzle in the history of the paramilitary American right is why, in the early 1980s, a small but significant part of the movement began to rebel against the US state itself. During Reagan’s first term a few thousand members of the KKK and various ersatz militias started down a path that would eventually lead to serious clashes with federal authorities. In 1984, the white nationalist Robert Jay Mathews founded Brüder Schweigen, also known as The Order, a group that sought to bring down the US government. After robbing a series of banks to secure funds for the cause, Mathews was killed in a shoot-out with federal agents on Whidbey Island in Washington State, though his co-conspirators were acquitted of sedition by an all-white jury. Even if we grant Belew’s point that members of the American right had periodically risen up against the US government, Reagan’s election was in part an expression – and a vindication – of an explicitly anti-government creed. So why did elements of the paramilitary right turn against the government during his first term?

Part of the answer seems to be that Reagan was simply too little, too late. The most extreme wing of the radical right was already strongly critical of some of his appointments, especially of ‘internationalists’ such as George H.W. Bush, James Baker and Caspar Weinberger. Weinberger was one of the few figures in the administration to show concern about white extremism. Reagan only made matters worse by allying himself with Jewish neoconservatives, who his far-right critics believed controlled the ‘Zionist Occupation Government’. The spectre of the ZOG had emerged in mid-1970s American neo-Nazi literature, which updated the Protocols of the Elders of Zion for a new generation. It was a case of badly dashed expectations: Reagan was surrounding himself with neoconservatives who purported to share the paramilitaries’ anti-communist passion while secretly they were scheming to divert American power to their own cabalistic hyper-capitalism. By elevating the identity-erasing power of the purely rational marketplace they were really instituting a form of communism under a different name.

So from the vantage point of white power, the Reagan ‘revolution’ was anything but. ‘We spent fifty years trying to elect a conservative and what have we got?’ Robert Weems, a former KKK chaplain, asked at a rally of paramilitaries in 1984. The Reagan administration, Weems declared, doesn’t ‘take on the international bankers and the Federal Reserve; they think that’s part of our glorious capitalist heritage … They don’t take on the Zionists at all because they are the Chosen and our Number One ally in the Middle East … [and they won’t] take any stand for the white race and its preservation either.’ The extremism of Weems’s anti-capitalism marks the point where antisemitic white power and the wider anti-communist movement parted ways on questions of principle. But this should not lead us to dismiss the wide areas of common cause between white power fellow-travellers – whom Belew estimates at around 450,000 Americans – and today’s most prominent inheritors of the anti-communist tradition: free-market internationalists, or ‘globalists’, as their enemies call them. The current US president’s appeal to white nativists – the manna raining daily from Twitter – is in this sense hardly contradicted by the fact that he surrounds himself with veterans of Wall Street.

How, then, could white nationalism further its aims in the post-Vietnam era? One possible avenue was through the democratic system. In 1984, the racialist lobbyist Willis Carto founded the Populist Party, which bundled together ideas of racial purity, anti-Jewish conspiracy thinking and concerns about the money supply – in particular any kind of inflationary monetary policy that might benefit the wrong kind of poor people. The party appeared on ballot papers in 14 states, yet Carto’s efforts amounted to little more than a publicity vehicle for figures such as the Klansman David Duke and Green Beret vigilante Bo Gritz. In a bout of white power infighting, the neo-Nazi factions of the white power movement hounded Carto as a swindler of right-wing funds, and a ‘swarthy’ man of questionable racial make-up.

The second seriously considered option was what became known as the Northwest Territorial Imperative, the aim being to consolidate the white race in the already very white Pacific Northwest, where an ‘Aryan homeland’ would be established. The ‘imperative’ appears today merely like an extreme form of gerrymandering. After years of infighting and lost lawsuits, its latter-day incarnation is the Northwest Front, which operates an innocuous-looking website that displays real-estate advice for white patriots and sells the Front’s tricolour flags: ‘The sky is the blue, and the land is the green. The white is for the people in between.’​2

There was, however, a third option for white power activists, originating with Louis Beam and William Pierce, a.k.a. Andrew Macdonald, the movement’s bard. Together they concocted the most influential and enduring of the white power projects. In Essays of a Klansman, published in 1983, Beam advocated an all-out race war. The civil rights battles, he argued, had already been lost. But the best response was not to make a bid for a return to segregation: that was far too moderate an ambition. What was called for instead was white national liberation of the entire US mainland. The real culprit was ‘communist-inspired racial mixing’ and the real enemies were the ‘white racial traitors’ who had allowed it to happen. Beam wanted to redirect the energies of white power against those elements of the federal government which he believed had betrayed its original constitutional mandate to protect the white race.

Beam’s most inspired innovation was his blueprint for ‘leaderless resistance’, a model of guerrilla warfare, borrowed from communist and anti-colonial partisans, in which small cells operate in concert but without knowing the leaders of the other cells, removing any chance of their informing on one another. The move away from bands of local vigilante groups to anonymous, spread-out terror cells marked a major shift in the white power movement – reflecting an understanding that it was no longer operating merely in local contexts. Beam himself, Belew stresses, was an early and ardent adopter of the internet, making use of codeword-accessible message boards, pen pal programs and online advertising to spread the word of white power.

