#ECOWAS court

[legalattorneyblog]

Federal High Court Orders CBN to Pay German ₦63.7m, $10,000 for Unlawful Detention.

An absolute garnishee order is a court directive that requires a third party, typically a financial institution, to release funds held on behalf of a judgment debtor to satisfy a judgment debt owed to a judgment creditor. In the context of legal proceedings, it serves as a means of enforcing a court judgment by compelling the garnishee (the third party holding the funds) to pay the specified…

[accuratenewsng]

#EndSARS: ECOWAS Court Finds FG Guilty Of Rights’ Violations

The Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS, has ruled that the Federal Republic of Nigeria violated the human rights of Obianuju Udeh and two others. The court found Nigeria in breach of Articles 1, 4, 6, 9, 10, and 11 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, specifically on the right to life, security of person, freedom of expression, assembly and association, prohibition of torture, the…

[zvaigzdelasas]

Senegal’s president, Macky Sall, has announced the indefinite postponement of a presidential election scheduled for 25 February a few hours before official campaigning was due to start, provoking anger from opposition figures and a ministerial resignation.

In an address to the nation on Saturday, Sall said he had postponed the vote that would have decided his successor because of a dispute between the national assembly and constitutional court over the rejection of candidates.

Lawmakers are investigating two constitutional council judges whose integrity in the election process has been questioned.[...]

This is the first time a Senegalese presidential election has been postponed and adds to growing political tension.

The west African bloc Ecowas expressed “concern over the circumstances that have led to the postponement of the elections”, calling for dialogue and an expedited process to set a new date.

The US state department also urged Senegal to “swiftly” set a date for a “timely, free and fair election”.[...]

One opposition leader, Thierno Alassane Sall, denounced what he called “high treason towards the Republic” and called on “patriots and republicans” to oppose it.

3 Feb 24

[workersolidarity]

🇳🇪🇪🇺 Ousted President of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum has filed a lawsuit, appealing to the Court of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to free him from "arbitrary arrest", accusing the coup government of Niger of violating his "freedom of movement."

President Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown in a military coup on July 26th and has been detained with his wife and child since.

The lawsuit was filed with the ECOWAS bloc's Court based in Abuja, the Nigerian Capital, on Sept 18th according to his Senegalese lawyer, Seydou Diagne.

"We request... in view of the violation of political Rights, that the State of Niger be ordered to immediately restore Constitutional order by handing over power to President Bazoum, who must continue to exercise it until the end of his mandate."

Since the coup succeeded in July, ECOWAS has imposed Sanctions against Niger and has warned the coup leaders that it could intervene militarily if President Bazoum is not restored to power and if all diplomatic manipulations fail.

The Niger coup took place in the context of a wave of anti-colonial sentiment that has led to anti-government protests and a series of military coups that saw the region's former Colonial masters (mainly the French) losing their power over West African States it has exploited for centuries.

Just since 2020, there have been 6 coups in former French Colonies. This includes: Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea, Mali and Sudan.

[mariacallous]

As former Senegalese President Macky Sall slyly tried to indefinitely postpone presidential elections in February this year, all eyes turned to the West African regional bloc—the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)—to see whether it would react to this clear flouting of democratic rules. Unsurprisingly, to many observers who had grown accustomed to ECOWAS’s behavior in the face of such democratic failures, it responded weakly. It did not pledge sanctions or restrictions on Sall but simply encouraged the announcement of a new election date.

Nonetheless, Sall was prevented from postponing the poll by Senegal’s own constitutional court, which showed more strength than ECOWAS has done in years and said it was imperative that the election take place before the end of Sall’s mandate on April 2.

Opposition candidate Bassirou Diomaye Faye, only released from prison days beforehand, emerged victorious in the first round. Sall left office disgraced: Not only did he fail to facilitate an election win for his chosen successor, but he will also be remembered more for threatening to undermine Senegalese democracy than for any of the vast infrastructure projects and development that he presided over during his 12 years in office.

However, while Sall is the clear loser, the democratic win for Senegal may provide a welcome boost to the increasingly inept ECOWAS. The defense of democracy in Senegal could make it easier to uphold such norms elsewhere in West Africa, reviving hopes that democracy can be maintained and remains relevant across a region that has witnessed multiple coups and coup attempts since the start of 2020.

