#stefan ivanov

[rosie-does-rugs]

КЪДЕТО ИМА ВЛАСТ НЯМА ЛЮБОВ (WHERE THERE IS POWER THERE IS NO LOVE) — an environment of words, created by Stefan Ivanov and Rosie Eisor.

size: 90cm x 122cm x 2cm

medium: 100% acrylic yarn

year of production: 2022

This artwork was part of the project WITH YOU, that emerged during the first edition of Center For Social Vision and its public program NEGOTIATION, and that was on view at Swimming Pool gallery, in Sofia from April 16th to June 18th, 2022.

Stefan Ivanov about WITH YOU: "Words and questions in the air and on walls, on record, cloth and paper – about the possible conversation and the desired meeting. About caring and hating, about responsibility and the lack of it. About the difficulty of seeing the face of a person, known or unknown.”

photo: Yana Lozeva

[noblehcart]

@malka-lisitsa cont.

"Mistle-?" The tall figure glanced up to where the greenery dangled above them unknowing of what it exactly had entitled him to do. Or rather consider doing. Blue eyes stared at it momentarily, shock and surprise freezing him before turning to her. His mouth tugging upward a fraction before smoothing into a proper, polite and contained smile.

Clearing his throat he spoke up at her teasing. "I wouldn't be so forward to ask yet, Katherine. I try not to be too forward with beautiful women gracing me with their company as it were. Even if the 'tradition' is...tempting."

[mizooncat]

Digital painting of Stefán Karl as Count Matthew Shabelskii from Ivanov by Anton Chekhov

[myhiraeth]

@noblehcart​​ con’t from [ here ] 

"You're far more paranoid than I took you for."  

Because the militia had their fun with him dealing blows, but now he sat on the singular bench of a cell with his hands cuffed. Or at least whatever version of cuffing it was. It seemed like new technology that he unfortunately wouldn't be able to pick or manage to twist his way out of.

Blue eyes flickered over the visage of the Knight encased in armor that revealed nothing. "I'm in a rather impervious cell and with a dislocated shoulder to add to that. The cuffing is a bit unnecessary, don't you think? I'm already imprisoned as it is."

It wasn't. If the Knight knew anything about him then he'd know that it might not be enough for now, but he couldn't be sure about what the Knight had on him or what his sister told him. What he did know is that his sister didn't know exactly what level of military work he had been involved in. So he had to assume the militant dictator knew nothing but that he served in the military which meant little in the face of the highly trained militia working for him.

"Just what exactly are you afraid of, Knight?" He dared as he got to his feet and leisurely walked to the glass that separated the two of them. "Paranoia and fear go hand in hand."    

His face is hidden behind the mask, but the smirk in his voice is so easily discernible the mask makes no difference.   “ Your sister has taught me never to underestimate an Ivanov. So this is me, not underestimating you. You should take it as a compliment, really. ”

Despite his bravado and his confidence, Stefan Ivanov is right- he is afraid. Afraid of the unknown. He’s gotten bits and pieces out of Liesel over time about her militant brother but mostly what he got was more questions. He’s not sure if Liesel has intentionally kept her brother’s career and skills vague or if she genuinely has no real idea what Stefan does in his career. Regardless, a military man is not someone the Knight wants to take chances with, especially one that had gotten this far into his inner city with a vested interest in ‘saving’ his sister and who keeps company with brokers like Cerci London. So the extravagant imprisoning will remain.

“ You know, people always call it ‘paranoid’ until something actually happens, then you know what they call it? Prepared. ” He saunters closer to the clear pexiglass of the cell, eyeing the man inside it. He was looking worse for the wear- the Knight was going to be in deep shit if Liesel saw her brother like this, so he’d have to make sure she didn’t.    “ What are you doing here, Ivanov? ”

[lordofthestrix]

For this edition of Tristan catching up with the dash and finding the novelties he missed incredibly amusing: Stefan Ivanov (@noblehcart) when his sister decides to approach a vampire: You are evil! You think I can't tell you are basically the devil? I can sniff the wickedness in you like one of my hounds. What circle of hell did you escape from? Stefan Ivanov when he is approached by a vampire (@malka-lisitsa): You are so beautiful Miss Pierce! You are so clever! You are so charming, Miss Pierce! What have I done to deserve meeting such a radiant angel?

