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mariacallous · 23 days

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Accused of working with the Russian security service, Latvian MEP Tatyana Ždanoka mockingly donned sunglasses at a press conference – as if in a spy movie. The accusations won’t be laughed off that easily: Re:Baltica has obtained almost 19,000 of Ždanoka’s e-mails detailing how she served the Kremlin.

It’s been just over 10 years since the early February days when Kyiv’s central square, the Maidan, swarmed with thousands of protesters. Since that previous November, Ukrainians had been urging pro-Kremlin President Viktor Yanukovych to strengthen cooperation with Europe. The protests came to a head at the same time as the self-proclaimed international movement “World Without Nazism” (WWN) arrived in the Ukrainian capital.

The WWN burst into public view at a massive table in the luxurious Government House, where Yanukovych gave his account of what was happening on the Maidan. Guests at the table warned Ukrainians of the “threat of radicalization.” Among them, with dyed red hair, sunken eyes, and a perpetual smile that seemed more like a smirk, sat Latvia’s Tatyana Ždanoka. This performance was aimed at the audiences of pro-Russian Ukrainian and pro-Kremlin television channels.

We at Re:Baltica are familiar with this traveling circus because we investigated it in our 2016 documentary “Masterplan.” The WWN cropped up in places where Russian propaganda about the alleged resurgence of fascism in Europe needed spreading. As a member of the European Parliament (EP), Ždanoka’s presence allowed the Kremlin-controlled media to say that Europe was worried about it, too.

What we did not know at the time was that immediately after the televised meeting Ždanoka corresponded with a person identified by our Russian partners at the independent outlet The Insider as an officer of the Federal Security Service (FSB), Russia’s largely domestic spy agency, which also has a mandate to operate in the post-Soviet space.

“Hello! Do you have any interesting observations after your trip to Kyiv?” wrote one Sergei Krasin to Ždanoka the day after she sat at the table with Yanukovych.

Only that particular Sergei’s surname is not Krasin, but Beltyukov, and he has been working for the FSB since at least 1993.

Ždanoka replied that her feelings were contradictory. Yanukovych is too cunning to read in just an hour and a half of conversation. But he seemed “quite calm, composed and confident. I thought he would be more lost,” wrote Ždanoka. “There is a feeling that he is ready to use force. (…) On the other hand, some observers assume that Yanukovych will sign the agreement with the EU very soon, getting the maximum benefit from all sides.”

Her prediction about Yanukovych’s potential use of force came true. With the Ukrainian president’s permission, special forces and snipers killed more than 100 civilians on the Maidan. When not even lethal violence proved capable of driving the protesters from the square, Yanukovych fled to Russia. Ultimately the agreement with the EU was signed by Ukraine’s new President, Petro Poroshenko, who was elected in May 2014 after parliament voted 328-0 to relieve the departed Yanukovych of his authority.

At the end of the email Ždanoka sent from revolutionary Kyiv to FSB officer Sergei, she wrote that she had also walked around the Maidan. What happened there seemed to her to be “a mixture of drama, horror film, and comedy.”

Ždanoka corresponded with Beltyukov from 2013 until 2017, according to the almost 19,000 emails sent by Ždanoka that Re:Baltica obtained. And he was not her only FSB contact. Re:Baltica has already written about another – an old acquaintance of hers, Dmitry Gladey.

Ždanoka denies cooperating with the FSB. She answered questions sent to her on a live YouTube stream but said little about the substance of the queries. She calls the leaked emails fake and speculates that it is actually the author of this article who is, in fact, working for the Russian security services.

See you at the Shokoladnitsa

Ždanoka’s letters to Beltyukov are short. The tone is businesslike. Both largely used email to arrange meetings, preferring to discuss substantive issues in person. The FSB officer regularly congratulated Ždanoka on New Year’s and her birthday. When she arrived in St Petersburg, Beltyukov met her at the airport. He did not forget to flatter her.

In one letter, he praised Ždanoka for appearing on Kremlin TV channels: “What you are doing is very important in the current situation.” Ždanoka replied with formal gracefulness: “Thank you for your kind words.”

