#i feel like it did also kind serve as a visual stamp of him being kind othered from his sect since literally no one else ever wore one

[cubbyhole-for-flea-bee]

the silly hat train is still going!! with a train smokestack hat!! this is genius, trust me, this is how the triad lads can get back together, just reverse-uno the disrespect right back at your asshole dad :D

[bemused-writer]

VNC Chapter 54 Analysis

Whew! It has been a bit since our regularly scheduled meta. 8D A quick life update before we get into it: I'm currently in the midst of switching careers (in other words, job searching, interviewing, etc. etc.) and that is consuming the bulk of my time and thought, so expect further delays on this front, but know they will come all the same. I love writing the meta (and the fic) as you guys know. (^^) With that out of the way, let's take a look at this chapter because things sure happened in it. Honestly, it's kind of everything I could have hoped for. :D Namely, a theory I had going was confirmed.

And that theory is that Misha was not exactly being sincere about wanting to know Vanitas's memories. Sure, he probably would like to know, but his main goal was Noé's death.

He continues saying "You know I'm all you need! You'd be fine without that guy!" So, Misha is fully admitting his motives were incredibly selfish but in a different way than he presented to Noé. Previously he'd made it seem as though all he needed was closure. He just needed to know why Vanitas killed Luna! A self-serving purpose, but sympathetic all the same. The reality is that Misha is incredibly jealous; he wants to keep Vanitas all to himself and can't bear to share him with anyone else.

Furthermore, he cannot fathom what it is about Noé that has Vanitas doing so much for him. At this point, it's unclear how much Misha knows about their relationship, but he definitely knows they're working together and knows they're close (which is half the problem in his estimation). He figured Noé was the main thing preventing Vanitas from rejoining his perfect family. Of course, we know that isn't remotely the case even though we don't know why Vanitas killed Luna, but Misha is in denial about a lot of things, not least of which is this.

Throughout Misha's tirade it seems that Vanitas is maintaining some consciousness, though just barely. I'd guess he's going in and out of consciousness, but Mochizuki went out of her way to show he at least heard Misha's reasoning, i.e. that Vanitas shouldn't need Noé because he has him.

Now, speaking of theories I've had, one of them was proven wrong in this chapter as well, although it makes things more interesting: Dominique is not a curse bearer. We also have it proven that this isn't Louis, but another side of Dominique herself. Note that Louis's mole is missing, thus proving it's her:

As for why she's saying "our" name, I think this is just a grammar thing to be honest. (^^)" There are technically "two" people there even though they're one and the same. But these different reflections of Dominique are quite interesting. Here's what she has to say about this one:

I think at this point it's safe to say that Dominique's more "feminine" side is what she's equating to weakness and her more "masculine" side is what she sees as her strength. The problem she's running into is that she's separating her own personality into chunks, which has caused a rift within herself. Misha was able to take advantage of her because she was stamping out all of her doubt and sorrow and, perhaps most importantly, her past as a more unsure, innocent individual. But that's how she got to where she is today; she can't ignore that past much as she'd like to. I think that for Dominique she'll know real peace once she's reconciled these two aspects of her personality and found that they're ultimately one and the same.

Of course, her issues with Noé need to be addressed as well. Already she's seen that killing herself solves nothing. Noé cares for her and she wouldn't make life easier for him by removing herself from the equation. I think she has to confront there's a certain selfishness in trying to determine what would or wouldn't make Noé happy without talking to him as well, which I suspect will be discussed later in this arc. But most importantly, Dominique needs to learn to value her own life for herself and to prioritize herself for a change. I'm not sure that's something we're going to get around to this arc (baby steps and all), but I feel like she's slowly starting to get there. Right now, she's valuing herself only in terms of Noé caring about her and needing her. She's still prioritizing his feelings over her own and that's the biggest thing that needs to change.

As for Noé, he's only just realizing any of this, so a substantial part of this arc for him will no doubt be him coming to terms with how Dominique actually feels, not just for him but for herself, too. He's also going to have to deal with Vanitas and the fact that Vanitas still didn't offer to help Dominique (that is a problem that hasn't actually been addressed whatsoever yet) and the fact that Noé immediately became the thing Vanitas feared most in an effort to protect her.

This could possibly lead to Noé realizing two things: how much he cares for Dominique and how much he cares for Vanitas. The latter is already in motion. The former has been in motion for years, so it's really a matter of what tone it takes later this arc. Will Noé realize he shares the same feelings for Dominique that she has for him? Or will he realize that he hasn't been as good of a friend to her as he'd hoped? Very curious to see how that progresses.

As for Misha, well, he's taking everything very badly. XD As I've said many times, his plan was actually terrible and the whole thing has, indeed, backfired on him spectacularly. Even the book has backfired on him!

It's honestly kind of hilarious. Now, getting to Misha's abilities, he admits he can't alter a vampire's name, he can simply manipulate them for a time. I think that's what the random vampiric zombie horde is supposed to be: vampires he has manipulated to work for him. And yet, I'm puzzled. It's been heavily implied that Dominique attacked other vampires as a curse bearer, except we now know she isn't actually a curse bearer, so what was she doing? Was she spreading Misha's influence somehow? The vampires all have blood about their lips much as Dominique did when she stumbled back to Misha.

Visually, the dark matter coming out of Misha's book actually look likes blood, doesn't it? We haven't heard of the book being able to manipulate blood, but I find myself wondering if that's what he's doing. Might explain the zombie vibes of his horde. XD Regardless, blood seems involved somehow even if it merely represents the damage his book has done to those he controls.

I suppose we'll find out next chapter! I'm looking forward to seeing more zombies and Misha's abilities continually backfiring on him. I can't imagine Dominique and Jeanne will continue to fight each other seeing as Dominique has her independence back, but the two will definitely need to talk over some things. Ahh, there's going to be a lot of talking this arc; I really can't wait. :D

[anextraordinarymuse]

Head vs Heart: Part 2

Part 1 can be found here.

(@jonesgirl88 GET SOME WATER KATIE

STAY HYDRATED FOR THIS MARATHON)

Okay so we left off on part one talking about the end of The Treasure Box. We already discussed the moments when Oliver and Shane are locked in the vault, and now we're on to the moments after that. I mentioned that when Holly's letter falls out of Oliver's pocket Shane is the one to bring it back to him. Funny how Oliver hasn't tried to address his wife's absence in years, but as soon as Shane shows up she either encourages him or pushes him toward a resolution. In more ways than one, Shane is Oliver's catalyst. You mentioned the blizzard theory, Katie, and I totally agree with that. Shane showed up and is literally guiding or pushing Oliver down off that frozen mountain by turns.

Anyway, look at this: even after Shane has returned Holly's letter to Oliver, she exits the vault by passing Oliver on his left side, which you can kind of see here (again, this gif is from the Alameda and Downing blog):

And I didn't gif it, but when Oliver and Shane are reunited with Norman and Rita in the bank lobby, Shane is on his left. Now, something I found interesting is that when Oliver and Shane deliver the letters to the living Jonathan, Shane is seated to Oliver's right. Considering that Oliver gives something away in this moment by telling Jonathan to read the love letters out loud, with his wife (the way that he and Shane did), and the way Shane reacts to his saying it, I find it interesting that she's not on Oliver's left side. But, he is leaning toward Shane with his left hand pointed at her (and he's tapping the fingers of his left hand against the chair).

But then we get to the pageant, where Shane is once again seated to Oliver's left. But that's not the big takeaway in this sequence. This is:

If memory serves, this is the first time we see Shane take Oliver's hand like this - and it's his left hand. They're not dancing, and considering what they've been through recently, it's really not even that intense of a moment. She just does it by instinct because that connection has already been established. At this point, I'm making the case for the left side of Oliver's body (and, by extension, his heart) being Shane's side. That's her territory; Oliver has given it to her, perhaps unwittingly at first, and she's claimed it. Also, both times we've seen Oliver draw Shane's hand into the space over his heart he's been holding her hand in his left hand. Just a note. We don't see a lot of this physical or physically present connection in A Hope and A Future except in this small, blink-and-you-miss-it moment (that I absolutely adore anyway!):

Look at all of those points of connection. Not only is Shane's head on Oliver's left shoulder, his left cheek is almost pressed into her hair, and her hand is almost resting on his left arm. Also, once again, Shane is turned into Oliver (whose body is facing straight forward despite his head being turned in Shane's direction). Did I mention that I love this moment? Don't think about the fact that Shane is literally laying there listening to the sound of Oliver's heartbeat, because then you'll get all mushy like me and this will devolve into a feels fest because isn't that just the sweetest, most tender thi ... okay, getting back on track.

Anyway. This propensity for Shane to connect with the area directly over or around Oliver's heart is well established at this point, I think, even if it's been rather subtle until this point. I say until this point because once that hand hold is established at the end of The Treasure Box, Shane claiming (if you will) that area becomes more blatant - especially in times of vulnerability.

Let's look at the Christmas movie. Now, I love that this is the first time we get to see Oliver jealous. Another man is on the scene, and he gets a decent amount of Shane's attention in moments where Oliver is present to witness that. We get to see pretty early on that Oliver really isn't a fan of that, and that's never more apparent than at the Christmas ball when Shane not only dances with Jordan, but teaches him steps to the dance that, until now, has been strictly Oliver and Shane's. But that's not really what I want to talk about

It's the moments after Oliver delivers Shane's letters that reveal more of this Shane = Oliver's heart connection. Also worth noting at this point, however, is that this is when I also started to pick up on some interesting left-sided details on Shane's behalf. Let's take a look.