While not exactly demonstrating ECOWAS’s capacity for good, the case of Senegal at least reaffirms that there are countries in West Africa that agree with the basic norms that ECOWAS claims to stand for, including the sanctity of democracy.

Sall’s election gambit was not the first attempt at a constitutional coup in West Africa, though it was perhaps one of the least successful. Recent events in Togo have threatened democracy in the region—and ECOWAS’s credibility—even more.

In 2019, Togo passed constitutional amendments to allow President Faure Gnassingbé to reset his electoral eligibility and stand for an additional two terms. Then, this March, his government passed a new constitution that shifts Togo from a presidential to a parliamentary system and cements the Gnassingbé family’s authority over the country. The new constitution was introduced in the lead-up to legislative elections, which clearly violates ECOWAS’s Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. Article 2.1 of this document stipulates that “[n]o substantial modification shall be made to the electoral laws in the last six (6) months before the elections.”

But Togo’s new constitution eliminates universal suffrage for the presidential elections and removes term limits, allowing Gnassingbé, who will now take on the role of the president of the Council of Ministers—a role similar to that of a prime minister—to retain power indefinitely. Despite manipulating the law to effectively make Gnassingbé into a lifelong monarch of Togo, ECOWAS’s reaction has been almost entirely muted.

Neighboring countries have also fallen from grace. Benin’s opposition parties were effectively excluded from legislative polls in 2019 following the passage of strict eligibility laws and a boycott, and in its 2021 presidential election, several of the leading candidates were excluded from the race and sentenced to lengthy jail terms. (Opposition parties did participate in the following legislative election in 2023, but the ruling coalition won and retained power.)

In 2020, Guinean President Alpha Condé, who had already served two terms, amended the constitution to reset term limits. He was later reelected for another six-year term in an election marred by violence and irregularities.

The same year, in Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara reneged on a plan not to stand for an unconstitutional third term after his chosen successor died. His third-term bid, much like Condé’s, was accompanied with widespread violence and unrest, though he did eventually win amid an opposition boycott.

The international and regional reaction to these political machinations and rewriting of constitutions has been minimal over the years. Condé’s reelection in 2020 was barely remarked upon by ECOWAS, and Ouattara has been one of the darlings of the bloc and the West since the start of his third term. A real attempt to crack down on abuses of democratic power has been conspicuously absent.

ECOWAS’s failure to do more is likely in part due to its awkward approach to democracy. The bloc is underpinned by the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, adopted in 2001, which includes a mechanism for responding to undemocratic changes of power and requires democratic governance, elections, neutrality of the judiciary, and impartiality of the security forces in member states.

However, once leaders have held elections and can show that they have been chosen as president via the ballot box—however flawed that process may have been—the stringent stipulations of the protocol often go out the window. As such, a leader who undertakes a constitutional amendment or forces the judiciary’s hand to remain in office, or even one who seizes power by force, may subsequently be treated as a democratically mandated leader if he or she wins an election.

The bloc’s rapid reversal in its approach to leaders violating democratic norms once they have held elections is noteworthy. Togo’s Gnassingbé was elected as ECOWAS’s chairperson in 2017 despite presiding over a quasi-coup in 2005, sparking widespread riots and leading to the deaths of nearly 1,000 people. ECOWAS did sanction Togo during this time, but less than a year later, it declared that an election that allowed Gnassingbé to retain his power was free and fair. And there has been a deafening silence from ECOWAS amid the recent outcry that Togo has now become that same leader’s dynasty.

This inaction in the face of constitutional coups stands in stark contrast to ECOWAS’s immediate fierce condemnation of military coups in West Africa in recent years. Coups in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Guinea all saw ECOWAS impose sanctions and call for electoral timetables to be introduced, and the bloc even toyed with the idea of a military intervention in Niger. While these actions have largely been ineffectual, at least ECOWAS appeared interested in doing something to counteract such coups.

But ECOWAS’s task in dealing with military coups was made much harder by its woeful inaction in the face of constitutional coups, which pervaded the region in the preceding decades. This inertia has had an enormous impact on civilians in West Africa. Amid decades of flawed elections that have brought little more than bloodshed and quasi-authoritarian rule, confidence that democracy will enable populations to achieve change has diminished, almost by default creating an attraction to military rule.

Afrobarometer data from 36 countries surveyed in 2021 and 2022 shows that although two-thirds of Africans preferred democracy over any other form of government, only 38 percent of respondents were satisfied with the way that democracy functions in their country.