Ždanoka usually combined meetings in Moscow with television appearances, while Beltyukov came on business. One place they met was a café called “Shokoladnitsa” in the center of Moscow, near the FSB headquarters. Ždanoka seemed to feel at home in Moscow. In exchange for participating in propagandist Vladimir Solovyov’s television programs, she was given a car for the day, and an acquaintance booked an appointment for her at a hairdresser.

Ždanoka and her handler were visibly working to help one another. Ždanoka had information and could organize events that Beltyukov wanted to see take place. He, in turn, could help her with contacts — and money.

In one email, Ždanoka begins with an apology: “Sergei, I couldn’t get a reply. Tomorrow my assistant Andrey Tolmachov will contact by the phone number you gave me.”

Russia needs exhibitions in Brussels

The busiest period of exchanges between the MEP and the FSB officer came in 2014, when Russia annexed Crimea and started its conflict in the eastern Ukrainian Donbas region. These events would culminate in the full-scale Russian invasion almost a decade later.

In late summer 2014, Beltyukov asked whether Ždanoka “could organize an event on a European platform (for example, a photo exhibition) with documentary evidence of war crimes in south-eastern Ukraine. If you have such an idea, I am ready to join you.”

“Of course, Sergei, it is possible,” replied Ždanoka. “Thank you for your offer to help. But how can I find out more about your assistance?” The question seems to be about money.

At that time, Ždanoka was preparing to hold a hearing at the European Parliament on tragedy in Odesa. In May 2014, a building in which pro-Russian protestors had barricaded themselves caught fire as demonstrators from the pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian sides fought. As a result, 42 people were killed, and more than 200 injured. The event in Odesa is one of the central themes of Kremlin propaganda that calls Ukrainians fascists.

“The date is linked to the events in Odesa, but we will try to draw attention to current events in south-east Ukraine,” Ždanoka assured Beltyukov.

She continued to organize events dedicated to the Odesa tragedy for several years afterwards.

At the end of 2014, Beltyukov wrote, “You may soon be contacted by D.G. There is an opportunity to apply for a grant offered through St Petersburg State University. At first glance, the idea seems interesting.”

Ždanoka replied that D.G. has already called her and added, “I look forward to meeting our mutual acquaintance in Riga.”

Protest provocations in Riga

D.G. is most likely Dmitry Gladey. Ždanoka previously told Re:Baltica that he is an old friend with whom she took skiing lessons in the Caucasus in the 1970s back when they were students. They continued to meet in St Petersburg, where Gladey and his wife lived, and also in Riga when Gladey’s daughter married a Latvian man.

Recently, The Insider revealed that Gladey was a member of the FSB’s Fifth Service, the group tasked in 2004 with countering the “color revolutions” in Russia’s neighboring countries. Service’s last known task was to destabilize the situation in Ukraine.

Re:Baltica has obtained correspondence between the two from 2005 to 2013, and the exchanges do not sound like normal chatting between friends. Ždanoka reported to Gladey about events she has organized, who has been invited, trips she has made, and what she has observed.

One example comes from March 16 which Latvian nationalists celebrate as remembrance day for legionnaires who were recruited by Nazi Germany to fight against the Soviet Union during World War II. During their annual march to lay flowers at Freedom monument in Latvia’s capital, pro-Russian activists who call themselves “anti-fascists“ always try to stage a protest.

It appears that in 2005 Ždanoka herself organized provocations at these events in order to “prove“ to her colleagues in Europe that Latvia still harbored Nazi sympathies. That year “anti-fascists” dressed up as Jewish concentration camp inmates with yellow stars on their chests were in attendance, providing material for Russia’s TV channels.

Her FSB handler’s questions indicate that was aware of the plans before the protest took place: organize the confrontations, photograph them, and send news to her colleagues in the European Parliament with the message that Nazis marched in Latvia’s capital.

“I hope you managed to get some rest? I look forward to the promised updates on the March 16th article – the text of your statement, the reactions of MEPs, and the consequences,” he wrote afterwards.