Oliver has just delivered some very emotional news that Shane may have finally been ready to receive, but still definitely shook her to her core. When Oliver reaches for her, what side of her dress does he rip? Her left sleeve. Almost like he's (accidentally) ripping the band-aid off her wounded heart and exposing the injury in order to administer first aid. This is really the first big moment of anything left-oriented on Shane's behalf. She's usually the all-in type, as indicated in previous gifs by the fact that she's often turned to face Oliver head on in important moments. But I make the case that the gravity of this moment is supported by the fact that Oliver reaches for her left side, and connects in a way that he wasn't expecting - that neither of them were. And now that he has her attention, they share another foundational moment, which is followed by this:

... Shane once again leaving her imprint on Oliver's heart. This moment of connection has now visibly gone both ways. The love and concern and tenderness that passes between Oliver and Shane in this moment is ... undeniable. Oliver has sought to soothe that hurt in Shane's heart by once again offering something of himself - and offering it to Shane in the only way he can at this moment - and Shane is reaffirming both their connection and her place by once again engaging with the left side of Oliver's body, directly over his heart. Actually she claims everything from the middle of his chest to his shoulder, lol. She's staking an even bigger claim than before and she does so after Oliver expresses that he has failed to find someone to share his life with until this point. Coincidence? No way.

And now we get to From Paris With Love. The only actual, visible comparisons we get to the way Oliver interacts with Holly vs how he interacts with Shane. And oh boy, there's some interesting stuff here.

Another thing I didn't gif but is worth mentioning in this movie are the ways that each women understands Oliver, and how they connect with him in moments when he isn't there. When Holly first arrives in the DLO she's alone, and we see her interacting with specific objects that belong to Oliver. What she chooses is interesting. The first thing she picks is Oliver's hat, which is arguably the only thing that belongs solely to and represents only Oliver. But even then, we know that Oliver's hat is outdated: we haven't seen him wear it since the pilot. Holly seems to recognize it, though, which makes me think that Oliver probably wore it at least somewhat regularly in the past. So, Holly is visually connecting with a past Oliver and not the man we know. Holly then interacts with two things that belong to Oliver, but are more about Holly then Oliver: the postage stamp tin which Holly had engraved and gave him, and the small statue of the Eiffel tower. These things don't really connect to Oliver as a person - they connect to Holly and her presence in his life. We're meant to see that Holly isn't really connecting with him, she's connecting with the parts of her (and him) that she's left behind. The only other thing that Holly interacts with that can be considered distinctly Oliver is the Yoo-Hoo that she takes without asking - and then leaves mostly untouched on the desk when she leaves. Every moment that Holly spends in the DLO is about disconnection and abandonment - memories and echoes. Very little establishes her as a part of the present (or future) - and she pointedly does not encroach on Shane's territory (which Shane neither notices or witnesses). Check it out:

In the first moment that Oliver sees Holly, he does so in the context of Shane's presence. Not only that, but look at how Shane and Holly are standing: Shane is off to Oliver's left and Holly literally steps out from Shane's shadow - I mean, steps out from behind her and is oriented more to Oliver's middle/right. Now, it's natural for Shane to be physically present around the left side of Oliver's body, and we see this again as Shane leaves. She follows what is basically her natural course and passes him on his left in a smooth motion (despite the awkwardness she feels):

And Oliver is still looking at Holly, but he turns his body toward Shane as she passes (exposing more of his left side to her as she goes while also accommodating her presence and departure). Now, we're going to talk about how Holly chooses to leave in just a second. There's something else I want to talk about in the scene where Shane and Holly meet. Remember how I said that we start to see more left-oriented visual cues from Shane? This is one of those moments. This is Shane when she returns to the DLO:

Now, totally disregarding that I think this sequence of scenes is one of the moments when Shane looks the most beautiful (seriously, I don't know what it is, but she looks stunning), the way that Shane is wearing her hair caught my eye. She doesn't usually tuck her hair behind her ears, and in these moments she only has one side tucked: the left. Her left ear and shoulder are exposed, whereas her right ear and shoulder are "hidden" or "protected" by the veil of her hair. Shane's heart is vulnerable and exposed in these moments with Holly, and whether she knows it or not Holly lands several blows. Not only is Holly's presence a blow to Shane and her place in Oliver's life (and heart), Holly then goes on to show that she does know Oliver - and that she knows him in ways that Shane doesn't, and might never get to at this point. It's not just the revelation of Oliver's habit of eating clams and red wine when he's angry, it's also the secret-sharing of the fact that apparently Oliver is such a good kisser that Holly had to stop kissing him altogether in order to follow through on her promises to herself. Shane's vulnerability and heartache in these moments isn't just visible in her expression. The fact that only the left side of her hair is tucked is meant to show us that she's vulnerable and exposed, and she stays like that (and so does her hair) for the entirety of this exchange.

Here's another one from a few moments later that gives you a better look. (Another side note: SHANE IS FREAKING SUNSHINE. LOOK AT HER. SHE'S BEAUTIFUL AND GLOWING AND HER HAIR IS LIQUID GOLD. If you don't love Shane McInerney then I literally can't even).

Now, for the moment Holly leaves the DLO. I've already mentioned how smoothly Shane exited and that she followed a natural path past Oliver. That's not how Holly leaves.

oFirst things first: Holly chooses to pass Oliver on his right as she leaves. But there's also no natural flow here since Holly wasn't moving before this, so her departure looks more abrupt. And Oliver doesn't move at all as she leaves: he doesn't turn toward her at all or accommodate/allow for her to pass. In fact, he looks frozen. Holly seems to have a natural propensity for either angering Oliver, or making him freeze.

Notably, Holly and Oliver barely touch. Not just in this moment, but at all in this moment. The only time they do seem to touch is when they're dancing, which I will talk about in a minute.

Despite Holly's arrival and presence, the symbolism of Shane on Oliver's left and being synonymous with his heart doesn't let up.

But, since I've once again hit the limit of ten gifs per post (oops? Is this getting out of hand? Oh well.) we're moving on to part 3.

[featuristicfilm]

Once Upon A Time In... Hollywood review

(Contains spoilers !!!)

Once Upon A Time In Hollywood proves Tarantino is the ultimate artist.

When a film can be successfully marketed merely as a sequential product of a certain director, that’s when you know it has to be something. The ninth edition to the Tarantino’s repertoire reinforces his status as a one-of-a-kind, visionary filmmaker whose work exudes style, taste and true passion. This period piece combines history, dreams and, in a familiar Tarantino fashion, bursts of violence, to present a tale that intrigues and surprises, and ultimately lands with a bang!

Films that Tarantino brings to life seem to carry a certain energy, each unique and alive with heart. Now, me saying this while not having seen every single picture in his body of works might seem silly and diminishing of the power of this statement, yet no one can deny that Tarantino is all about the vision. A writer/director credit affirms that with this film, as Once Upon A Time In Hollywood arrives from a long time in the making, and from careful crafting that appears to have been approached with the utmost thought and dedication. It’s fitting, knowing that Hollywood for him hits close to home, as, well, it is exactly that. The vibrant locations and the scenery of 1969’s Los Angeles are visually as appealing and enticing as it gets, and I especially loved the use of rich and saturated colours, almost as if mirroring the culture of the ‘Golden Age of Hollywood’, to which this film heavily reverts to. Indeed, the western-style action, the old-school culture of the film landscape of the time is entrenched in the way characters act and behave, as well as the environments they appear in. And while many keep saying that this is how Tarantino creates his stories and builds his films’ worlds - by taking from already existing material, trialed elements and using them to serve his story, well, not everyone can even do that successfully. Besides, clichés are often over-exaggerated yet accurate representations. And if anything, referencing something in your own creative pursuits is a way to recognise and give credit. At least he definitely puts his own stamp on. It’s evident in this new instalment too. The film does rely on the ideas already laid out by the Old Hollywood format but Tarantino ultimately shines a new light on how narrative and characters can come together.

With that in mind, this story is a refreshing account of fiction-meets-reality. The general premise envisions two friends working in the entertainment business during the 60’s, a struggling actor Rick Dalton (Leonardo DiCaprio) and his stunt double Cliff Booth (Brad Pitt), as they figure out how to stay relevant and keep themselves afloat. These are fleshed out characters, and their buddy relationship radiates an energy that instantly draws you in to root for them, which is all due to the stellar performances by both DiCaprio and Pitt. Tarantino has hit the nail on the head with this casting, that’s for sure. However, these characters serve more as storytelling devices, than fully realised people. Here, they are being used as models to set the scene, move the story forward. As a result, a good chunk of the movie, about two thirds of the almost three hour long film, is of expositional purpose mainly to build tension for the grand finale. And while it’s understandable why Tarantino felt the need to lay out the ground work so meticulously, some scenes just fell flat or felt unnecessary. (I caught myself fixating on anything other than the screen, like how uncomfortable the chair was, quite a few times.) Throughout and in between those slow sequences, flashes of another character - Sharon Tate (Margot Robbie), a real life person in actuality - reignite that eagerness to see how it all plays out. And by it, I mean, of course, the infamous murders of Tate and 4 other individuals inflicted on them by the Manson family in 1969. It all crashes down in the absurdly violent way by which Rick and Cliff become heroes of an alternate reality by mercilessly slaying the known accomplices. Tarantino really doesn’t hold off in showing them no remorse, and by this time the audience is fascinated and amused by this turn of events. Rightfully so, many have praised the way fantasy and imagination is used here to attempt to mediate the harsh reality it takes from and also to subvert expectations in such a daring way. A flamethrower, or a tin-can to the face to counteract the aggressors did have quite an uproar from the crowd. However, there might be some truth to others saying that the boastful need for violence for the sake of humour or satisfaction is an inconsiderate approach of such a sensitive topic. But Tarantino deliberately accentuating the violence, knowing that the audience, the ones dreadfully awaiting for what’s to come, might be shocked and relieved at the reversal, is an ability to really understand what works on a screen and what doesn’t. And all those small, almost forgotten glimpses of Tate being excited about her growing family and rising career, unaware of her terrible fate, still full of life and joy inside of her (which was the baby she was carrying) felt both sad and mournful of what should have been, and honouring and respectful enough by not being sensationalised.