[cars4starters]

Stefan draws on history for his art Bulgarian car historian Stefan Ivanov has a remarkable story to tell, reports BILL BUYS. https://cars4starters.com.au/stefan-draws-on-history-for-his-art/?feed_id=31608&_unique_id=65fcbc830e149

[rosie-does-art]

I WANT AT HOME AND IN YOU (ИСКАМ ВКЪЩИ И В ТЕБ)

work in collaboration with Stefan Ivanov

size: 130 x 96 x 2 cm

medium: 100% acrylic yarn

year of production: 2021

This is the first work, part of an ongoing project called ‘Poetry Will Save Your Soul’. The title of this project is inspired by an anonymous graffiti found on a street in Sofia. The author’s idea is to collaborate with local and international poets, writers, playwrights, and musicians to create joint works in the form of textile panels and carpets.

[artemkuzkomen]

EDEN | Projector from Zhang + Knight on Vimeo.

The sky took a long time to paint.

Directors: Zhang + Knight Producer: Luke Tierney Production Company: FRIEND DOP: Carl Nilsson B2Y Producer: Alexander Kenanov Service Company: B2Y Productions B2Y Line Producer: Ivan Ivanov-Kebapa Production Manager: Kristin Arakchieva Production Coordinator: Daniel Vasev Production Accountant: Diana Petrova 1 AD: Mihajlo Kocev Production Designer: Lora Venkova Art Director: Kris Lekov Art Department Coordinator: Anna Hadzhieva Props Master: Zdravko Vasilev Props Master Assistant: Vasil Ivanov Buyer: Georgi Georgiev Construction manager: Zamfir Zamfirov Carpenter: Georgi Lazarov Carpenter: Tanislav Lazarov Carpenter: Emanuil Asenov Carpenter: Toni Tomov Carpenter:Ivan Kirov Carpenter: Dian Angelov Carpenter: Stefan Mavrodiev Carpenter: Boyan Georgiev Set Dresser: Luybomir Harizanov Assistant Set Dresser: Andrey Vasilev Lead Painter / Graffiti: Atanas Levakov Lead Painter / Graffiti: Yoan Tsenkov Painter: Todor Raykov Painter: Vasko Vasilev Painter: Toni Kanchev Choreographer: Simon Donnellon Choreographer: Lydia Buckler 1st AC: Mihail Kotev 2nd AC: Ludmil Donchev Steadicam Operator: Nikolay Kerezov Video Control: Simeon Chengelski Loader: Borislav Zlatanov Downloader: Bogomil Georgiev BTS: Angela Stephenson Stylist Taff Williamson Costumer: Mariya Petrova Hair & Make Up: Gergana Batanova Gaffer: Peter Kostov Electrician: Kirirl Bakalov Electrician: Viktor Hristov Key Grip: Vihar Nikolov Grip: Todor Todorov Key PA: Teodor Luckanov PA: Stoqn Rusev PA: Ivelin Ilchev Driver: Dimitar Simeonov Driver: Daniel Balcev Craft Service: RAGAZZI / Stefan Dundakov Editor: Ellie Johnson @ Tenthree Edit Producer: Julian Marshall Colourist: Daniel De Vue @ A52 Colour EP: Thatcher Peterson Colour Producer: Jenny Bright VFX: Analog Studios VFX EP: Mike Merron VFX Producer: Rose Nicholson VFX Lead/Lead 2D: Fabio Zaveti 2D Artist: Giuseppina Cataldo

[tradedmiami]

SALE IMAGE: Stefan Grosfeld, Jose Sasson Lerner & Roberto Susi DATE: 01/31/2023 ADDRESS: 12601 Okeechobee Road MARKET: Hialeah Gardens ASSET TYPE: Industrial BUYER: An Affiliate Of Triarch Capital Group - Stefan Grosfeld SELLER: Essential Properties - Max Ivanov BUYER'S REP: Jose Sasson Lerner & Roberto Susi (@RSusi29) - Axiom Capital Advisors SALE PRICE: $7,200,000 LOT SF: 266,413 ~ PPLSF: $27 ACRES: 6.11 ~ PPA: $1,178,396 NOTE FROM BUYER'S REP: We specialize in sourcing and facilitating off-market transactions, please feel free to reach out to Jose Sasson @ 786-393-8089 / js@axiom-cap.com or Roberto Susi @ 305-528-3283 / Roberto@axiom-cap.com for future opportunities. #Miami #RealEstate #tradedmia #MIA #TradedPartner #HialeahGardens #Industrial #JoseSassonLerner #RobertoSusi #AxiomCapitalAdvisors #EssentialProperties #MaxIvanov #TriarchCapitalGroup #StefanGrosfeld

[svetlanamirchevaworks]