“We had a good rest, but also had an adventure,” replied Ždanoka. “I’m sending the text and accompanying photos. The first short text explaining the photo was sent on March 16th to the Greens (53 people) in my group. A longer text was sent on March 17th to the same Greens and another group on minority issues (42 people). We will get the full reaction of MEPs next week.” (Ždanoka, until April 2022, was a member of the Greens/European Free Alliance group.)

The letter was accompanied by photographs from the march which showed Ždanokas’ costumed supporters being detained by the police. Another picture showed swastika-adorned posters littering the ground. Only one photo shows the Legionnaires – old men standing calmly with flowers in their hands.

Ždanoka also forwarded Gladey a statement she had sent to her European Parliament colleagues. In it, “the MEP expresses her outrage” at the violence used by the police “against anti-fascist protesters.” The attachments also included a reaction from other Latvian MEPs calling Ždanoka’s release a “masterpiece of demagoguery.”

Wars of Influence in the East

In September 2013, Moldova, one of the poorest countries in Eastern Europe, received a severe economic blow when Russia banned the import of its wines, allegedly over insufficient quality control. In reality, Russia was using economic pressure to prevent the signing of a cooperation agreement between Moldova and the EU at the Eastern European Partnership Summit in Vilnius a month later.

The context for these developments dates back to 2009, when the EU established the Eastern Partnership (EaP) to bring the countries on its eastern border out of Russia’s orbit. Moscow used available arsenal – trade restrictions, withholding natural gas supplies, information warfare – to prevent this.

As MEP, Ždanoka regularly traveled to the EaP countries and reported her observations to Gladey. This means that Russia effectively had eyes and ears in multiple important European meetings, particularly those that concerned the potential Western accession of countries close to the Kremlin’s heart.

Back in the summer of 2010, Ždanoka first sent Gladey a program of the visit of deputies from potential EaP countries to Brussels. Later she reported back on who is ready to start the program without Russia’s ally Belarus.

“I checked my notes. Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan strongly favor full Belarusian membership, while Ukraine and Moldova are ready to accept the “compromises” offered by the European Parliament. (…) But all of them are apparently not opposed to starting work without Belarus.”

A few months later, she and other MEPs went to Moldova. In the report to Gladey, she summarized who was present, what was said, and the relationship between politicians there.

Ždanoka mentioned that a lunch was planned with then-President Mihai Ghimpu, who did not turn up due to illness. The president was represented by a deputy with a “thinly disguised dislike” for Ghimpu. “He joked that his illness was a consequence of the wine festival at the weekend.”

In 2012, Ždanoka traveled to Azerbaijan. Before such visits, MEPs are provided with thick folders containing analysis of the country’s economy and politics, CVs of senior officials, information on support from international funds, and briefings on key issues such as the oppression of youth protests. Ždanoka forwarded the nearly 70-page report to Gladey. These documents were not confidential, but nor were they meant for the general public.

And then came the climax.

At the Vilnius in November 2013, the EU planned to sign cooperation agreements with several countries, and Russia was increasing the pressure. Wine imports from Moldova and chocolate from Ukraine had been banned. Russia threatened to cut off gas supplies, a serious concern given the approaching winter.

The MEPs agreed to adopt a resolution condemning Russia’s pressure. Ždanoka sent this, too, to the FSB officer.

“In the meantime, I am sending the draft resolution prepared by the Greens. I can’t access the other groups’ drafts, but you can get an idea from this one. Tomorrow, a compromise will be discussed and agreed upon with several groups. The debate will take place on Wednesday, and the vote on Thursday. T.Ž.”

Two days later, she sent the final version of the resolution and the text of her speech to Gladey. In it, she acknowledged that Russia was exerting pressure, but pointed to the EU’s alleged duplicity: Moldova would no longer be able to export wine to Russia, but the EU offered no alternative market. She used Latvia as an example, saying that it had joined the EU, but “the marriage was not equal.”

In essence, Ždanoka echoed the message that the Kremlin has been spreading in the Baltics for years: the EU is treating you unjustly, and if you stay with Russia, your country will be better off.