For example, the military coup in Guinea in 2021 was greeted with widespread celebrations even though it took place less than a year after Condé had won an unconstitutional third term. Residents had lost faith in the ability of their institutions to protect them from autocrats, so they required change by other means.

Of course, this constitutional-coup-followed-by-military-coup blueprint has not occurred everywhere. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger did not experience such a succession of events.

Yet, it is highly likely that the military leadership in these countries, as elsewhere, noted the lack of reaction to the weakening of democratic authority in the region. The failure of ECOWAS to do much to prevent constitutional coups and flagrant violations of democratic norms sent a message reverberating across the region that democracy was there to be challenged.

Not only were democratic norms being eroded—so too was the legitimacy of ECOWAS. Leaders could clearly see that the bloc would have no ground to stand on if it opposed a coup that was widely popular in Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali, or Guinea after having failed to crack down on incredibly unpopular efforts by supposedly democratically elected presidents to cling on to power in Guinea, Benin, and Togo.

Sure, ECOWAS has imposed sanctions and spoken out against military coups—but it has, as the coup leaders likely suspected, proven itself incapable of effectively standing up to any of these military regimes. Efforts to convince the ruling juntas of Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, or Niger to adhere to a transitional timetable and hold elections have been ineffectual at best, often proving downright embarrassing.

Coup leaders have periodically agreed to dates for elections only to rapidly renege and offer pathetic excuses for doing so. Burkina Faso’s junta recently extended military rule for at least another five years, while Mali is reportedly also discussing such a move despite ECOWAS lifting sanctions earlier this year in a misguided, clearly desperate effort to convince the country’s military leaders to return to the democratic fold.

These failings occurred likely at least in part because democratic norms had been eroded and weakened by ECOWAS’s inaction long before the string of military coups took place. Thus, where the bloc was already weakened by its apathy surrounding constitutional coups in the 2000s and 2010s, it has been thoroughly delegitimized by the spate of military coups of the 2020s. Increasingly, it seems that it has no might at all to stand up to any violation of its regulations in the region.

In August 2023, in a last-ditch effort to save itself, the bloc announced plans to launch an invasion of Niger to uphold democracy there after President Mohamed Bazoum was ousted. But the plan ultimately came to nothing, as Mali and Burkina Faso threw their weight behind the coup leaders in Niger, and the intervention force seemed to have little support in the wider region or in Niger itself.

As if to rub salt in the wound, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger announced in early 2024 that they would leave the bloc entirely, establishing the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) instead.

By then, the regional bloc seemed to be coming to the end of the road.

Faye’s election in Senegal may just provide a lifeline to ECOWAS. His arrival in power and the reinforcement of the country’s democratic cycle, though not remotely a result of ECOWAS assistance, will likely serve to boost democratic norms in the region once more. While ECOWAS may not be any stronger, this could make its job marginally easier.

Faye’s widespread popularity and his desire to encourage Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to rejoin ECOWAS will also boost its reputation.

Yet ECOWAS’s long-term survival will hinge on its ability to learn from its failures. It will need to reconcile itself with the fact that it now encompasses a region where nearly one-third of its members are led by unelected juntas, and at least 1 in 5 member states are trying to withdraw. But mostly, the bloc will need to recognize that its willingness to acquiesce to democratic abuses and constitutional coups since the early 2010s has significantly contributed to the mess in which it now finds itself.

ECOWAS will need more than one firebrand democrat in Senegal to fix such deep-seated problems. Its ability to stand up to Gnassingbé—and potentially also Ouattara, who looks increasingly likely to seek an unconstitutional fourth term in 2025—will be crucial tests of its willingness to reform itself and face up to its responsibilities in West Africa.

[humanrightsupdates]

Nigeria: Amnesty International and others demand justice for victims of enforced disappearances in Northeast

Responding to the Nigerian government’s receipt of our application filed with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court of Justice to demand justice for cases of enforced disappearances recorded in the Northeast of Nigeria, Isa Sanusi, Amnesty International Nigeria Director said:

“By allowing the military to carry out thousands of enforced disappearances in the country’s Northeast and subsequently failing to genuinely and effectively investigate and prosecute those responsible, the Nigerian government has violated its international and regional human rights obligations and has failed victims.