Video archive of Possible Exhibitions 2021

Ongoing archive 22+ INTERVIEWS 2021 HD video

with

Peter Torniov, Architect    Pravdolub Ivanov, Artist    Stela Vasileva, Artist    Nedko Solakov, Artist    Boiana Gjaurova, Cultural manager    & Dimana Missirkova     Boris Missirkov, Cinematographer     Georgi Bogdanov, Cinematographer     Evgenia Atanassova, Journalist     Kalin Serapionov, Artist     Tzvetana Shipkova, Journalist     Milko Lazarov, Film director     Veselka Kiriakova, Film producer     Luchezar Boyadzhiev, Artist     Stefan Nikolaev, Artist     Marieta Tsenova, Artist     Kiril Prashkov, Artist     Vesselina Sarieva, Gallerist     Maria Vassileva, Art critic, Gallerist     Voin Voinov, Artist     Nadezhda Dzhakova, Director of SAMCA, Sofia     Iaroslava Boubnova, Director of the National Gallery, Sofia

    camera Stoyan Yorgov @filmotekata   

POSSIBLE EXHIBITIONS FULL EXHIBITION DOCUMENTATION  | on issuu

[mariacallous]

Former PM Borissov’s offer to lead a new ‘Euro-Atlantic coalition’ could lead the country out of its prolonged political deadlock – or is it just a ploy?

“It’s logical for the next election to come a few months after the local elections”, meaning in November 2023, Hristo Ivanov, co-chair of the liberal Democratic Bulgaria coalition, recently told the website Dnevnik.bg. Minutes later, he added: “Stillborn elections could even take place in the spring.”

It is a politician's duty to look one step ahead. Ivanov, however, was thinking two steps ahead, having uttered those words more than a week before Bulgaria’s fourth inconclusive election in 18 months.

Such foresight will be a must for Bulgarian politicians in the next few months, and they seem to be aware of that, judging from their moves after the vote on October 2.

A combination of the lowest turnout since 1989 and bleak prospects for government formation have placed Bulgaria somewhere between the scenario of Israel, which is heading to its fifth election since 2019, and that of Italy, where a culture of political turbulence resulted in 68 governments in 76 years.

Beneath the surface, Bulgaria’s fragmented political life is either heading for unexpected consolidation, or will continue muddling along with an unpredictable cycle of elections.

Shifts among voters won’t help coalition-making

The latest election result figures spell trouble for coalition-making. Boyko Borisov’s center-right Citizens of the European Development of Bulgaria, GERB, overtook “We Continue the Change”, PP, which came first in the previous vote.

But GERB but has few partner options, unlike PP in November 2021, which could rely on an anti-GERB alliance. The vote for the centrist PP itself shrank by a quarter.

The nationalist Revival (Vazrazhdane) party, which could help secure votes for Borissov, more than doubled its support compared to the November election, from 4 to 10 per cent.

It swept past the Bulgarian Socialist Party, BSP, whose aging electorate is considered the most pro-Russian but who leaders remains torn between commitment to the EU and the need to speak to their voters.

The party of Stefan Yanev, who was forced to quit as Defence Minister in February for refusing to call the Ukraine war a war, replaced the populist “There Is Such a People”, ITN, jumping over the 4-per-cent barrier, which ITN did not, many of its voters switching to ITN and Revival.

Just over 15 months ago, “There is Such a People” won the election with 23 per cent of the vote, and was a junior coalition partner to PP, the Socialists and Democratic Bulgaria after the next one. All three parties have ruled out working with GERB, however.

Borissov’s gambit confuses his rivals

Borissov’s was no comeback; his result has only improved by a few percentage points compared to November 2021 and his first spot was a result of PP’s collapse.

However, in a sign of what even critics call his strong political instinct, with a single move he set the tone for a possible revamp of the political scene – with or without elections.

Borissov extended his hand for a “Euro-Atlantic coalition”, burying the hatchet with PP and Democratic Bulgaria and stating his readiness for “any kind of compromise”, even acceptance of opponents’ landmark reform plans. These include a clear stance on the war in Ukraine, energy diversification away from Russia’s Gazprom, support for joining the eurozone, and urgent search for new economic measures amid the brewing war-induced crisis. He even proposed prominent “Euro-Atlanticists” as moderators, citing their “indisputable reputation when it comes to the most important topic, which is the anti-Putin topic”, namely, former president Rosen Plevneliev and ex-foreign minister Solomon Passy.

Borisov is nominally pro-Western but has rarely been as unambiguous: he firmly stood behind Ukraine in a way that neither PP nor Democratic Bulgaria could have afforded. He made clear a government is needed, as the war in Ukraine is bringing a terrible crisis with it, and he also said Bulgaria should send Ukraine arms. His words resonated: he had been careful with his U-turns over the years (his resolve to build the Balkan leg of TurkStream pipeline and help Russian gas bypass Ukraine is just one example).