“I am shocked,” German MEP Rebecca Harms, then leader of Ždanoka’s EP group, told Re:Baltica after hearing about the emails.

“It makes clear that she had not only ‘another opinion’ on Russia-related issues (some in my group always accused me of suffering from Russophobia and from a lack of tolerance for different opinions) but was really [an] informant. I really regret that I was not strong enough to organize a majority to expel her from the Green group.“

Complaining about Russian diplomats

Ždanoka didn’t just report on live events. She also offered helpful advice to her Russian friends on how they could be more effective.

In a 2009 email, Ždanoka sent an FSB officer “an analysis of the errors in the work of some structures that affect Russia’s image abroad.”

She pointed out that Russian diplomats abroad are ill-prepared to work with the media and are easily “outflanked” by their Baltic and Georgian colleagues, who are “young, dynamic (…) trained in the West and fluent in foreign languages.”

She noted that this dynamic was clearly visible during Estonia’s 2007 “Bronze Soldier” event. Then Tallinn’s removal of a Soviet WWII monument was met with Russian-inspired riots and Kremlin-executed cyber attacks. Another example was in connection with the Russia-Georgia war of 2008, when Moscow’s diplomatic chicanery proved incapable of convincing the wider world that Russia was anything other than the aggressor.

Ždanoka, in her written analysis, was also critical of Russian officials who treat foreign trips as tourism and compensate for their lack of arguments in discussions with an “arrogant attitude”: “Russia has gas and oil, so you have to respect us.”

Finally, she proposed the creation of a special ministry to promote Russia’s image abroad, taking the example of the “Latvian Institute,” which is mainly staffed by Latvians with foreign roots. They know how to talk to foreigners, she wrote. At the same time, Ždanoka lobbied for her own activities and mentioned that personnel for the proposed the new ministry could be recruited at the European Russian Forum she was organizing.

A highlight event: European Russian Forum

For several years, the European Russian Forum (ERF) was Ždanoka’s most important event in Brussels. She booked the venue in the EP building almost six months in advance and took on the role of hostess, with important Russian officials sitting at her side. Among the Forum’s founding members were representatives from the Moscow Mayor’s Office, the Russian Orthodox Church, and Ždanoka’s political group in the EP. Funders included the Russian Foreign Ministry and the Russkiy Mir (Russian World – ed.) foundation.

The forum, along with a series of discussions and exhibitions, allowed Ždanoka to bring a number of questionable people into the EP building: Russian politicians, some of whom are currently on sanctions lists; agents of influence who have subsequently been tried for espionage; and even some with links to the security services.

Through these soft power activities, Ždanoka helped whitewash Russia in the minds of some MEPs while creating content for Kremlin TV channels. The main message was that the EU cannot do without Russia and must make friends.

“What is typical of her and a number of other MPs who work in that pro-Russian style is that the Moscow media exploits it. It is all filmed,” said MEP Sandra Kalniete from Latvia.

However, she and other current and former MEPs interviewed by Re:Baltica believe that Ždanokas’ political influence in EP was marginal.

“Expanding the European Russian Forum was the key,” says another long-term Latvian MEP Roberts Zīle. “To bring the concept of the Russian world to the West.”

Not moving to Russia

After her election to the EP, Ždanoka started actively renovating her family home in Valdai, Russia, a popular holiday destination. The photos show how the sad-looking one-story house with an attic slowly came to life with new, dark green wooden walls and white window frames. Ždanoka sent the builders a kitchen plan and decided where to put the appliances. It is not clear from the emails whether anyone lives there, but it is implied that relatives live nearby.

Ždanoka will no longer be part of the new EP, as the Latvian parliament passed a law preventing her from standing because of her communist past. She has served 20 years in the EP.

After Re:Baltica and its partners published information about her cooperation with Russian special services in January of this year, Latvia’s security service (VDD) initiated a probe but declined to comment on the findings for this article. The European Parliament’s inquiry resulted in a fine of €1,750 and a ban on representing the EP in foreign visits and other events. Ždanoka claims it was a punishment for mistakes in official declaration.