If Beam was known as the ‘general’ of the white power movement, Pierce – who had taught physics at Oregon State – was the ‘strategist’. In 1978 he published The Turner Diaries, a novel that went on to sell half a million copies. The book purports to be the diary of a bygone racist revolutionary who helped to overthrow the US government; the civil war begins when Congress passes the ‘Cohen Act’, banning the use of all firearms. But a small patriotic ‘organisation’ eventually prevails against this tyranny. Blacks in the South are bombed into oblivion with nuclear weapons, the Jews experience another Holocaust and women become a servant class. The US dollar is abolished, the calendar is set back to zero and the federal government goes down in flames when a biplane with a sixty-kiloton warhead flies into the Pentagon.

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 presented more favourable conditions for Beam and Pierce’s fantasies to be put into action. Their views were now echoed in mainstream culture. Pat Robertson’s bestselling The New World Order (1991) claimed to unveil a vast Jewish-capitalist conspiracy, while Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein’s pseudoscience blockbuster, The Bell Curve (1994), laboured to justify America’s racial hierarchy. In 1989, Beam had already put the question to his brethren: ‘Now that the threat of communist takeover in the United States is non-existent, who will be the enemy we all agree to hate?’ Highly publicised stand-offs in the 1990s seemed to confirm that his faction had been right to double down on the federal government as their enemy.​3 At Ruby Ridge, Idaho in 1992, the Vietnam veteran Randy Weaver and his family exchanged fire with federal forces; Weaver’s wife and son were killed in paradigmatic displays of white martyrdom. During the Waco siege of 1993, federal agents stormed the compound of the Branch Davidian religious sect and 76 people were killed. Despite the sect’s lack of connection to the white power movement, the siege became a rallying cause for paramilitary groups that feared state overreach.

One television viewer galvanised by the Waco raid was Timothy McVeigh, then 24 years old. A Gulf War veteran who had seen sustained combat and been exposed in training to the same cyanocarbon tear gas used by ATF agents at Waco, McVeigh was an ideal candidate for Beam’s ‘leaderless resistance’. In 1995, after he bombed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City – until 9/11 the deadliest terrorist attack in US history – he was tried as a ‘lone wolf’ killer, despite his connections with wider paramilitary networks, such as the Michigan Militia and the ‘Viper’ militia of Arizona, and his stash of white power literature (he was a steady consumer of right-wing ‘zines’). In his case, the tactics of leaderless resistance paid off. Instead of hunting down the co-conspirators and publicising the networks, information and material that McVeigh had relied on, the media in general presented him as an isolated psychopath.

But McVeigh should interest us perhaps more for the person he became in prison. By the time of his execution, in 2001, he had begun to sound like a contributor to Counterpunch. Here he was, cogently, in 1998:

If Saddam is such a demon, and people are calling for war crimes charges and trials against him and his nation, why do we not hear the same cry for blood directed at those responsible for even greater amounts of ‘mass destruction’ – like those responsible and involved in dropping bombs on [Iraqi] cities. The truth is, the US has set the standard when it comes to the stockpiling and use of weapons of mass destruction.

The connections between American violence abroad and American violence at home seemed self-evident to McVeigh, but for the majority of Americans even to hint at such connections remains taboo.

Donald Trump has been the most significant beneficiary of the hypocrisy of American foreign policy as described by McVeigh. Before the last presidential election, no other candidate, Bernie Sanders included, was so savage in his reckoning of America’s recent foreign ventures. ‘A complete waste,’ he called the country’s longest war. ‘Our troops are being killed by the Afghanis we train and we waste billions there.’ Nor has any other president in recent memory capitalised more on the humiliation of those who fight in, or traditionally support, America’s wars. Winning for the president pertains to more than trade. Whatever the ultimate fortunes of the combined forces of American reaction, the ‘leaderless resistance’ is likely to continue. It has rarely been clearer that those who cheer on American interventions abroad should be prepared for more ferocious nativist terror at home.

[rielpolitik]

NARCO-POLITIK: 'Lord Of War', John K Singlaub - Criminal Merchant Of Heroin & Terrorism

NARCO-POLITIK: ‘Lord Of War’, John K Singlaub – Criminal Merchant Of Heroin & Terrorism

Source – covertactionmagazine.com “…A decorated hero in WW II, he ran death squad operations in North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in the Cold War; and was fired by Jimmy Carter for challenging civilian authority over the military…his cabal—which included CIA associates Theodore Shackley, Richard Secord, and Thomas Clines—used proceeds from the drug trade going back to the secret war in…

[hiawathab]

Operation Jedburgh Team James. From left: Jacques le Bel de Penguilly, John Singlaub, Anthony Denneau.

[leanpick]

John K. Singlaub, 100, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies

John K. Singlaub, 100, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies

Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, who waged clandestine warfare for the U.S. Army and the C.I.A. from the World War II years to Vietnam, then retired from the military under pressure after repeatedly criticizing President Jimmy Carter’s national security policies, died on Saturday. He was 100. The Special Forces Association chapter in Tampa, Fla., an organization of veterans who had waged covert…