Many dismissed the proposal, however. The Socialists see a risk of alienating their voters and Democratic Bulgaria considered it a preparation for the next election. Borisov himself dismissed the idea of shaking hands with Revival, whose narratives on Ukraine echo Russia’s, but which, together with the Movement for Rights and Freedoms, MRF, could secure a majority.

But some experts praised his clear stand in a country where even the most pro-Western mainstream politicians have been wary of doing so, for fear of losing voters. So has Borissov. Until now.

That could be a maneuver to draw votes from PP and Democratic Bulgaria, but it is a new development in an environment where the fragmented political life has made the public discourse rather inward-looking. These divisions prevented Bulgaria from voicing an active position on the war during the previous government.

Country at the mercy of ‘black swan’ events

With GERB as the biggest party poised to receive the mandate to form a government, and with no one else having the electoral math to obtain a clear majority, Borisov’s gamble could either be driven by either pure desire, or a preparation for the next one.

A coalition would be welcomed in times of economic crisis, but it likely wouldn’t last long. Borissov has always managed to outsmart (and weaken) political allies, pushing them below the electoral threshold in the next vote while remaining unscathed himself. On the other hand, the EU would welcome a “Euro-Atlantic” bloc. The coalition his critics suspect he is planning with MRF and Revival would not be so well received.

It is either an ambition to rule now or an ambition to rule later. What Borisov needs, therefore, is to project an image of stability. With a tough winter facing Europe amid fears of skyrocketing food, electricity and gas prices, GERB’s call for cooperation, flexibility and stability could help portray him as a normalizing and unifying force in the eyes of voters – or so he may think.

Meanwhile, all parties seem ready to enter campaign mode again, hoping to improve their result – even if there are no indications they will be better next time. A case in point is Revival, which on Wednesday called for a Russian-style law against “foreign agents” in the media, after a journalist he called a “US Embassy wastepipe” refused to leave his press conference, prompting him to walk out instead. Revival’s act is a reminder that political faultlines seem to be stiffening, as it whips up its base.

Much of the political elite seems to have accepted that, immediately or after a short-lived government, Bulgaria’s fate is in the hands of various “black swans” – how the war in Ukraine unfolds; how energy prices rise or fall; what sway President Rumen Radev has, his three caretaker governments having defined much of Bulgaria’s political life since April 2021.

Many leaders throughout history have been tempted to look to oracles to help them make decisions. In Bulgaria, no party has proved to have access to anyone with such credentials. A future election could bring about the same results as before – or reshape the political map completely. It is this “all-or-nothing” prospect that makes the next moves after Borisov’s offer so relevant: it could deepen the “West-vs-Russia” divide, should a government be formed, or leave the parties, and Bulgaria, to their fate. Or both, once such an alliance falls apart.

[rosie-does-rugs]

Какво може да видите в Swimming Pool до 18 юли всеки понеделник, 18:00 – 21:00 вход свободен

През следващите дни ще ви запознаем с проектите, които са резултат от първото издание на “Център за социална визия” и публичната програма "Договаряне".

Проектът С ТЕБ на Стефан Иванов в сътрудничество с Rosie Eisor добива формата на среда от думи, включвайки текстилни произведения, както и поетично изследователско есе, което може да прочетете или чуете.

Стефан Иванов за С ТЕБ:

"Думи и въпроси във въздуха и по стени, на запис, плат и хартия – за възможния разговор и желаната среща. За грижата и омразата, за отговорността и липсата ѝ. За трудността да видиш лицето на човек, познат или непознат."

Повече за ДОГОВАРЯНЕ и проектите тук!

—

What’s on view at Swimming Pool until July 18 every Monday, 6 pm – 9 pm free entry

In the coming days we’ll introduce you to the projects that emerged during the first edition of the Center for Social Vision and its public program Negotiation, and that are on view at Swimming Pool.

WITH YOU by Stefan Ivanov and in collaboration with Rosie Eisor takes the shape of an environment of words. It includes textile works as well as a poetic essay that can be read or listened to.

Stefan Ivanov about WITH YOU:

“Words and questions in the air and on walls, on record, cloth and paper – about the possible conversation and the desired meeting. About caring and hating, about responsibility and the lack of it. About the difficulty of seeing the face of a person, known or unknown.”

More about the projects and the public program NEGOTIATION here!