In her YouTube address devoted to Re:Baltica’s questions to her, Ždanoka showed colorful brochures listing the participants of events she has organized. According to her, it had all been transparent. The Russian Foreign Ministry is listed as one of the co-financiers of the events. The rest, like her trips to Russian-backed Syria and Russian-occupied Crimea, was covered by the European Parliament – that is, the taxpayers of the European Union.

Ždanoka also called herself “an agent of peace”.

Asked by Re:Baltica whether she intends to move to Russia after her career is over, she snapped: “I am not going to move to Russia. Where you were born, there you are useful. I was born in Riga.”

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tomorrowusa · 5 months

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Thanks to House Republicans under orders from Putin's puppet Donald Trump, Ukrainian forces are being starved of ammunition. Despite that, they are still outfighting Russian invaders in the east of the country.

Putin is desperately sending mass waves of cannon fodder dubbed "meat waves" against better trained Ukrainians.

Russia's 'meat wave' assaults leave frozen corpses uncollected as Russian soldiers 'just go and die,' Ukrainian sniper says

Russia's "meat assault" tactics on a key battlefield are leaving frozen bodies that Russia isn't collecting, a Ukrainian sniper said. The sniper, a special forces officer with the call sign "Bess," told CNN that the dead soldiers "just lie there frozen." "Nobody evacuates them, nobody takes them away," he said. "It feels like people don't have a specific task, they just go and die." Bess, which means "demon" in Ukrainian, spoke to CNN from Avdiivka, a town in eastern Ukraine that for months has been the scene of some of the most intense fighting in the war. The tactic deployed by Russia involves sending wave after wave of generally poorly trained and unsupported soldiers at Ukrainian positions, to try to overwhelm them so that other troops can then progress. The tactic, which experts say has been used frequently in the war, is one that Russian elite soldiers — paratroopers and marines — have recently been refusing to take part in, a Ukrainian official said.

Putin is a sociopath who has as little regard for Russian lives as he does for Ukrainians. In the past ten days, estimated daily Russian fatalities have ranged from a low of 740 to a high of 1,070. At that rate, cumulative Russian fatalities could reach 400,000 as soon as Valentine's Day.

To Putin the war is just a board game with lots of blood.

The next time there's a mutiny in Russia, I hope its leaders don't foolishly back down like the late Yevgeny Prigozhin did. Giving Putin a break will only result in them ending up like Prigozhin.

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stealth-skills · 1 year

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A scout-sniper of the SSO with the Reconnaissance optical-electronic complex "Ironia-M". - (SVO zone) Russian-Ukrainian War, 2023

The reconnaissance optical-electronic complex "Ironiya-M" entered the special forces of Russia in 2015. The multifunctional optical-electronic complex is designed to search for the enemy and conduct surveillance of the area. The main element of the complex is an optical-electronic device weighing about 3.2 kg. The complex is equipped with a video camera, a thermal imager and a laser rangefinder. The signal from all optical devices is transmitted to a miniature monitor installed in the eyepiece. The Ironia-M complex allows you to detect equipment at a distance of up to 7 km, a thermal imager can detect a person at distances of up to 2.5 km. The Ironia complex can transmit photographs or a video signal over a closed radio channel at a distance of up to 10 km. The calculation of the observation complex consists of two people, the second person is a computer operator. S: Soldier30

#scout #stealth-and-roofs #stealth and roofs #urban sniper #Z #O #V #security #Counter-Sniping #Antisnajperska

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usafphantom2 · 10 months

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Russian Su-30SM2 combat jet with updated engine makes its debut in ARMY-2023

Fernando Valduga By Fernando Valduga 21/08/2023 - 20:01in Military

The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) showed for the first time an updated Sukhoi Su-30SM2 aircraft with the AL-41F-1S engine derived from the more powerful Su-35 and the Su-57 stealth jet.