“The ECOWAS Court represents one of the few remaining avenues for accountability and justice for victims of enforced disappearances in Northeast Nigeria and their families, who deserve to know the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones. The ECOWAS court can help bring about justice by clearly calling out as human rights violations the failure of the Nigerian authorities to properly investigate and prosecute.”

[stele3]

[spann-stann]

Setting Blurb: MacroCommunity Greater Somalia

The Somali Civil War reignited with the outbreak of the Third World War, with the breakaway East African Federation-backed Mogadishu government reasserting their claims over the breakaway Somaliland. The conflict spilled over into the Somali-speaking Ogaden in Ethiopia and Djibouti, and financial and military aid from the African Union and Arab League diminished as WWIII took its toll globally. The collapse of the United States and China caused a global wave of economic, political, and then societal collapse. The East African Federation withdrew from Somalia to maintain some semblance of stability on the home front, and the Mogadishu and Hargesia governments broke.

The generation of conflict that followed, known as the "Warlords' Wars", would see the emergence of protostates filling the vacuum created by the anti-climactic end of WWIII. Somalia's clans were quick to reassert themselves, and spent the Warlords period fighting for influence and territory. As the wars died down globally, a successor state to the Ethiopian government emerged to challenge the Somali clans of the Ogaden for control of the territory.

It was during this time that a growing alliance of warlords in the former United States, European Union, and China began approaching the remnants of ECOWAS and the East African Community to serve as springboards into incorporating the rest of the African continent. Fearing the new Ogaden War's potential spillover into eastern and central Africa resulted in a series of talks and border skirmishes that made Ethiopia and Somalia EAC protectorates (which was itself annexed into the Imperial League). Somalia retained the Ogaden (and Somali-majority areas in Kenya), and Ethiopia was placated with the annexation of Eritrea and non-Somali Djibouti.

The Eight Gobols: These eight provinces are the territory held by the extant clans and sub-clans that survived the Warlords' Wars period. The clans' territorial holdings were formally recognized by the early League government, and their leadership awarded collective governorship over the new MacroCommunity. Each Gobol is governed by a Xeer court, which oversees vocational councils (professions within the clan are held by one or more sub-clans) and maintains the clan militia.

Gosha Kaunti: The de facto capitol region of Greater Somalia, Gosha Kaunti is named for Somalia's Bantu-speaking minority. The Gosha have risen in prominence due to serving mediators for the clans around them (as their ancestors were not formally incorporated into the Somali clan system) should the Xeer courts be found unsatisfactory. The MacroCommunal governor's personal guards and a small detachment of Support Service Force security troopers help ensure that the clans find Gosha mediation to be more than satisfactory.

Land Force Demesne Djibouti: Carved out of the Somali speaking partition of Djibouti, this Land Force Demesne houses the East African third of Field Army Yellow's naval assets. Piracy still plagues the horn of Africa, with many in the Imperial Armed Forces believing that the pirates are receiving aid from the League's rivals.

[libertariantaoist]

News Roundup 8/14/2023 | The Libertarian Institute

Here is your daily roundup of today's news:

News Roundup 8/14/2023

by Kyle Anzalone

US News

On Thursday, government lawyers went to court to defend federal meddling in content moderation decisions on social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook. AWC

Russia

Delays have caused the North Atlantic alliance to push back the expected arrival of F-16s in Ukraine until next summer. AWC

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky announced that he was firing dozens of officials responsible for overseeing military recruitment in each region of the country. The leader claimed the officials were engaging in “revolting” abuses of power. AWC

The White House on Thursday asked Congress to approve a $40 billion bill that includes nearly $24 billion for additional spending on the war in Ukraine. AWC

According to the Washington Post, many citizens of Ukraine are adopting a darker mood about the war with Russia, and national unity is beginning to fray. The change in sentiment comes as Kiev’s spring counteroffensive fails to retake significant territory despite surging casualties. The Institute

Polish Defense Minister Mariusz Blaszczak said Thursday that Warsaw plans to deploy 10,000 troops to its border with Belarus as part of a buildup that began after Wagner fighters traveled to Belarus. AWC

Washington and Helsinki are working on a new deal to govern the military relationship between the two nations. Finland recently became the thirty-first member of NATO, doubling the alliance’s border with Russia. AWC

Moscow says Ukrainian forces have launched several drone attacks over the past week targeting Moscow and Crimea. After the sensitive Kertch bridge was targeted, the Kremlin denounced the strikes as “terror attacks” and vowed a response. AWC