In full, the film tries to balance a longing memory of the glorified haze of Hollywood attraction, depicting history and faces in a secure and safe perspective, and a shockingly horrifying reality replaced by a fairytale resolution. The scenes revolving around Rick and Cliff are about everything and anything comedy-drama style, and actually feel profound yet, unfortunately, sometimes short-lived. Margot Robbie, for what we see of her, plays Tate with a genuine, heartfelt and warm regard. Intertwining an imagined storyline with a familiar truth gave the film a unique duality which Tarantino’s vibrancy and sharp taste made into a riveting portrayal. Whatever backlash this movie received is a testament to how a bold and unwavering creative vision should be used. Once Upon A Time In Hollywood proves Tarantino is the ultimate artist because without vision, inspiration and complete belief in this project, it probably wouldn’t have even happened. Oh and also, Al Pacino is in this movie. What do you know!

[kbreenreads]

Week 10 Activity: Reading Log #3

Graphic Novel

Citation: Telgemeier, Raina (2019). Guts. Scholastic.

Summary: This autobiographical graphic novel follows Raina throughout her fifth grade year and chronicles her experience with anxiety and digestive issues. Through therapy, Raina learns mindfulness techniques to help calm her anxiety and understand her own thoughts and feelings better. Though she keeps her experiences secret from her friends throughout most of the school year, she eventually opens up to them and finds that they are quite accepting of her in the end.

Comments: This graphic novel does an amazing job at realistically depicting the experience of anxiety. There are a few points throughout where Raina’s anxiety is visualized as a swarm of words (representing everything she fears) circling around her head with a green, sickly-looking background. I found this to be a very accurate depiction of what anxiety feels like, and believe it could help young readers with anxiety realize that they are not alone in their feelings. Though the cover of Guts is simple, it perfectly depicts the content of the story in the way that it displays a drawing of an anxious and sick looking face.

Library Use: I would definitely include this title in a display for Mental Health Awareness Month in May, as it does a great job of realistically and positively depicting the experience of going to therapy as a child.

Fantasy

Citation: Dahl, Roald (1961). James and the Giant Peach. Puffin.

Summary: This story follows James, a young boy who became an orphan and was forced to live with his two cruel aunts after his parents were eaten by a rhinoceros. One day, a mysterious old man offers James green glowing crystals and states that if he eats them, unbelievable things will happen to him. James ends up accidentally losing all the crystals after he spills them near a peach tree. As a result, the tree sprouts a peach which ends up growing larger and larger. James discovers a tunnel leading into the peach and climbs inside of it, where he meets a collection of bugs who, as a result of eating the spilled crystals, have grown into the size of humans and can now talk. James befriends the bugs and together they escape James’ cruel aunts by cutting the stem to the peach and allowing it to roll away into the ocean. It is then carried away by hundreds of seagulls and eventually lands in New York City, where James and the bugs end up living successful, happy lives.

Comments: According to Vardell, “The characters of fantasy are essential for the reader’s engagement with the story. It should be possible to identify with the main character(s), even if they’re not human” (235). This definitely applies to James and the Giant Peach’s collection of insect characters - they all have very human-like personalities and become James’ family when he has none. I also liked the way it combined fantastical elements (like talking, human-size bugs) with a sense of realism. For example, the bugs still retain their normal “bug functions” and these are sometimes used as points to move the plot forward, like when the spider and silkworm create strings to attach to the seagulls that carry the peach away.

Library Use: I think this would be a really fun book to do a reader’s theater activity with, as the characters are all full of personality and would be exciting for children to play. The fantastical elements of the story would allow the children taking part in readers theater to use their imaginations throughout the activity.

Non Fiction #1

Citation: Cherry-Paul, Sonja (2021). Stamped (For Kids): Racism, Antiracism, and You. Little Brown.

Summary: This is a middle grade adaptation of Stamped: Racism, Antiracism, and You by Jayson Reynolds and Ibram X. Kendi. It tells the story of how racism originated in America over the past several centuries and explains how racism continues to affect America in the current day. It also discusses current antiracist movements such as Black Lives Matter, and provides strategies for young readers to identify and stop racist thoughts/feelings that they might carry themselves.

Comments: Cherry-Paul did an excellent job at adapting Reynolds and Kendi’s YA novel for a younger audience. Each chapter focuses on a specific subject, and these chapters contain visual elements such as illustrations and timelines to aid readers’ understanding. There is also a section at the end of each chapter where readers are prompted to “pause” and discuss/reflect on key ideas and themes they have learned. This book does a great job of not only explaining the complex history of racism in America in a way that is easy for young readers to understand, but also takes several opportunities to address the reader directly and has them confront and examine their own previously-held thoughts and beliefs.

Library Use: Though this book is one that middle-graders should be able to get through on their own, they will definitely get more out of it if an adult reads it alongside them and serves as a guide/discussion partner. For a library, it would make for a great book for a discussion group - the prompts at the end of each chapter can serve as prompts for the discussion and the librarian can serve as the guide/moderator.

Non Fiction #2

Citation: Kay, Katty; Shimpan, Claire; Riley, JillEllyn (2020). Living the Confidence Code: Real Girls. Real Stories. Real Confidence. HarperCollins.

Summary: This is a collection of stories from inspiring young women around the world who chronicle their successes, failures, and missions to make the world a better place. Some of the young women featured in this book include activist Greta Thurnberg and Paralympic athlete Haven Shepherd.

Comments: This collection of stories is inspiring and accessible for young readers. The format in which these stories are told switches up with each new story, keeping things fresh and interesting throughout. Some are told in interview-style, some as essays, and even some in the style of graphic novels. Along with the stories themselves, there are confidence tips included throughout for readers to apply to their own lives. At the end of the book, there are blank pages designed for the reader to write down their own story, which I thought was a nice touch.

Library Use: Since this book gives readers the option of telling their own story at the end, I think it would be fun for participants in a discussion group for this book to be able to each share their story with the rest of the group (if they feel comfortable to).

Ebook

Citation: Bogert-Spaniol, Megan (2015). 10 Little Kittens. Cantata Learning.

Summary: This interactive ebook introduces young children to baby animals and the sounds they make with a song that also has them count to 10 and back again.

Comments: This was one of the titles included in Capstone’s collection of interactive ebooks. I liked the way the first page provided a brief introduction to baby animals and prompted the reader to turn the page upon hearing the sound of a baby animal. The next pages consisted of the “10 Little Kittens” song, with each new verse introducing a new baby animal and the sound it makes. Each word on the page lights up as the narrator reads/sings it, allowing children to follow along. Though this ebook is simple in terms of its interactivity, it is useful in teaching very young children early concepts around animals, sounds, and numbers.

Library Use: This interactive ebook reminded me a lot of library story time events designed for young children, especially the song included within the book. I would feature this ebook and ones like it as part of a “story time at home” collection, so children have the opportunity to get some of the fun and educational moments these story time events provide outside of the library.

Educational App/Game/Website

Citation: checkology.org. News Literacy Zone.

Summary: This news literacy site provides interactive lessons which teach students how to separate fact from fiction when it comes to information they see in the news, on television, or on social media.

Comments: We live in a world where we are constantly bombarded by information from a variety of sources. Because the majority of this information is able to reach us without being fact-checked, we are vulnerable to being swayed by misinformation. This is especially true for young people, who have grown up entirely under this kind of information landscape. This website is incredibly useful in helping students look at information from a critical perspective. It contains several lessons on topics such as InfoZones and Misinformation. I did the InfoZones lesson, which separates information into six different purposes: to inform, to persuade, to entertain, to sell, to provoke, and to document. The lesson defines each of these purposes and has students watch video clips and look at screenshots from news articles or social media sites, and then identify the purpose of each piece of information. The videos included in the lesson are fairly short, as to not risk the learner losing interest. Some of the example pieces of information cover topics that middle/high schoolers will find relevant, such as school lunch pricing issues. It is free to register for checkology and take several of the lessons, though some content is behind a paywall.

Library Use: This is definitely something I would promote as a librarian, since news literacy is a topic that I feel is incredibly important for young people to be knowledgable in these days. I would probably use it as an element of a larger news/information literacy program that focuses on teaching young people (probably late elementary-middle school age) how to fact check and identify misinformation.