"Within the structure of ARMY 2023 ......... in Kubinka, the recently modernized Su-30SM2 multipurpose combat jet designed to achieve air supremacy, patrol state borders, intercept air targets and carry out air attacks on ground targets is presented to the general public for the first time," the Ministry of Defense said in an official statement. "One of the characteristics of the modernized aircraft is

The Su-30SM2 updated with the new engine should be of great interest to existing Su-30 operators, such as India, Algeria, Malaysia and Vietnam, who will benefit from upgrading their existing Su-30 fleet with greater engine power.

The inclusion of the more powerful AL-41F-1S engine (over the previous AL-31F engine) in the Su-30 will allow the transport of heavy missiles, such as the Brahaos and other air-to-ground weapons.

Previously, the manufacturer of the Su-30SM2, United Aircraft Corporation, had said when announcing the delivery of a batch of Su-30SM2 fighters to the Russian Aerospace Forces: “New machines receive improved radio-electronic equipment on board, as a result of which the range of detection and identification of air targets has increased. New high-precision weapons to destroy air, land and sea targets at a distance of several hundred kilometers have been introduced in the armament of fighters."

Tags: Military AviationRussiaSu-30SM

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Fernando Valduga

Aviation photographer and pilot since 1992, has participated in several events and air operations, such as Cruzex, AirVenture, Daytona Airshow and FIDAE. He has works published in specialized aviation magazines in Brazil and abroad. Uses Canon equipment during his photographic work around the world of aviation.

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eternal3d2d · 17 days

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portfolioleticiasepulveda · 2 months

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Ukrainian Joan of Arc: Businesswoman leaves jewellery store to fight as a sniper

Emerald Evgeniya returned to wear Army uniform after 12 years to fight against the Russians, and is the only woman among 100 men in the special forces troop

Article published in March 16th, 2022

Translated from Portuguese to English

R7 PORTAL - Journalistic scoop

https://noticias.r7.com/internacional/joana-darc-ucraniana-empresaria-abandona-loja-de-joias-para-lutar-na-guerra-como-sniper-27062022/

Emerald Evgeniya holds weapon after returning to the Ukrainian Army

Before the Russian invasion in Ukraine, Emerald Evgeniya had a quiet life with her daughter

in Kiev, where she used to run her own jewellery store. The Ukrainian decided 12 years ago to leave the Army to become a “businesswoman”, as she likes to say.

“As soon as the war started, I quit my career and went back to the Army. Now, I work for the Special Forces intelligence and serve as a sniper. I’m the only woman among a hundred soldiers,” she says.

A sniper has a great responsibility on the battlefield and undergoes intense training to reach the rank. The weapon used by the soldier allows hitting targets very far away. Hitting an enemy with a lower risk of being counterattacked is one of the perks.

“I fight because it is my duty and I believe in Ukraine's great future. I feel like I have been preparing for this situation all my life. Also, I get support, people call me the Ukrainian Joan of Arc.”

Emerald is among thousands of soldiers trying to protect Ukraine as long as they face Russian Armed Forces. The Ukrainian population helps as much as they can, and even resorts to using mediaeval weapons to contain enemy tanks. Caltrops are made with sharp iron spikes and are scattered around Kiev.

Men and women with little or no experience volunteer to receive training and equipment to face the Russians. Currently, anyone who wants to serve must be between 18 and 60 years old and have an Ukrainian passport.

Emerald says the most difficult moment of the war was when she finally came across the Russian Army. “I started shooting again and realised I was face to face with one of their soldiers. This happened on the second day of combat, I was scared, but now I understand that this is my reality.”

The business woman’s life has changed radically in the last 21 days, in the same way for millions of Ukrainians. “I used to have a life of luxury, today I only live with my military uniform, mobile phone, two pairs of socks and a pair of shoes. I have also made donations to many people who lost their homes. I think after the war, if I survive, I can earn that money back with my work.”

Emerald during military training

Since the Russian invasion, more than 3 million people have left Ukraine, according to the UN-linked International Organization for Migration (IOM). Around 1.4 million are children, and among them is Jasmine, 10, Emerald’s daughter. When the war started, the little girl was sent to Poland.

“I’m in the Army because I want my daughter to live in a free country. I won’t leave until we win this war. I want peace and freedom for my family and for all Ukrainians,” explains Emerald.