Kyiv is now appealing to its allies for more demining equipment. Ukrainians assigned to be deminers – known as sappers have taken heavy losses in the counter offensive. AWC

Middle East

The US and Iran have reached a deal that will free five Americans in exchange for the US releasing some Iranians and granting Tehran limited access to $6 billion in frozen Iranian funds, The New York Times reported Thursday. AWC

Per Syrian state media, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Nasser Kanaani condemned a Friday Islamic State attack on a Syrian military bus (other sources claim the target consisted of two trucks), which resulted in the deaths of at least 20 government soldiers. AWC

Niger

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on Thursday ordered the activation and deployment of a reserve force to “restore constitutional order in the Republic of Niger” while also saying it would seek peaceful means to restore Niger’s President Mohamed Bazoum. AWC

The Associated Press reported Thursday that the Niger junta told Acting Deputy Secretary of State Victoria Nuland that they would kill deposed President Mohamed Bazoum if neighboring countries launched a military intervention to reinstate him. AWC

A delegation of Nigerian Islamic scholars traveled to Niamey for meetings with the leaders of the military junta who took power last month. The group says the coup leaders expressed an openness to diplomacy, Reuters reported on Sunday. However, this account has been sharply contradicted by a media spokesperson representing the junta who claimed negotiations with regional countries are impossible unless Niger’s new leadership is recognized. AWC

Read More

[beardedmrbean]

Gen Abdourahmane Tchiani has declared himself the new leader of Niger after a dramatic coup.

Also known as Omar Tchiani, he staged a takeover which started on Wednesday when the presidential guards unit he led seized the country's leader.

Deposed President Mohamed Bazoum was Niger's first elected leader to succeed another since independence in 1960.

Mr Bazoum is currently thought to be in good health, and still held captive by his own guards.

He had been considered a key ally by Western nations in the fight against Islamist militants in the region.

France - the former colonial power - has said that it does not recognise any of the coup's leaders and will only recognise Mr Bazoum as head of state.

"We reiterate in the strongest terms the international community's clear demand for the immediate restoration of constitutional order and democratically elected civilian power," a statement from the French foreign ministry read.

The coup has also been roundly condemned by international bodies including the African Union, West African regional bloc (Ecowas), the EU and the UN.

However, the leader of Russia's Wagner mercenary group has reportedly praised the coup, describing it as a triumph.

"What happened in Niger is nothing other than the struggle of the people of Niger with their colonisers," Yevgeny Prigozhin was quoted as saying on a Wagner-affiliated Telegram channel.

The BBC has not been able to verify the authenticity of his reported comments.

The Wagner group is believed to have thousands of fighters in countries including the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali, where it has lucrative business interests but also bolsters Russia's diplomatic and economic relations. Wagner fighters have been accused of widespread human rights abuses in several African countries.

Africa Live: Updates on this and other stories from the continent

Niger coup makes a troubled region yet more fragile

Are military takeovers on the rise in Africa?

Gen Tchiani, 62, has been in charge of the presidential guard since 2011 and was promoted to the rank of general in 2018 by former President Mahamadou Issoufou.

He had also been linked to a 2015 coup attempt against the ex-president, but appeared in court to deny it.

Speaking in a televised address, Gen Tchiani said his junta took over because of several problems in Niger, including insecurity, economic woes and corruption, among other matters.

He also addressed Niger's global allies, saying the junta would respect all of the country's international commitments, as well as human rights.

But the junta has had strong words for those who oppose them, accusing members of the ousted government who have taken refuge in foreign embassies of plotting against them.

They said any such attempt would lead to bloodshed, which has so far been avoided.

Life in the capital Niamey has largely returned to normal with markets and shops open, but civil servants have been told to go home.

Meanwhile Nigeriens have mixed feelings about the coup, with some saying insecurity in the country wasn't severe enough to justify a coup. But others have supported the junta.

Niger's coup is the latest in a wave of military takeovers that have hit the West African region in recent years, toppling governments in countries including Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso.

It also comes as a big blow to the leadership of Ecowas. Just two weeks ago, the bloc's chairman, President Bola Tinubu, warned that terrorism and the emerging pattern of coups in West Africa had reached alarming levels and demanded urgent, concerted actions.

There are now concerns in the West about which countries the new leader will align with. Niger's neighbours, Burkina Faso and Mali, have both pivoted towards Russia since their own coups.