Stefan Ivanov & Rosie Eisor, With You. © Swimming Pool and the artists, 2022. Photo: Yana Lozeva

[noblehcart]

★ ⸻ GENERAL

name:   stefan  ivanov.

alias(es): stef, general ivanov, 

gender: cis - male.

age: 36+  

birthday:  august 27th (virgo)

place of Birth:  london, england

spoken Language(s):  english,  arabic, russian, some german.

sexual Preference: bi-sexual / romantic.

occupation(s): soldier in british special forces  / private security

★ ⸻ APPEARANCE

eye color:  blue.

hair color:  blondish-brown.

height: 6′1.

major scars: LINK.

★ ⸻ FAVORITE

color:   navy.

song:   i guess by saint levant.

food:   coq au vin

drink:  scotch, wine,  tea.

★ ⸻ HAVE THEY…

passed university:  yes.

had sex: yes.

had sex in public: no.

gotten pregnant/someone else pregnant: no.

kissed a boy: yes.

kissed a girl: yes.

gotten tattoos: no.

gotten piercings:  no.

been in love: yes.

stayed up for more than 24 hours: 100% yes as a special forces operative.

★ ⸻ ARE THEY…

a virgin: hahaha no.

a cuddler: depends  on  the  person.

a kisser:  yes.

scared easily:  oh god no

jealous easily: yes.

trustworthy: yes.

dominant:  he  can  be with the right person.

submissive:  he can be!

in love: depends on the verse but typically yes.

single:  also  verse  dependent.

★ ⸻ RANDOM QUESTIONS

have they harmed themselves:  no unless you count some nights of binge drinking.

thought of suicide: nope.

attempted suicide: nope.

wanted to kill someone:  yes,  and  he absolutely has done so

have/had a job: yes.

have any fears:  yes, he absolutely does but none he’ll admit.

★ ⸻ FAMILY

sibling(s):  sister- liesel ivanov and unwilling but unfortunately dominic lewis.

parent(s):  vera nosov & andrei ivanov

children:  none,  unless  plotted,

significant other:  verse  dependent !!!!

pet(s):  two very highly trained dobermans.

stolen from: @salvatoraes !!! -wink- since its stolen from a stef i figured i oughta use my stef lol tagging: @walkingshcdow , @lordofthestrix , @myhiraeth , @firstsorrow , @kingmakercastle , @demonstigma , @paramounticebound 

[mentalnahigijena]