Emerald and her daughter Jasmine

As the bombings advance and the soldiers try to prevent the capital, Kiev, representatives of the two countries are trying to reach an agreement. This Tuesday (15), Mykhailo Podoliak, negotiator and adviser to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, and Vladimir Medinsky, adviser to the Kremlin, resumed the fourth round of negotiations.

On the other hand, NATO members are spreading sanctions to increasingly isolate Russia. The sniper, however, believes that the way to contain the Russian advance would be the closure of Ukrainian airspace, which Zelenskiy has long requested. “We are strong in terrestrial space, but we are not safe in the sky.”

“I won’t leave until we win this war, and I believe Ukraine will be victorious,” added Emerald.

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jcmarchi · 3 months

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Ukrainian Archer Howitzer Showed What Counter Battery Fire Looks Like - Technology Org

New Post has been published on https://thedigitalinsider.com/ukrainian-archer-howitzer-showed-what-counter-battery-fire-looks-like-technology-org/

Ukrainian Archer Howitzer Showed What Counter Battery Fire Looks Like - Technology Org

The defenders of Ukraine showed how they eliminated three Russian 152 mm D-20 howitzers near Kupyansk using the Swedish Archer self-propelled 155 mm howitzer. This system can fire three shots in 25 seconds, which means that the Russians don’t even have a chance to fire back. In fact, the Archer Artillery System is probably the perfect counter battery tool.

The Archer Artillery System is perfect for counter battery fire because it is very quick. Image credit: Stridsvagn122 via Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Even if the Russian counter-battery radars recorded the position of the Ukrainian Archer howitzer, after just one minute Archer was no longer there. That is why Ukrainians highly praise the Swedish self-propelled howitzer and consider it the best in the world. The defenders of Ukraine refer to the Archer as a sniper howitzer.

Here’s how the Archer dealt with three Russian 152 mm D-20 howitzers near Kupyansk in Kharkiv region:

Swedish Archer destroys three Russian 152mm D-20 howitzers in the Kupiansk area pic.twitter.com/FNnM7apTrV

— PS01 (@PStyle0ne1) March 9, 2024

The Archer is a highly automated howitzer. It requires a small crew of just 3-4 soldiers, who are protected in its armoured cabin. It has a quick automatic loader that allows firing up to eight shots per minute in a rapid fire mode.

The Archer howitzer normally carries 21 rounds in its internal compartment and can fire them in just 2.5 minutes. The Archer can also fire the M982 Excalibur extended range smart projectile, which uses a rocket booster to travel up to 60 km and is extremely accurate. Normal rounds reach targets up to 31 km away.

The Archer Artillery System is a very rare self-propelled howitzer and the defenders of Ukraine are very happy to receive as many as 8 of them. It needs to be said though that at least one Archer howitzer is confirmed as lost in action. That is just a reality of war and the defenders of Ukraine hope to take advantage of the remaining systems to the fullest. Especially because the Archer is well-designed for counter-battery strike purposes.

Archer artillery system is incredibly fast and works well in counter-battery operations. Image credit: Ibaril via Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Artillery rounds are much different from most missile or rocket strikes. Artillery projectiles follow something that is called a ballistic trajectory. This means that the projectile is kicked up and away by a blast of expanding gases and follows down in an unpowered flight. This means that artillery projectiles follow a tall parabola trajectory.

If at least part of that trajectory can be recorded and analyzed, finding out the exact location of the artillery system is very easy. In fact, special counter-battery radars are being used for this exact purpose and they make short work from pinpointing the location of the active artillery forces. And once the location of the attacking artillery systems is known, counter-battery fire can be arranged. That’s where the Archer shines.

Speed is very important in counter-battery fire, because the location of artillery can quickly change. The Archer is based on a large all-terrain articulated hauler and arrives speedily. In just a minute it is ready to fire. It can fire three shots, hit three targets and leave before the first round reaches its target. This means that Russians cannot fire back even if they have some sort of counter-battery radar in the area.

Written by Povilas M.

Sources: Tech.wp.pl, Wikipedia

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