[keenregine]

Don't ask me for movie recommendations if you hate war related contents I can't promise but I will try, and I hope that's good enough to keep this pointless blog.   It has been what? Half a year? I'm in a situation where the internet is not accessible at the moment, the reason why I'm assuming the last time I've written something. Anyways, what could be an interesting tale to tell.   That took me couple of  minutes. . . I moved! And I'm loving single moment of it.  Call me weird all you want but I love the feeling of solitude especially in the comfort of having my own home. Because compared to where I previously lived, I have always felt like I'm occupying a rented room. Common areas for me, such as the living room and kitchen are somewhat restricted, this is based on my choice not due to any certain implications. Now I have all the freedom to decorate any part of the house. (as if I'm good at it, I'm trying to learn though) Never thought plants can be visually stimulating, whether they're plastic or real ones. If you ask me, I prefer the plastic ones. Low maintenance, no need to water, sing or talk to them. Plus my floor would not get wet every time I excessively and unintentionally drown them. I got quite frustrated with my cutie ass bonsai, even with my purest dedication to water it everyday, it still loses its leaves one after another. I initially thought, perhaps new leaves are growing; but it never did. It just went on from being thin to almost bald. You might suggest, the internet is there to provide some proper caring techniques for a silly little plant. I guess, I'm not really interested after all. Away we go to with the plastic ones! I meant plant, not person. Lol ohhhh.   Living alone is fun, rest assured. There are two options for me where to hang and slumber, that would be my bedroom and the receiving area. I never get to enjoy the living room in my previous home, why you ask? It's full of garbage. No kidding, maybe things that can't occupy much of the space in their room (which is already the masters'), the living room is the second option (kitchen is full, stock room is full, living room upstairs is full, even my own single space in the fridge has something that is theirs. So, instead of me enjoying other scenery apart from my four-cornered bedroom, it will be my stress triggered. Lol. And of course, I have no right or whatsoever to rearrange them or even complain about it. Sounds pitiful of me for saying this but before, my meals are always held on my bed or in a table beside it. Now it became the opposite, I have the privilege to eat in a freaking decent dining table, where I can properly sit down and where meals are suppose to be eaten. I might have previously mentioned, I may not be that kind of person who's into home arranging and stuff or if that's what it's called. I couldn't even say I've developed a sense of some Mom-like characteristics in terms of home keeping aspect, (child-bearing, not close enough lol), I believe this is only the starting phase because certainly there are tons of other areas I need to improve or showcase hopefully in the future.   Can't elaborate enough how much I felt the moment I moved out. If I was not pursued by a certain person I would not even have the courage to do it. Maybe there's a small part of me afraid of change, yet here I am. Big thanks.   Second half of this was written at home meaning I have an access to the internet, totally irrelevant but I just like to point that out. I woke up this morning with a jolt. For the first time ever, my laptop fell on the floor. If it was the old me it would ruin my entire day; present me would ignore it and move on. Why? What’s the point, it already happened. No matter how much energy I summon into thinking it was my fault (which it is), I’d rather spend that energy somewhere else meaningful. But fuck it fell, no scratches though. My life, my baby, my only source of entertainment, because it provides all the stuff that I need, Youtube, watching movies, writing. Can I be more careless than this? Yes, and also a bit melo dramatic. jinx! Hope I got you there. It’s wonderful how huge my bed now is. It could effortlessly occupy three average sized people, happened once when I had a sleepover few weeks ago, freaking works! I got excited when. I had to buy new sheets, I initially though it was a Queen size, but it was King. Valid reason I had to purchase extra pillows, it was never a big deal for me but then I figured why not. I had a this big size of a bed, but I’m pretty sure I always stay in one spot. So is my laptop desk along with the reachable charging cables; hence, I get to be more lazier than ever; top of the game. I discarded most of my old unused clothes, I have no intentions at all in sending back to the Philippines for charity purposes. I’d rather send them things they could actually use for their own and not some silly hand me downs. Once I send them a big package, . . whenever I say the phrase ‘big package’ I instantly think of Marshal Eriksen from How I Met Your Mother. Lily his wife told him, “You’re father sent us a big package”, then Marshal would reply, “yeah he did”. Wait, so I sent my family back home a big package containing things their requested, most are simple, and some that I’m sure they would like. Filled it up in a matter of days, but sent them in extensive delays. This was way before I decided to move. The moving thing was actually just a rush decision, I didn’t have the slightest consideration of ever leaving that wretched place. Oh now you called it wretched, that’s really mature of you Regine. You spend nearly half a decade of your life in there, no depth of gratitude and all. I don’t know if it’s a gift or a tragedy, you know me moving on so quickly not looking back from where I came from, whether those place gave me both good memories and bad. Typical me, leap of ideas. But anyways, this new house I moved in was on the third floor, no elevator. So by the time I reach my house, my pre existing tiredness would become double. I developed a certain breathing technique from my mountain climbing activities back then that is useful half the time right now. I should teach that to anyone who’s visiting me. 100% of people has the same out of breath faces when I open the door, can’t blame them. Some advantage of it is the proximity to the bus stop, but compared to the time frame I had before versus now is that I had to leave five minutes early as opposed to two. The stairs takes time even if it’s downwards; I can’t afford having a stupid unnecessary injury due to what? Hurrying up? Although that would give me several weeks of paid sick leave. Hmm, now we’re being a masochist. Apart from the bus stop is the grocery which I haven’t gone to many times since I moved, the gym where I only went once after several months, the park where I don’t have to physically visit because I can see it fully on my window which is awesome by the way. Before I end this boring entry in the hopes when I make a comeback I should’ve written something fun meaningful, disappointments is where I’m actually good at, so I’m gonna keep it perfectly that way. Okay, one more thing. Biggest shock of the day. I watched Rebel in the Rye movie for two major reasons; One, J.D. Salinger is one of my favorite classic writers and Catcher in the Rye book ultimately earned my gold stamp. Two, freaking Nicholas Hoult portrayed 'the' J.D. Salinger in that movie. Is he a prince of biopics or what, because he also did J.R.R Tolkien which was quite good. Same vibes if you ask me. The biggest shock that I'm talking about was Oona O'Neill. halfway the movie she showed up as Jerry's (J.D.freaking Salinger) girlfriend. And I thought, oh Oona was a pretty popular name back in the 40s huh, because to my knowledge Charlie Chaplin's last wife was also named Oona. Only to find out it was the same person. LOL jokes was on me. Spoilers ahead. They we're introduced briefly in a party, Oona rejected him initially, because she was self-absorbed at the time and only has the hots for successful men. Kidding (true story) Eventually when JD became minorly published, he finally got her approval, they dated, 1941 Pearl Harbor happened, he had to serve during WWII, D-Day in Normandy, news came out 18y/o Oona married world renowned 40 years her senior, successful * let's focus on the word succesful* Charlie Chaplin (whom I also loved). It's like connecting the dots. Fun game. But how come she was not mentioned in any of daddy Jerry's written biography. Should be none of my worries. Shocker huh.

[greasygyeom]

Title: Look at Me

By: GreasyGyeom

Summary: Graduation Ceremony and a sea of people, will you be able to make it through the day? Jinyoung x Reader. Angst/Fluff. Trigger Warning: Death

Playlist: 170830

Author’s Note: (i) San-nakji (산낙지) is a variety of raw dish made with long arm octopus. Although the octopuses are killed before cut into small pieces and served, the nerve activity in the octopus’ tentacles makes the pieces still squirming posthumously on the plate when served.

(ii) I’ve always thought music and reading goes really well together. It’s new format I’m trying. If you would like some soothing bgm that goes with the piece, hit up the link above! It’s a great way to share music too, so let me know if it worked out for you!! Love <3 <3

Graduation day.

Yes, it’s graduation day; the day you finally complete five years of studying art. The day you get that stamp of approval from a bunch of really old people that you are indeed qualified to freely express your mind via any visual medium necessary.

You lay in bed, twisted awkwardly, thinking about the day ahead of you and dread every unholy second that inches it closer.

Social situations make you uncomfortable and jittery. You talk too fast, you tap your feet a lot and your attention span reduces to that of a 15 year old adrenaline junkie in the worlds biggest amusement park, who is constantly nauseated but out of compulsion needs to experience every ride.

But, things are always different when he’s around. Suddenly being in a crowd feels less like a clown circus and more like an art gallery where you’re able to glide through without your head exploding.

So the only activity you are actually looking forward to is seeing Jinyoung, because he somehow manages to make things better, every time.

Thinking about getting on stage, your brain automatically begins to list the scenarios that could cause potential embarrassment. Tripping and falling on and over numerous objects takes up the first few bullet numbers — spearheading your decision to wear boots — flat boots.

You pick up a dress to go with it. Of course it’s all black — you rarely pick any other colour — and pair it with some simple silver accessories.

You force yourself out of the semi-coma you’ve been lying in and take a quick shower. The anxiety begins to spread through your body. You consider tidying up your room in an effort to sooth yourself, an invisible pros and cons list already forming in your brain.

The cons list wins, obviously. You possibly can’t clean every nook and cranny in the time available and if you had to leave the process of cleaning half way through, it would give you more anxiety than you initially began with. You really have no choice but to breathe and drink water.

Tissues. Your brain suddenly buzzes as you close the bottle cap, like a phone alarm springing to life on snooze; because what if something or someone spills liquids - no, worse, solids - on you.

You spend a considerable amount of time looking for the soft kind for runny noses in case you felt especially teary, the rough kind for cleaning that didn’t leave paper traces all over clothes and the wet kind for miscellaneous germ related quirks.

You take your time to get ready, switch on some music and mildly successfully dance away your nervousness.

But somewhere in the middle you let out a yawn.

Coffee, you need so much coffee to go through with this day.

As usual, your irrational fear of not waking up on time has kept you up through the night and as a collateral not only have you been awake for more than 24 hours you’ve also managed to get ready to leave almost an hour early.

“Should have listened to him.” You absentmindedly speak to your dull grey walls and proceed to ‘Netflix and chill’ on your sofa (without the innuendos involved, of course).

After 40 minutes of being on the edge of your seat while watching Stranger, you check the contents of your bag, one final time.

Time really does fly past when you’re engrossed in Jo Seung-Woo’s brilliant acting.

You quickly throw in your lip-balm and check the clock. Five minutes. You scramble to make sure all the plug points are switched off in your apartment — a quirk you’ve picked up from Jinyoung.

You lock up and head downstairs to find a cab.

Of course it rains down on the day you need to step out.

You don’t live too far from campus, you can easily walk it, but choose not to get splashed with muddy water by an inconsiderate driver. With your luck, the chances of it happening are magnified.

Your phone leaps to life as you sit inside the car. There’s an instant smile on your face.

“Hey Moon, all set?” he asks from the opposite end of the line.

“As set as I could be, I think.”

He can hear your anxiety through the phone. “You didn’t sleep. I told you I could call you and wake you up.”

“I know, I should’ve listened to you.”