STEFAN PEROVIĆ CUCA – Istina (2.dio) Stefan A. Perović Cuca rodio se u selu Zovine, Cuce, računajući po starom kalendaru krajem 1830. godine, oko 27. decembra (po novom, početkom 1831, 8. januara). Odmah da se razriješi dilema oko imena. On je Stefan, a druga varijanta – ponarođeno ime Stevan, uobičajila se kasnije kod nekih koji su se bavili njegovom biografijom. U citatima te vrste, da ne bismo rušili vjerodostojnost, ostavljali smo te varijante imena bez ispravki. Tako je rađeno i sa nekim gramatičkim oblicima. On se svuda potpisivao kao Stefan, uz poetske potpise ispod pjesama, o kojima ćemo kasnije više reći, a tako mu se obraćao i njegov ujak Njegoš, tepajući mu i Stefo. (…) Otac Stefanov bio je Andrija Ivanov Perović, cucki serdar i senator, a majka Marija, bila je sestra Petra II Petrovića Njegoša. Andrijin opis ostavio nam je Ljuba Nenadović u svojoj knjizi Pisma iz Italije. Na ulici je srio jednoga Crnogorca, koji mu je nakon upoznavanja rekao da je u pratnji vladike crnogorskoga Njegoša: „Putem kaže mi: da je tu od Crnogoraca još i Andreja Perović (da li je tako Ljuba čuo i prvo zapisao ili je štamparska greška nije jasno; kasnije je pravilno napisao Andrijino ime – prim. D. B. P.), serdar cucki, i Đuko Srdanović, upravitelj dvora vladičina.” Nenadović se upoznao s Njegošem i dok su razgovarali: „Kroz staklena vrata vidim, gde na balkonu sedi jedan Crnogorac, ogrnut ćintercom, (crvenim kratkim ćurkom, s lisičinom), puši dugački čibuk iz okovane simsije. (Tako oni zovu lulu). Po katkad i on pogleda na nas kroz staklena vrata. Krupan, pristar čovek, crnih, velikih brkova, i neobično velike glave. Sedi na balkonu kao orlušina na kakvoj litici: samo glavu po katkad okrene na jednu ili drugu stranu. U neko doba i on uđe u sobu, i neobazirući se na nas, pođe tihim korakom preko sobe, da ide dalje na druga vrata. Vladika, kad ga primeti, reče mu: „Što se ne pozdraviš sa ovijem gospodinom? On je iz Srbije”. Serdar Andrija, - to on beše, - zaustavi se i malo osmehnu: „A od kud bih ja znao, gospodare, da je Srb. Ja mislim da zborite francuski”. Ja se pozdravim i poljubim sa serdarom, a vladika reče mi: „To je moj zet! (sestra mu za njim), poveo sam ga, da mi se nađe kogođ svoj, ako bi me ova nesrećna bolijest udavila u ovom tuđem svijetu”. (…) Stefan je imao šest brata: Petra, Luku, Sava, Raka, Joša i Novicu. Petar se školovao u Rusiji, što se vidi iz nekih Njegoševih pisama, koje su istraživači greškom označavali da su upućena Stefanu. Nestao je u nekim bitkama u Rusiji i o njemu se ne zna nešto više. I drugi brat Luka bio je u Rusiji na školovanju. On je, kao ruski visoki konjiči oficir, poginuo pri oslobođenju Plijevna (grad Pleven), u Bugarskoj, za vrijeme rusko-turskog rata 1876-1878. Poslije Stefanove smrti braća Jošo, Savo, Rako preselili su pod planinu Nenadu („za Milutina Jošova, zapamtili su da je bio jedan od najljepših Crnogoraca u svoje vrijeme“). Sa sobom su doveli maloljetnog Mališu, jedinca Ilije Ivanova Perovića. Njihovi potomci danas žive od Nikšića, tj. od Crne Gore i država bivše Jugoslavije, do Argentine i USA (Kalifornije) itd. Novica je dobio imanje od Franja Josifa u Aleksandrovcu, Banja Luka, đe i danas živi ovaj ogranak Andrijine porodice. Za Stefanove sestre se pouzdano ne zna, da li je imao samo dvije, koje su bile udate u Janičića i Kilibarda ili tri. Stefan se rodio u godini u kojoj je životni vijek završio Petar I Petrović Njegoš (1748–1830), a na vladičansku stolicu došao njegov sinovac Rade Tomov, Cucin ujak. (…) Njegoš, koji je sa samo 17 godina! stao na crnogorsko vladarsko mjesto, nastavio je sa njegovanjem ideja slobode i pijemontske uloge Crne Gore na Balkanu, koju su mu ostavili slavni prethodnici. (…) Imao je Njegoš što naslijediti od svojih izuzetnih prethodnika i u vladičanskom i u političkom i u kreativnom i u moralnom smislu. „Petar Drugi, Vladika Rade, nosio je u intelektu i karakteru dobar deo Petra Prvog, svog strica i učitelja; a davao je od sebe drugim Petrovićima, dvojici iza sebe, daleko više“ (Knjiga o Njegošu, str. 51). No, ni sve odlike nijesu uvijek na polzu, jer su „i Petar I i njegov nasljednik Rade Tomov (Petar II) ispoljavali crnogorsku vrlinu koja se pretvorila u kobnu pogrešku – previše su