This is the fifth coup in Niger since it gained independence from France in 1960, on top of other unsuccessful takeover attempts.

[carnewsgazette]

ECOWAS Court Holds Republic of Ghana liable for Breach of Citizen’s Right to Information

http://dlvr.it/T9cfd0

[capeverdewire]

ECOWAS Court Holds Republic of Ghana liable for Breach of Citizen’s Right to Information

http://dlvr.it/T9cSGz

[premimtimes]

ECOWAS court president tasks parliament on returning Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger to bloc

http://dlvr.it/T91LVH

[wushigod]

The President of the Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS Commission, Dr Omar Alieu Touray, has deployed 40 Election Observation Mission to Togo to monitor the legislative and regional elections scheduled for 29 April 2024. A statement by the commission says the mission is in line with the provisions of Article 12 of the ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance and constitutes support from the regional organisation to its Member States for the conduct of their elections. It says the mission led by the former Vice-President of The Gambia, Mrs Fatoumata Jallow-Tambajang, is made up of Ambassadors from Member States accredited to ECOWAS; representatives of the ECOWAS Court of Justice and Parliament; Civil Society Organisations; media professionals and election observation specialists from the West African region. This observation mission is being deployed following the recommendations of a pre-election fact-finding mission that visited Togo from 15 to 20 April 2024 to assess the preparatory phases of the elections. During its stay in Togo, the observation mission will hold consultations with the main stakeholders in the electoral process and monitor the voting process up to 29 April 2024.

[gidd-blog1]

Former ECOWAS Court of Justice VP berates EFCC chair over press briefing on Yahaya Bello

Professor Nwoke Friday Chijioke, the former Vice President of the ECOWAS Court of Justice, has spoken out against the press conference conducted by the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), particularly in relation to its discussion of Yahaya Bello, the former Governor of Kogi State. Speaking on Politics Today, a programme on Channels Television, Prof. Chijioke…

[hardynwa]

AGF cautions ECOWAS court against unenforceable judgments

The Attorney General of the Federation and the Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN) has called on the Economic Community of West African States Court of Justice to refrain from issuing orders and judgments that are impossible to enforce. He also noted that the court must pay attention to the peculiarities of countries in the regional bloc. The effectiveness of the ECOWAS court has been hindered significantly by challenges in enforcing its judgments and orders. On May 9, 2023, during the first regular session of the 5th Economic Community of West African States Parliament in Abuja, the President of the Court, Edward Asante, stated that more than 106 decisions reached by the Court, representing 70 per cent, are yet to be implemented by the member states. Asante added that 11 court rulings against ECOWAS were not complied with. However, speaking at the Statutory ECOWAS Judicial Council meeting in Abuja on Tuesday, Fagbemi urged the court to strengthen its jurisdiction while limiting unnecessary conflict with the domestic laws of member states. He said, “The Court must adopt strategies that strengthen its jurisdiction, whilst appreciating the jurisdictional boundaries of the Court and limiting unnecessary conflict with domestic laws of member States. “It is important for the Court to pay attention to the peculiarities of member States and refrain from issuing orders and judgments that are practically incapable of enforcement. There is also a dire need to promote and deepen alternative dispute resolution measures within the region. ” He, however, said the court needs reforms to address challenges in delivering justice in the region.rFagbemi said, “It is therefore critical that the Community Court of Justice continues to undergo necessary reforms to bring it in tandem with the current exigencies and manage the challenges associated with justice delivery in the region.” Speaking, the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Olukayode Ariwoola who doubles as the Chairman of the council called on African leaders to use justice and equity to build a prosperous region for future generations. He said that this has become necessary given the economic, political, and leadership challenges engulfing the region at the moment. The CJN said, “As we look to the future, let us reaffirm our commitment to the ideals of justice, equality, and solidarity, and work together to build a more just and prosperous West Africa for generations to come.” Ariwoola promised that, under his leadership, the council would focus on addressing issues affecting the West African judiciary. He said, “I would like to assure you that ECOWAS judicial council’s management under my leadership will continue to pay special attention to addressing situations that threaten the Judiciary System in West Africa and the organization of our Community Court of Justice. This is a priority for the region when we consider that justice is a fundamental pillar of society development.” The President of the ECOWAS Commission, Omar Touray said, the region’s judiciary has an essential role to play in tackling instability and insecurity experienced in many countries of the region. Read the full article