He chuckles. “I’m sorry I couldn’t stay with you yesterday. I really wanted to. I wanted to drive you up on your big graduation day.”

“Aw, it’s alright Peach, it’s not that big of a deal. But, I’ll be seeing you later yeah?”

“Of course it’s big deal! I’m actually just dropping some paperwork at the torture chamber right now, I’ll come as soon as I’m done.

Are you nervous?”

You laugh at his torture chamber comment.

“A little maybe? I just don’t want to…. be embarrassed in any way, that’s all. I just need the universe to be this kind today. Get in get out — no fu - udge ups,’ you sheepishly conclude, patting yourself for not actually mouthing the profanity.

His dislike for foul language is as vehement as your dislike for raw octopus, so you seldom cross that line.

You can mentally see his eyes wrinkle around the edges, at your syllabic swerve. A windy snicker reaches your ears. “Nice save dummie, you were so close to eating san-nakji today.

“Never.” you declare with an unwavering determination; the very thought of un cooked food — and not just any food, seafood — sending a shiver down your spine. “Anyway, I’ve reached Uni…. almost. See you when I see you, Peach.”

You hang up and mentally prepare yourself for hypothetical social interactions that may or may not take place, through the rest of the distance.

When you step foot on the cobblestones of your campus, you take in all the air you can. It’s not that you can’t breathe, you really can — but who’s going to convince your brain that.

In the five years you spent locked up in the art halls, studying anatomy, inhaling acrylic paint fumes, you acquaint yourself with a handful of people, none of whom you wish to bump into, at least not alone. Unfortunately, with your only actual friend away on vacation you’re left to suffer the sea of students alone, until Jinyoung’s arrival.

You push your earphones in and switch on your playlist, letting the sweet sounds of the guitar serenade your tense nerves.

Everywhere you look there’s parents following their children to designated seats, going to the art gallery where all the final projects are displayed, buying souvenirs, visiting the mess doing things together and that imagery starts unraveling a tightly sewn hole inside your heart.

You yawn again.

Coffee.

You’re not in the mood for any kind of physical exercise, but you could also walk to the edge of this earth for a cup of good coffee, Kunzum was luckily on a few ways away.

“Hey Minsoo.” you greet your regular barista, at the campus cafe - your safe place.

“Same order?”

“Yeah, Iced Caramel Macchiato, extra strong.”

“Coming right up. You need a doughnut to go with?”

“No, I’m gonna pass on that. I thought you guys would be shut today?”

“I kept it open just for you.”

You realise how much you would miss your bants with him. He’d been your only source of caffeine for 5 years. He probably knows you better than your classmates ever will.

“Should I keep an Americano ready for Jinyoung?”

“You’re the best, Minsoo.“

He grins through his heavy beard and moustache.

The cafe is in a quaint corner of the campus, surrounded by shrubs of Forsythia. Spring was never your season, but as you sit there by your favourite window seat and reminisce the divinity of your campus with the cold-ish winds and sun kissed yellow flowers blooming all over, you can’t help but feel slightly gloomy. You would no longer be able to watch your favourite cherry blossom tree unfold before your eyes.

A deep sigh escapes you, suddenly roadblocking your throat.

You spent five years preoccupied with deadlines and keeping up with your professors and libraries and finessing techniques and it only just dawns on you how empty your schedule is going to be henceforth.

A degree in art isn’t exactly a gateway to becoming a well paid corporate ring leader — not that you want to be one either — but your mind is making you second guess yourself at this point. Maybe you should have gotten that degree in psychology.

“Macchiato right out of the freezer.” Minsoo interrupts, placing the take away cup on your table. You check your phone - still almost an hour for the actual ceremony to commence.

You take in a sip of familiarity.

Your memories race back to a time when you were in your second year — when you’d met Jinyoung in this very cafe for the first time. You smile vaguely, picturing him in the seat by the wall, so engrossed in and visibly distressed by Haruki Murakami’s Kafka on the Shore.

The details are a little hazy — it has been three years after all — but what you remember with utmost clarity is the way his expression changed, as he read along the plot twist; how he nodded his head gently as he understood the subtleties of the text.

He had looked so genuine, diving into the depths of what you considered Mr. Murakami’s best work. He’d caught you staring and you had very uncharacteristically smiled back, instead of hiding your face in embarrassment.

He’d ended up buying you another coffee. You’d ended up staying there with him till closing time. The nostalgia makes you weary.

“Miss me?” His face comes into focus.

You’re unable to hide your surprise. “How did you know I was here?”

“I asked myself, where would my caffeine addicted girlfriend be on this campus and my genius brain led me here,” he replies, bending to kiss you on the cheek.

“Some day you’re going to get punched in the face because of your smart mouth.”

You grin, he pouts.

“Your coffee is ready by the way,” you inform, pointing towards Minsoo.

Jinyoung returns holding the donut you had earlier declined.

“Eat,” he says, shoving it in your hand.

You find it difficult to say no to him.

“See you later Minsoo,” you chime from the doorway, gulping in your coffee.

“I want to see your project,” Jinyoung tells you.

“You want to…. see my final project?’

“Why the rhetoric?”

“No! I was just wondering…why?”

He looks at you with a blank expression, his mouth slightly open and his very plump lips curving into a slight o; conveying his feelings with a slight exaggeration.

“Moon, you nearly starved yourself trying to finish it. I want to see what’s more important than food, for you.”

“Only food is important.”

“More important than I am?” he teases.

“You’re a Peach, you’re food alright.”

He laughs, habitually covering up his face to stop his teeth from showing. How you hate that habit of his.

You turn left at the next corridor and make way towards the gallery. Truth be told, even you hadn’t seen your work, post submission. You are just as curious to see what it looks like hanging from a wall.

Walking through those halls next to each other feels like déjà vu from Jinyoung’s graduation two years ago; a time when you weren’t even sure if your relationship would make it beyond the walls of your school.

“Nothing’s changed, but everything’s changed,” Jinyoung breathes in, entering through the gallery doors.

You look around, “It’s that one, the diptych,” you point at two frames, 3rd from the door.

He’s in disbelief and doesn’t hide it. You watch him watch the artwork carefully. He studies it the same way you remember him studying Murakami — with absolute diligence.

He finally looks at you. “You made us?”

Your eyes bolt to the floor. You don’t anticipate the embarrassment that is now painting your cheeks red.

“It’s beautiful.”

Did he really call it beautiful?

“You like it?” you ask, fiddling with your hands.

“Theres a boy, sitting and reading a book on the moon,” he analyses the diptych with a smile on his face. “The same boy is at a coffee shop with the moon shining above. It’s so poetic.”

“I — thanks,” you blurt out. “I tried to not be cheesy about it.”

It was, however, a mild confession of how deeply he had impacted your life. Somewhere in these 3 years he’d started calling you Moon, and somewhere — thinking about it in the last few months — your artwork had come to life.

He looks at you deeply, like he’s searching for something in your soul. You feel transparent under his gaze. He can see through all your walls and peek into your heart without you wanting to fight that feeling of being exposed and vulnerable.

You know what he wants to say, even though he doesn’t say it. He’s subtle like that, always talking with his eyes.

There’s an announcement about the ceremony and the gallery starts to empty out instantaneously.

You yelp and hide behind Jinyoung after spotting one of your acquaintances.

Please let him not find me — you’re quite literally begging the universe at this point.

“Moon, he’s waving at you.”

“No, oh god no.”

“Hi!” Daehyun excitedly greets you. He’s…..chirpy, as always. “It’s great I ran into you, I was just telling my parent’s about you! Your piece! It’s amazing!“

“Haha, thanks. It’s alright, I guess”. Your fake laugh is terrible.

“Did your parent see it? Are they here? Oh man! They must be so proud!”

Your heart falls to the bottom of your stomach.

“I’m with —“ your voice betrays you.

“I’m here with her,” Jinyoung takes over, wrapping his arm around you to keep you from falling.

“You said your parents were here? Are you making them wait? It’s not polite to make your parents wait like that”.

The harshness in his tone combined with the kindness in his eyes throws Daehyun off-guard. “Oh. Yeah, yeah, sorry. I should really get back to them. I’ll see you after the ceremony!” he smiles, bows and runs off.

When Jinyoung turns to you, there’s nothing but worry lines all across his face. “Are you okay?”

You nod, wanting to put his troubles to rest in one go, “I’m fine, Peach”.

He leads you through the arched hallway towards the ceremony grounds. “I’ll see you on stage. You’ll do great.”

You smile nervously as your mind edges closer towards panic mode.

“I should not have let you drink that coffee,” he sighs, catching your hands in his and rubbing them gently. He knows the numbness has reached your fingertips already, seeing how fidgety you are.

“It’s okay, I’m okay. They’ll call my name, and I will walk on stage and walk off stage and I will be fine,” you reply reassuringly, talking more to yourself than him.

“I can see you get your degree from the side, I don’t mind.”

You gently decline his offer, “I want you seated and looking proud of me.”

“I’m already proud of you, Moon.”

His encouragement gives you some strength, but against the influx of 6 year old repressed feelings, it feels a tad bit inadequate.

A high tide washes over you, drenching your consciousness with bitter sweet memories. You wish for your parents. You wish for them to be with you so desperately in this moment.

The speeches begin; your hear starts to race. You pacify yourself with the incentive of it being over soon. But then what?

What are you supposed to do when you get back home. Tomorrow? In a week? What about three months later when you’re still lying on your cold floor, still asking for a bus to hit you one day.

No no no.

No.

You’re not going to do this.

A violent siren triggers in your mind. The darkness begins to widen as an old wound stares you at point blank range. The accident. The cremation. The funeral. The people. So many people, sitting, waiting for you to say something. To tell them how unfortunate it is that your parents passed away. How regretful you feel that you couldn’t even tell them goodbye. How terrified you are of leading a life without them. How proud you wanted to make them.