vjerovali ljudima“. To se dobro vidi na primjeru Sima Milutinovića Sarajlije, koji je Njegošu, uz sve izuzetno, ostao kao „nasljeđe“ od vladike Petra Prvog, koji je Sima bio angažovao kao svoga sekretara i učitelja mladog Rada Tomova, koji je pripreman da ga zamijeni na crkvenom tronu. Simo je na Cetinje stigao s preporukama ruskoga konzula u Dubrovniku Jeremije Gagića, dobro pripremljen za misiju koju je imao da obavi. Zborio je kao Crnogorac, iako to nije, a Crnogorcima je složio priču da je lutao, skitao po pećinama, napravio spjev da bi došao do najjunačkijeg plemena. Simo je Njegoša inficirao virusom kosovskoga mita i takozvanog srbstva. Taj virus je Njegoš prenio kasnije i na svoga sestrića Stefana Perovića Cucu. Njegoševo poetsko uobličavanje toga mita u Gorskom vijencu, koje je imalo ulogu pokretača oslobodilačkih pokreta kod Južnih Slovena, počelo je da se koristi kao istorijski fakat i etnogenetski dokaz. Bez ijednog naučno fundiranog i zvaničnog dokumenta ispalo je da je Crna Gora pribježište Srba izbjeglih sa Kosova. Svakom od crnogorskih plemena nalažen je poneki slavni predak – rodonačelnik sa „polja Kosova“. Nema veze što istorijski podaci to niđe ne spominju, što su podjele rodovskog tipa na plemena u Crnoj Gori postojale i prije Kosova (i kod Ilira), što Srbi ne znaju za takva razvrstavanja niti ih imaju u predjelima đe žive, ali sve to nije važno, ionako je poznato da su „činjenice njihovi vekovni neprijatelji“. (...) Ni dolazak Njegošev na vlast ni orođavanje Petrovića i Perovića nije moglo proći bez dodatnih priča, zavisti, opanjkavanja. Obično su kasnije nastajale neke pripovijesti koje su u formi anegdote ili nečijeg docnijeg memoarskog zapisa dobijale status pouzdanosti. Brak Andrije Ivanova Perovića sa Marijom Tomovom Petrović u početku je bio kao svaki brak ugovoren među viđenijim kućama tradicionalne Crne Gore. Kasniji Andrijin uspon, a pogotovu bogaćenje, koje je karakterisalo uski glavarski sloj u doba Njegoševo, morali su izazvati zavist. (...) Stefan A. Perović Cuca svoje rano đetinjstvo proveo je u rodnoj kući. U stvari, porodica se iz Zovine kasnije preselila na Trešnjevo. Kuća u kojoj je serdar Andrija živio sa familijom, poslije Drugog svjetskog rata pretvorena je u osnovnu školu. Nema nekih tragova o tim danima, ali se može pratiti što se dešavalo i što je radio Stefanov ujak Rade Tomov, kome je mladome i neiskusnome zapalo da vodi Crnu Goru i nastavlja sa pravljenjem države na način kako je to činio Petar I. (...) Kad je stasao za školu Stefan je pošao na Cetinje da uči. Iz toga vremena bilo je vjerovatno događaja koji su mogli pobuditi radoznalost i ostaviti većeg traga na đetića koji je dolaskom iz Cuca na Cetinje napravio veliki korak u razvoju. Razmotrićemo kasnije kakav je tek uticaj i svojevrsni kulturni šok za Stefana Cucu bio odlazak „u svijet, na nauke“. (...) Cetinje su 1841. pośetili Ljudevit Gaj, Vuk Karadžić i Antun Mažuranić, brat Ivana Mažuranića, koji je napisao spjev Smrt Smail-age Čengića. To je utvrdilo Njegoša da još prilježnije radi na oslobađanju i jedinstvu Južnih Slovena. Te iskrene rodoljubive zanose većine južnoslovenskih vodećih ljudi, par godina kasnije, iznevjeriće tajni nacionalni programi država koje su počele da se formiraju u okviru turske imperije koja je bila na zalasku. Osim romantičarskih ideja o stvaranju Jugoslavije i ulozi Crne Gore u njoj, vladika Rade nije imao drugih ozbiljnijih planova. Jedan od poznatijih programa koji su ostavili traga i posljedica jeste Program spoljne i nacionalne politike Srbije na koncu 1844, to jest Načertanije, čijim se sastavljačem (pogrešno) i realizatorom smatra Ilija Garašanin. Taj nacionalni program postaje osnova tadašnjeg i budućeg spoljnopolitičkog djelovanja Srbije. Dugo obavijen velom tajne, postao je predmet spekulacija, manipulacija, mitova... Napadan je ili uzdizan do neba, a da mu se sadržina nije znala. Mnogi su sva kasnija događanja na Balkanu vezivali za program Načertanija i njegovu razradu. Od toga vremena, kako ćemo viđeti, počinju prema Njegošu i Crnoj Gori, a i ostalim južnoslovenskim uglednicima i krajevima, koji su tada pod tuđom vlašću, da se primjenjuju postulati ugrađeni u narečeni program. Foto: Serdar Andrija Ivanov Perović