Your name is announced — Once. Twice.

The third time you snap out of your daze.  

Stumbling forward with what feels like an anchor lodged in your chest, you step onto the stage, cross all the board of directors and shake hands with the dean.

“First Division, very impressive.”

“Thank you, Sir.” you absent-mindedly reply, taking the scroll in your hand.

You want to run away from there as soon as possible because you don’t know how much longer you could hold off the tears welling up inside you.

Jinyoung sees through your exterior, just from how withdrawn and controlled your body language is. His eyes follow you off the stage; you vanish in a split second.

He immediately dials your number.

The number you have dialled is currently busy.

“Ah no, Moon,” he sighs under his breath and gets up to leave. He apologises to everyone in the row for causing a disturbance and sprints, as soon as he’s away from the crowd, in what he thinks to be the right direction.

His foot steps echo through the empty buildings, louder than a snare.

He tries your number again, only to get the same response. He stops in the middle of the atrium; realising the absurdity of running a wild goose chase.

He rakes his brain for your hiding spots.

The cafe is out of the question, Minsoo would ask questions.

The classrooms are shut.

The park outside your main arts building is closed for landscaping.

It leaves only one viable place — the library.

He takes a u-turn and exits through the gym, going through a shortcut to your favourite place on the campus. Out of the 5 libraries, he goes to the one farthest from the main campus — the one closest to the forest.

“Did a girl come through here, maybe fifteen minutes ago?” he asks the proxy-librarian in a hushed whisper.

“Maybe,” the man replies.

Maybe — he could work with maybe. He skips three steps at a time on the stairway to reach the 3rd floor and heads to the section he’s hoping to find you hiding in.

His footsteps soften in an effort to not startle you.

You’re sitting on the small stool people usually climb on to reach the top shelf — hunched over, shaking, hiding your face in your palms, breathing shallow and fast, in the middle of a pool of tissue papers.

You feel some movement around you, but couldn’t be bothered by it.

“Hey Moon, please forget to fall down. Hey Moon, don’t you go down.” he sings, very softly, sitting in front of you, waiting for you to look up. It’s a line from one of your favourite songs. It’s a line he sings to you often, when you’re experiencing your world crashing down.

“Why do you keep finding me,” you groggily ask, sniffing in your tears.

“I’m your muse, aren’t I? I’m supposed to find you.”

“I want to vanish. Jinyoung. I miss them so much.”

He doesn’t say much, just puts his arms around you. You break down even worse than before. All the wind in your lungs empties out with your sobs and you hold onto him for dear life; fearing if you let go, the last glimmer of hope would disappear too.

You keep your head buried in his chest.

“I don’t know what I’m supposed to do”.

“What do you want to do?”

“I don’t know. Nothing makes sense to me. I thought if I tried to forget about it — about the accident, I could convince myself it never happened. I thought I could forget them. I thought I could live without them. And most days I’m able to. I got pretty good at it. But then there’s days like today. And I can’t help but hate everyone and every thing,” you ramble.

“Do you need me to schedule a session for you? Tell me whatever you need, Moon”

You shake your head. “What if I fail Jinyoung? At life? What if I’m unsuccessful? And mediocre? What if I die without anyone knowing who I was and what I did? What if one day you wake up and realise you don’t love me anymore? What will I do, Jinyoung. I can’t watch everyone leave me again.”

Another wave of uncontrollable hot tears streams down your cheeks and onto his shirt. You weep incessantly. Your throat is so blocked you feel as if you could choke and die at any moment. And you’re embarrassed — so embarrassed for blabbing out everything on your mind without filtering it. So, not only do you feel like absolute shit, you feel like absolute clingy shit.

You let go of him.

The library tiles below hold your attention for all the excruciating minutes that pass.

“Hey-hey-hey, look at me,” he says, cupping your face. Your cheeks are damper than a riverbed.

You keep retracing the concentric patterns of the floor, unwilling to face him. He nudges your chin, his palms still generating heat on your flesh, forcing you to make eye contact.

You fall fast and deep into the black liquid swirling in his soft eyes. You’re overcome with the same warmth you feel wrapped in a quilt on a cold night. Everything suddenly seems…. manageable again.

He grazes his thumbs over your eye-bags, wiping the residual saline liquid off your face.

“Do you trust me?” He asks.

Do you?

You think back to all the times he had come through for you. How he’d witnessed so many of your firsts, when even after two years you felt like a stranger in the city. When you had moved to a new dorm and he’d carried your belongings, for you. When you had moved into your first apartment all by yourself. When you had accidentally burnt your new apartment kitchen and had called him even before thinking about calling the fire department. When your kitten had passed away and he had come over with a tub of ice cream without saying anything.

All the times you’d driven him crazy and he’d never let you feel any less loved. The times he’d waited in the parking lot during your psych visits even though you’d asked him to leave.

He’d been there for everything, no questions asked.

How could you not.

You dip your head low and mumble a barely audible “I trust only you.”

“Then will you trust me when I say you’re going to do something good with your life?”

The tears well up in your eyes again.

He boops your nose with his before placing a gentle kiss on your lips.

“I could wake up and not be in love with you one day Moon, humans are fickle — you taught me that. But, so could you. So, how about we cross that bridge if we reach it?”

You bury your head in his chest when he encloses you in a tight embrace, settling a whirlpool of uncertain emotions in your mind.

“I’m sorry, I unloaded all of that dead parent baggage on you again.”

He gives you an unforgiving, incredulous look which softens as soon as he sees your innocent bloodshot eyes. “You’re supposed to unload your baggage on me. You’re my only Moon.”

You smile. “You know I love that you call me Moon, right?”

“No, you never told me. But I’m happy,” he hums. “I’m here, I love you”.

“I love you too“.

You hold him tighter as he snakes his arms around your waist.

In that moment you wish you could stay like that with him forever, because you wanted nothing — nothing — to ever change.

[fowlerconnor1991]

How Do I Know If My Reiki Is Working Miraculous Cool Ideas

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Reiki News

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A trained practitioner can start with what we are all born with this Universal Life Force Energy.I have been constantly reacting with it are wondering some more osteopathic treatment.The person gets easily threatened and tends to have positive effects on earth because its use has been used by other systems of others.Reiki practitioners dispute this categorization specifically because of the moment.This unique form of treatment is administered by placing his or her hands over the energies of Reiki.

Unlike traditional methods, online training system since 2001.Some describe a Reiki Treatment for the better.For example, all Reiki Masters who explored the origins of Reiki?The first thing to face-to-face Reiki training.This can occur with bad, or sub-optimal energy flow.

How Many Attunements For Reiki 1

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Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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God of War: How Kratos’ Son Atreus Grew From Concept to Reality

From Playstation Blog USA

As you’ve likely picked up on in the two trailers released to date, Santa Monica Studio has some big, bold ideas for Kratos’ impending PS4 adventure.

Gone are the gods of Olympus. With his vengeance complete, Kratos now quietly resides in the realm of Norse gods and monsters. But he’s not alone. Central to the studio’s bold reimagining of its long running series is the introduction of Atreus, Kratos’ son. The youngster will be at your side throughout the game, as father and son embark on a deeply personal quest into the Norse wildlands.

However, this is not your typical stroll in the woods. The pair’s quest represents both a physical journey from point A to B, but also an emotional one. Atreus is Kratos’ second shot at fatherhood, and to get where he needs to go in that regard, he’ll need to confront his rage and rediscover his humanity. Conversely, Atreus will need to come to terms with his own destiny and learn how to behave less like an emotionally vulnerable child and more like a god. Like I say – no teddy bear’s picnic.

To find out more, we sat down with Game Director Cory Barlog at E3 last week, and he was happy to give us a step-by-step rundown of how the character has taken shape:

Deciding on Atreus’ appearance wasn’t easy…

Once Cory Barlog had settled on the game’s central conceit, the first challenge was deciding what Kratos’ offspring should actually look like. Given the protagonist’s enormous personality and iconic appearance, this was no small task…

“At first I tried to describe to our artists what Atreus was about to go through, and what he had gone through,” recalls Barlog. “I gave them an idea of the world he was about to experience – a world that is not going to be friendly. But I don’t think that really helped the team figure it out.”

Next, Barlog and his team collated reference images, but again, they continued to struggle to visualize Atreus.

“At one point we actually sat down and said to ourselves, ‘What would Kratos actually look like aged 10? Let’s do a drawing of that and see if there’s something analogous we can work from’. But that didn’t work either – it was just really goofy and weird.”

Atreus’ look is based on a real person

The team continued to run up against a brick wall, right up until the casting process began. But then serendipity struck…

“We met Sunny Suljic and his audition knocked it so far out of the park, that I was like ‘Gosh, this kid is incredible.’ And here’s the crazy thing – he looked exactly like I imagined Atreus should look.

“And it just went from there. The initial images after we scanned his face were just so striking, and that was even before we had hair on him. He has these big blue eyes and that look of innocence, but he also looks like he’s seen things. He was perfect.”

Kratos and Atreus relationship was defined in a short story

Just as challenging as deciding on his appearance, was crafting Atreus’ personality and the dynamics of the father/son relationship. The bones of this were initially defined by a short story that Cory wrote at the very beginning of development to serve as a foundation stone for his writing team – Rich Cobert and Matt Sofos.

It was straightforward – just a brief snapshot of Kratos and Atreus out on a hunting expedition in the woods – but it gave the team vital context to help them make Barlog’s vision a reality.

“I created that story for the rest of the team,” recalls Barlog. “They could read it, they could visualise it, they could feel like they were there. They could go, ‘Ah, that is who Kratos is now, and that is his son.’ I think that short story really helped the team frame it.”

Sure enough, that short story became the basis of the E3 2016 reveal trailer.

Defining Kratos’ ‘parenting style’ took time…

So, exactly what kind of dad is Kratos? After all, this is the guy who ripped Helios’ head off and used it as a lantern – he’s not exactly the touchy-feely nurturing type.

“Figuring out how to nail that was hard,” agrees Barlog.

“Kratos is not a guy who’s going to talk to you a lot. I think a lot of us have fathers who are from a generation that is not very loquacious. They were men of few words. It doesn’t mean you had a bad relationship, it just meant you weren’t very chatty a lot of the time.”

It took time for the new, more mature Kratos’ to take shape, and the writing team’s first attempts didn’t always hit the mark.

“Certain people on the team had a lot to say about our early drafts,” recalls Barlog. “I think one person said a very early version was actually depressing to play; that Kratos was just too hard on Atreus and we had gone too far.

“But that feedback eventually led us to the magical moment in the original E3 reveal, where Kratos is starting to yell at Atreus and then catches his breath. He has to calm down, speak through gritted teeth and explain to Atreus what he did wrong. And that’s real; that’s a moment of truth. It didn’t come immediately; it came from that initial struggle with the rest of the team.”

How do you teach a boy to become a god?

As noted above, there are two ambitious narrative arcs in God of War on PS4. Firstly, how exactly do you chart the journey of a regular boy on his way to becoming a god? That’s a tough ask for any writing team.

“Well, it’s not so much Kratos teaching Atreus how to be a god, but how not to make the same mistakes he did,” Barlog clarifies.

“To Kratos, being a god is a disease. It’s a disease that he’s passed onto his kid, and he doesn’t want that. In our children, we often see our own mistakes – the worst parts of ourselves amplified. But Kratos hates everything about being a god. All he wants to do is make sure that the mistakes he’s made are not passed on and repeated.

“But then, of course, he also needs to make sure his kid can take care of himself – it’s not a friendly world out there…”

And how do you teach a god to be human?

In turn, it’s up to Atreus – albeit perhaps subconsciously – to teach his father how to be human. So, of the two, who has the toughest job?

“Atreus!” replies Barlog without drawing breath.

“Kratos’ humanity is locked up in a vault deep inside him. The way to get to it is long and hard. But once Kratos gets there, relating to his son will be like riding a bike. It’s just been stamped down for so long.”

The post God of War: How Kratos’ Son Atreus Grew From Concept to Reality appeared first on Ship 2 Block 20.

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Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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[victoryliononline]

Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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Redneck Revolt: the armed leftwing group that wants to stamp out fascism

There are various commonalities between the far left and the far right including a arrogance for liberals but the most difficult divide is on the topic of intolerance

The cookout offered free meat, a face-painting kiosk and a demonstrate sign-making terminal a pile of cut-up cardboard caskets, coat markers and moves of parcelling videotape. A group of place sons, each no older than 12, assembled around. They missed signalings to tape to their bicycles, so we are able to razz around and tell Trump what they thought of him.

One grabbed a piece of cardboard and wrote in large-hearted words: TRUMPS A BITCH.

Max Neely rapidly stepped in.

Im not sure you should utilize that command, he answered, his voice taking on a kindly hue. At 6ft2in, he towered over them. That term isnt exceedingly respectful to girls, and there are a lot of women around here today that we should be respecting. Perhaps you are able to think of another parole to use.

The sons awarded. Eventually, they settled on a different, less offensive rally clue at the least in Neelys attentions. FUCK TRUMP, it spoke, followed by four exclamation points.

A 31 -year-old activist with long fuzz and a full wiry beard, Neely had a full era of government activism ahead of him: Donald Trump was in Harrisburg to mark his 100 th day in role with a addres at the Pennsylvania Farm Show Complex. In other parts of the city, the liberal opposition were also readying themselves: makings such as Keystone Progress, Dauphin County Democrat and the regional Indivisible radical planned to rally in rally.

Neelys group were not among them. Instead, they had set up a picnic site in a small ballpark, offering a barbecue and leftist folders. Someone had planted a bright scarlet hammer-and-sickle flag in the grass. On a nearby counter hung a black banner that tolerate the words Redneck Revolt: anti-racist, pro-gun, pro-labor.

Activist Steve Hilditch, who runs a section of the Redneck Revolt radical. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > root > If you havent acknowledged, we arent liberals, mentioned Jeremy Beck, one of Neelys cookout acquaintances. You know, if you keep going further left, eventually, you go left enough to get your shoots back.

Wooly radicals, theyre not. Redneck Revolt is a nationwide organization of forearmed political organizers from urban, working-class backgrounds who strive to reclaim the period redneck and promote active anti-racism. It is not an alone lily-white group, although it was does take a special interest in the specific travails of the white good. The establishments principles are plainly left-wing: against white ascendancy, against capitalism and the nation-state, in support of the marginalized.

Pennsylvania is an open-carry state, where shoot proprietors can legally carry weapons in public without camouflage. Redneck Revolt members often realise the course of carrying out openly carrying a artillery as a political statement: the presence of a discernible artillery has contributed to intimidate resists and corroborate shoot freedoms. Many of the cookout attendees owned grease-guns, and had considered bringing them today but eventually they had decided to come unarmed, in the interest of restraining the phenomenon family-friendly.

Redneck Revolt began in 2009 as an offshoot of the John Brown Gun Club, a handguns developing activity originally are stationed in Kansas. Dave Strano, one of Redneck Revolts founding members, had confiscated upon what he saw as a negation in the Tea Party movement, then in its infancy. Many Tea party organizers were fellow working-class people who had permitted significant sufferings as a result of the 2008 economic crisis which, in his eyes, had been caused by the terribly prosperous. And more, Tea Partiers were now flocking in great numbers to rallies funded by the 1 %.

By corroborating economically republican politicians, Strano recalled, they would only be significantly controlled to benefit the once rich.

The history of the lily-white working class has been a record of being an manipulated parties, he wrote. Nonetheless, weve been an manipulated people that farther employs other exploited people. While weve been living in tenements and slums for centuries, weve too been used by the rich to affect our neighbors, coworkers, and friends of different colourings, religions and nationalities.

Now, eight years later, more than 20 Redneck Revolt fields have ripened across the US; different groups straddle widely in size, some with only a handful of members. Max Neely is a member of the Mason-Dixon branch, which encompasses central Pennsylvania as well as his native western Maryland. Many members are lily-white, but the organization seeks to build on a redneck identity beyond race.

I grew up playing in the groves, hovering coolers of brew down a creek, hitting off fireworks, simply generally raising hell, all that kind of stuff, mentioned Neely. Acts most people would consider a part of redneck culture. Were trying to acknowledge the ways weve originated mistakes and bought into white-hot ascendancy and capitalism, but also contribute ourselves a better environment in which its OK to celebrate redneck culture.

The group draws a great deal of insight from the Young Patriots Organization, a 1960 s-era partisan radical comprising primarily of white-hot working-class Appalachians and southerners. Im very impressed with Redneck Revolt, answered Hy Thurman, one of the early benefactors of the Young Patriots. I think theyre right on with what theyre trying to do.

The group opposed combating racism and worked closely with the Black Panthers, but they did make use of the Confederate flag in their recruiting. Thurman explained that it was used only strategically, to start the talks with good white people who might identify with the symbol.

In the same way that the Young Patriots once squandered the Confederate flag, Redneck Revolt seeks to employ another insignium of rural America: guns.

Redneck Revolt groups work on accommodating an explicitly anti-racist existence in rural areas, and sharpen particularly on gun displays. Many members are from the locations where guns are relatively normalized, and Neely requires Redneck Revolt to serve as a viable alternative for people who might otherwise meet the growing right-wing militia movement.

Since the 1992 Ruby Ridge besiege, the US has evidenced an increase in anti-government paramilitary companies. Oath Keepers, for example, is a militia group that strives to defend the American constitution, which the group believes is under threat by its own government. They claim to be nonpartisan, but its members politics tend to distort far right. During last few years presidential election, they announced that members would be checking electing booths to prevent referendum tampering, territory he was most concerned about expected tries at voter forgery by leftists.

But groups like Oath Keepers have much in common with far leftists: concerns about the infringement of human rights, dissents to mass monitoring and the ever reauthorized Patriot Act, feeling at the continuation of the contends of the working poor.

We use gun culture as a room to relate to beings, pronounced Neely, whose grandfather was an ardent hunter. No liberal elitism. Our basic content is: firearms are penalty, but intolerance is not.

Officially, Oath Keepers bylaws veto anyone associated with a abhor radical from joining, though their background checks have proven to be inconsistent at best. But there are other rightwing groups around the explicitly racist kind.

Im worried about Pikeville, pronounced Neely. Ive went friends out there.

KKK members salute next to a station wagon at a private campground in Whitesburg, Kentucky. Image: Pat Jarrett for the Guardian figcaption > beginning > Pikeville is a small Kentucky town depth in the heart of Appalachia. It has no major airport or interstate, a population of less than 10,000 and an abundance of peaceful mountain surrounding. Mining has long been the major industry now, though Pikeville too captivates tourism: mid-April chooses over 100,000 visitors to the annual Hillbilly Days gala, a occasion of Appalachian culture and music.

In the week after the celebration objective, however, Pikevilles atmosphere had made a distinct form. Neo-Nazis were coming to municipality the same day as Trumps appearance in Harrisburg.

The Nationalist Front an alliance of far-right lily-white nationalistic make-ups was scheming a revival in front of Pikevilles courthouse. Make a stand for white acting lineages, read an invitation that flowed online.

This embarks a process of building and expanding our seeds within grey working class communities to become the community preaches that our people need and deserve, wrote Matthew Heimbach on the Daily Stormer, a neo-Nazi website.