[myhiraeth]

@noblehcart​ con’t from [ here ] 

An exasperated huff slips out as the heavy handed men finally unhand her as instructed, feeling the telltale ache of bruising forming on her arms where their fingers had dug into her delicate skin. She doesn’t flinch in the face of his stormy expression, matching it with her own unamused one as she pointedly smoothes her skirt in annoyance. He names her a guest and a brow raises in curiosity.  “ Do you always treat your guests so shamefully? ”   She lilts.  “ I’m quite sure the last time I was a guest at someone’s home I did not arrive with bruises. ”

This is bad. This is arguably the worst case scenario she could imagine. She knows what he means by guest- she’s a prisoner here. The daughter of an underboss in a house god-only-knows-where with god-only-knows how many guards and a dangerously even-toned man in front of her who is far too intoxicating for someone who’s just robbed her of her freedom. She needs to figure out what he wants from her, how far he’s willing to go, and how to get out of this with her life, limbs, and dignity in tact.

She refuses to be swayed by his display of hospitality.   “ Then I would suggest starting with ice. ” her voice is as icy as the ice she asks for,   “ If I must have bruising the least my host can provide is ice to prevent swelling. Your men were hardly treating me with care worthy of my ‘caliber’ as you say. ”  Wheels are spinning in her mind, watching him, listening behind her, trying to take in the office from her peripheral so she wouldn’t have to break eye contact with him. Nothing is safe. Everything is a risk. The wrong word, the wrong move, could end in bloodshed. If she played this properly, she might at least delay the inevitable spill of her blood a while longer.

[beardedmrbean]

With just less than a month to go to Bulgaria’s October 2 2022 early parliamentary elections, the results of a poll by the Alpha Research agency suggest that were elections held now, six – and possibly seven – groups would have seats in Parliament.

The results of the poll, released on September 4 two days after the official start of campaigning, show Boiko Borissov’s GERB having 23.4 per cent support among those intending to vote, We Continue the Change (WCC) at 17.5 per cent, the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) 10.9 per cent, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) 9.8 per cent, pro-Russian Vuzrazhdane 9.5 per cent, Democratic Bulgaria 7.5 per cent and former caretaker prime minister Stefan Yanev’s Bulgaria Ascending 4.2 per cent.

Just below the four per cent threshold to win a share of seats in Parliament is cable television presenter Slavi Trifonov’s ITN, at 3.9 per cent.

Alpha Research commented that GERB was showing a slight mobilisation compared with the agency’s previous opinion poll, done in June.

The decline for WCC was more significant, with support for the Kiril Petkov-Assen Vassilev party down by more than two percentage points.

“WCC may lose about 250 000 of last year’s voters, who then made their choice in favour of the new formation, but are now scattered across a wide political spectrum, both left and right,” the agency said.

Alpha Research said that the BSP and WCC were the two parties suffering the most electoral damage from the actions of the caretaker government.

The agency said that Democratic Bulgaria was moving upwards smoothly, helped by two circumstances.

One, the disillusionment of some who had voted for WCC but were now returning to Democratic Bulgaria, and two, the “radicalisation” (in the agency’s term) of WCC, against the background of which Democratic Bulgaria emerged as the party more open to dialogue and responsibility regarding the formation of a governing alternative.

The agency noted that Yanev’s Bulgaria Ascending was narrowly above the threshold for votes, but compared with June, was on a downward trend.

Asked around which party a government most likely could be formed, 26.4 per cent said GERB and 24.2 per cent WCC. Only five per cent believed that a coalition between them is possible.

The top three most important problems for people, indicated by eight out of 10 Bulgarians, were inflation (89 per cent), energy prices (86 per cent) and health care (83 per cent).

“Understandably, the highest expectations are for voters to hear the parties’ positions on these three priorities,” Alpha Research said.

Russia’s war on Ukraine, and corruption, were mentioned by about two-thirds of respondents, the agency said.

Next wee the environmental problems related to the state of dams and reservoirs, as well as irregular migration, which again became the focus of public attention after the tragic incidents in recent weeks and were a matter of concern for two-thirds of the adult Bulgarians surveyed.

Alpha Research said that Borissov started the campaign with 21.6 per cent approval and 55.5 per cent disapproval.

WCC co-leaders Petkov and Vassilev had seen their personal ratings drop sharply in just two months, the agency said.

Petkov had 18.4 per approval and Vassilev 17.8 per cent approval, while their disapproval ratings were 55-56 per cent.

Democratic Bulgaria co-leader Hristo Ivanov had an approval rating of 17.6 per cent and a disapproval rating of 49.1 per cent, BSP leader Kornelia Ninova 15.9 per cent approval and 56.5 per cent disapproval.

Vuzrazhdane leader Kostadin Kostadinov had an approval rating of 13 per cent and a disapproval rating of 56.9 per cent, and Trifonov an approval rating of 10.8 per cent and a disapproval rating of 60.5 per cent.

The only political leader with a disapproval rating higher than that of Trifonov was MRF leader Mustafa Karadayi, with a disapproval rating of 62.4 per cent and an approval rating of 9.8 per cent.

The approval rating of President Roumen Radev had dropped by five percentage points since June, to 38 per cent, while his disapproval rating has risen by three points, to 33 per cent.

(Photo: parliament.bg)

The poll was done between August 27 and September 2 2022 by Alpha Research. The agency used its own funds to do the poll, the results of which have been published on its website. The poll was done among 1117 adult citizens from all over the country. A stratified two-stage sample with a quota according to the main socio-demographic characteristics was used. The information was collected through a direct standardized interview with tablets at the homes of the respondents. Alpha Research is responsible for the data and interpretation published on its site, but not for selective or manipulative use of such data, the agency said.