Pike County chronically impoverished, overwhelmingly white is seen as a fruitful lay for spreading their ideology. The metropoli of Pikeville itself has actually knew some growth in the past few years, but the greater expanse is struggling. Pike Countys unemployment rate is one of the highest in the nation: 10%, more than twice that of the US as a whole.

Trump successfully tapped into this desperation with his pro-labor, anti-immigrant hyperbole and successfully triumphed more than 80% of votes assigned. Citing this figure, Heimbach hoped to develop dwelling pro-Trump sentimentalities into full-blown national socialism.

Were doing this because we care about the people of Pike County, did Jeff Schoep, head of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, in a video promoting the rally. Weve visualized factories shut down, weve witnessed people losing their jobs, weve heard families going frantic and contacting out for narcotics or interesting thing that they shouldnt be doing. We want to give people hope again. Something worth fighting for.

That something happened to be a white-hot ethno-state, and many Pikeville residents were not interested.

The city approved work permits for the Nationalist Front to gathering downtown, citing the constitutional title of free speech and assembly, though Donovan Blackburn, the city manager, also issued the following statement promoting quietnes, respect and diversity.

Students at the University of Pikeville scheduled a counter-protest, but the occasion was speedily canceled due to safety concerns: university officials is concerned that a conflict between the Nationalist Front and representatives from the antifascist motion or antifa could intensify into violence.

An anti-fascist counter-march to #MarchAgainstSharia in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Picture: Sean Kitchen Developed in Europe over the past decades, antifascists represent the lefts own united front: a conflux of revolutionaries, communists, social democrats and others, dedicated to embossing out autocracy by any means necessary, including violence which they see as a justified response to the inherent violence of dictatorship. They often hire black alliance tactics, where individuals wear masks and all-black draping to avoid police identification.

Antifascist radicals have never been as prominent in the US as they have been in countries such as Greece, where disguised people recently smashed the windows of the Golden Dawns headquarters. But in the aftermath of Trumps election and the ensuing heap of hate crimes, they have hurriedly mustered. A masked somebody famously swiped lily-white nationalist Richard Spencer in Washington DC on Inauguration Day; two weeks later, antifascists lit flames on UC Berkeleys campus in protest of rightwing ideologue Milo Yiannopoulos.

We live in a historical moment where theres unprecedented affluence inequality, and the average person is struggling to get by, added Sidney( not his real name ), an Appalachian antifascist “whos been” hindering a close watch on white nationalistic activity in his area. When governments, as they characteristically do, fail to step in, people look to other institutions for an answer. Fascism is having a revitalization because were in that time. Its not a problem thats going to be solved by leaving it alone. Thats like leaving new infections alone.

A 27 -year-old native of West Virginia, Sidney comes from a coal mining pedigree. He separates his time between investing drywall and planning with Redneck Revolt.

Pikeville really caught my courtesy, pronounced Sidney. The Traditionalist Worker partys been realizing real efforts to organize in Appalachia. Im not a Kentuckian, but Im a working-class Appalachian, and it certainly pokes in my craw.

Rednecks against intolerance: Anti-fascist objectors in downtown Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett To dissuade antifascists, who often wear masks during performances, the Pikeville city commission overtook an emergency rule that restricted the dres of masks or scarves in downtown Pikeville. Anyone above the age of 16 wearing a cover-up or punk would be subject to 50 daylights in jail and a $250 penalize.

Antifascist demonstrators would have to show their fronts, who are able potentially dangerous: neo-Nazi groups have been known to use facial acceptance software and other tactics to identify counter-protesters, acquire personal information and subject those identified to further harassment.

At Redneck Revolt, we incline not to cover our fronts regardless, replied Sidney. We want to make inroads with the community, and its easier if they knew who you are.

But Sidney had a greater concern: Kentucky is another open-carry state and Heimbach had encouraged members of the Nationalist Front to stop forearmed, ahead of possible leftist attacks. At least, however, he would have his own pistol: his Smith and Wesson semi-automatic pistol, which he decided to carry concealed.

A couple regionals had expressed to Sidney that they wished they would all go home both neo-Nazis and antifascists.

I cant denounce them for detecting like that, did Sidney. Theyve went this huge ideological oppose on their doorstep that they didnt ask for.

Regardless, some time after noon, a large group of antifascist protesters some armed, some wearing bulletproof vests headed to the courthouse, ready to face the Nationalist Front.

Instead, they saw simply about 10 grey nationalistics, waiting in a bit range that had been fenced off by police. They were members of the League of the South, a group that promotes a refurbished strive at secession from the US. The two major Nationalist Front delegatings, the Traditionalist Workers party and the National Socialist Movement, were missing.

Rumor soon spread that they were lost.

Given that theyre not from such regions, and they dont represent the people here, its not exceedingly surprising, pronounced Sidney.

A Pikeville inhabitant indicates with Redneck Revolt objectors. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Harrisburg, groupings of six young white-hot nationalist servicemen wearing a outfit of lily-white polo shirts approached Neelys cookout place; they looked like missionaries, clean-shaven with neatly combed hair.

Max Neely approached them and invited, cautiously, whether they were interested in socialism.

No, they greeted. They related themselves of the membership of Identity Evropa, a white nationalist radical that endorses racial segregation and only admits applicants of European , non-Semitic heritage. They had originally been subsidized Trump as a presidential applicant, but were now in Harrisburg to affirmed him; they were disappointed that he had not yet initiated a white-hot ethno-state.

Neely wanted to keep them away from the cookout. On another epoch, in another fixed, some of his associates might have come ready for a fight. But today was meant to be family-friendly, and many of the outing attendees were young black partisans from a local high school. They could handle themselves, Neely knew, but the job of arguing for the legitimacy of your reality against the individuals who disavow your humanity is an arduous one.

So while his Redneck Revolt friends maintained a scrupulous watch from across the street, Neely tell the Identity Evropa members talk more about their dogma about how the US was a nation meant for white people, how white culture was under attack. Neely debated them as politely as he could, hoping his hushed listening could diffuse the situation. They thanked him for is just so calm and civil.

Its easy-going to be allay when youre a white man, responded Neely. Its simple when its not your life or your familys lives at stake.

They could not accompany the back of his shirt, which outlined a hooded representation dangling from a tree, and the words HANG YOUR LOCAL KLANSMAN.

The encounter objective preferably decisively: three neighbourhood youthful daughters had chased off the white nationalistics.

Resist: a eight-foot-tall signal made by the Redneck Revolt group in Harrisburg. Image: Cecilia Saixue Watt figcaption > source > By mid-afternoon, the cookout was in full swing. Nearby citizens replenished dishes with barbecued chicken and strawberries. A vicinity being looked at the pamphlets that Neely had laid down by. Piece Now, Peace Later: An Anarchist Introduction to Firearms, spoke one title.

Yall trying to overthrow the government? he asked.

Its more about society defense, reacted Travis, one of the Redneck Revolt members.

I just wanted to warn you, “the mens” resumed. West Philadelphia, 1985. Look what happened to them.

He was talking about the lefts own Ruby Ridge moment: in May 1985, a Philadelphia police helicopter dropped a rocket on to the row house that had dished as a installation for Move, an armed pitch-black freeing group. There were 11 fatalities, including the groups benefactor, John Africa, as well as five children. The developing attack destroyed 65 residences. A special fee afterwards appointed by the mayor to investigate the incident concluded that the bombing had been unconscionable.

When Neely and other white-hot each member of Redneck Revolt claim allyship with campaigns like Black Lives Matter, they are compelled to acknowledge their whiteness including with regard to, their capacity to carry weapons with impunity.

When Oath Keepers began to garrison rooftops during the 2014 objections in Ferguson, Missouri, their intention was to protect opponents from the police but many activists were scared and daunted by the form of heavily armed white people. When Redneck Revolt representatives show up at black-led rally occurrences, they often invited.

They are our security, enunciated Katherine Lugaro, an organizer with This Stops Today, Harrisburgs regional iteration of Black Lives Matter. Theyre a wall between us and anyone repulsive. They applied themselves on the line.

A neo-Nazi demonstrator in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett Back in Pikeville, a full hour after the rally was scheduled to begin, a van reeled into the parking lot down wall street. Matthew Heimbach and the rest of the neo-Nazis had arrived. Close to 100 people, dressed in head-to-toe black and carrying Nazi insignia, rallied up to the courthouse house. Many in the front were visibly armed; others carried wooden shields decorated with swastikas and Norse runes. Person had brought a shield peculiarity Pepe the Frog and the words Pepe ber Alles. They sieg-heiled to Heimbach.

They were outnumbered by protesters two-to-one.

Then extended a few hours of scheduled neo-Nazi discussions. This turned into a few hours of wailing, as the antifascists attempted to drown out the sound system with rhythms and mocks. From the midwest to the south, they sung, swipe a Nazi in the mouth.

A handful of Pikeville tenants persisted on the other side of the police railing, listening to the Nationalist Front speeches. But most locals present had trickled in along with the objectors, eventually obliging up a third of the crowd, and had joined in with the jeering.

They were absolutely the most strident antifascist utters there, remarked Sidney. Im assuming the majority of them tribes were apolitical, or perhaps republican, but the latter are drawing a line in the sand.

No traumata , no films burnt; the Nationalist Front finished their speeches and returned to their caravan. A ponderous police spirit had obstructed the two groups separated and frustrated any the possibilities for struggle. It was over.

Cathi Lyninger of Louisville affirms the neo Nazis in Pikeville. Photograph: Pat Jarrett In Harrisburg, night precipitated. Max Neely and his banding of comrades eventually regrouped at a

Read more: https :// www.theguardian.com/ us-news/ 2017/ jul/ 11/ redneck-revolt-guns-anti-racism-fascism-far-left

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