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'80 confusione

E' uscito il sesto numero della bella rivista trimestrale "il Palindromo", dedicata questa volta agli anni 80 nelle loro molteplici sfaccettature. A pagina 105, un mio saggio sullo sviluppo del rock in Russia, che negli anni 80 ha visto il suo momento di maggior prosperita'. E' in quegli anni che molti dei rokeri abbandonano il rigido modello anglosassone e abbracciano la loro lingua materna come veicolo espressivo. Sono degli anni 80 stonati, quelli russi. Invece del pop escapista di Boy George, ecco che impazza il rock introspettivo di Yuri Shevchuk. Invece di crogiolarsi spensieratamente sulla superficie, i sovietici preferiscono scavare a fondo. Al centro di questa diversa serieta' - le condizioni avverse in cui i musicisti sono posti dal regime comunista. Quando fare rock, al pari di fare politica (quella proibita) e fare poesia (quella non gradita), diventa superare una linea di demarcazione da cui non si torna piu' indietro.

Il Palindromo, 6 (2012) - '80 Confusione

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Yuri Shevchuk: Hands off, music is freedom!

On the night of Thursday, March 22 the Hammersmith Apollo arena in London was invaded by thousands of Russian speakers who came to see the only UK tour date of the iconic St Petersburg rock band DDT.

The band, founded in 1980 by lead vocalist Yuri Shevchuk, has been at the forefront of Russian rock ever since.

Unlike most other Russian rock bands of the 1980s, they never traded their mother tongue for English: a difficult choice, but one that paid off in the long run. DDT also quickly acquired the status of dissidents, experiencing frequent rows with the authorities. Recently, Shevchuk’s name hit the headlines again for openly confronting Vladimir Putin in a heated debate and for partnering with Bono to save the Khimki forest from destruction.

DDT presented their new album “Inache” (“Otherwise”), surprising the public with unusual sounds and stunning visuals. In the final part of the concert, the performance shifted towards the lyrical ballads the band is famous for.

Opening the show, Shevchuk said: “Why is this show called “Otherwise”? Because many people in Russia want to live otherwise. Tonight, we will say goodbye to the glorious past and will crawl into the brutal reality of today, as we want Russia to have a brighter future”.

Index spoke to Shevchuk after the concert. The star gave a statement in support of the Sing for Democracy project, which is using the Eurovision contest to build momentum and call for human rights in Azerbaijan, the host country for the musical competition this year. Recently, two musicians were arrested after performing a concert in Baku: they have not been released yet, and according to insistent allegations they might have been tortured. In Russia, the case of punk band Pussy Riot is still firing up the public opinion. Shevchuk told Index:

“A musician is a very peculiar type of being. As in Azerbaijan, so in Russia, so in London — a musician is a being of freedom. A musician does not have any owners, except for God. You thus must not offend musicians, as they are the freest of all people. Because music is not generated from anywhere; it comes out of freedom, of inner freedom. Hence: hands off the musicians!”

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DDT frontman Yuri Shevchuk gives a statement in support of Index on Censorship & the Sing for Democracy project, after the band's concert in HMV Hammersmith Apollo, London, on 22 March 2012. The aim of the project is to call for the Azerbaijani government to stop repressions on musicians and journalists. In the year when the Eurovision contest is to be held in Azerbaijan, fundamental freedoms are still not respected. 

“A musician is a very peculiar type of being. As in Azerbaijan, so in Russia, so in London — a musician is a being of freedom. A musician does not have any owners, except for God. You thus must not offend musicians, as they are the freest of all people. Because music is not generated from anywhere; it comes out of freedom, of inner freedom. Hence: hands off the musicians!” 

Yuri Shevchuk, DDT

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Russian feminist punk group Pussy Riot face trial for cathedral protest

Members of the Russian feminist punk band Pussy Riot have been arrested in Moscow on the eve of the country’s presidential elections on charges of hooliganism. The Moscow court in charge decided to keep them imprisoned until 24 April, when they will be tried facing a sentence of up to 7 years. Two band members, both mothers, have announced a hunger strike until they are reunited with their children.

Pussy Riot is one of the most unusual  of all the opposition groups that have arisen in Moscow over the past few months. They perform political songs dressed in colourful mini-skirts and balaclavas. Their faces are covered so anyone can potentially join in. They were arrested after performing an anti-Putin punk prayer in Moscow’s Christ the Saviour cathedral.

The trial was supposed to take place on 5 March, the same day when mass demonstrations were scheduled to happen in Moscow. Journalists gathered at the Taganka court at 3pm, but were kept waiting for many hours in vain. “The strategy seems to be to wait for all of us to go to the protests, and hold the trial without a consistent presence of the press,” one said.

Waiting for the trial to start, the band members’ lawyer Nikolai Polozov told Index: “I do not understand why the trial is being postponed for such a long time. I got notice it was delayed by one, then two and then three hours, but now the inquirer does not even pick up my phone calls. If supporting documents are not brought in within 48 hours of the arrests, which is within a couple of hours, they will be forced to release them. But they could always determine the moment of the arrest to a later hour or find another legal caveat to keep them in”.

The supporting documents were eventually brought in. Two more band members were arrested in the evening hours of the same day.

Many Russians are showing support for the group through social media and real life actions. On 8 March, International Women’s Day, a number of flash mobs in support of the group are planned to take place all over Moscow. Recently re-elected president Vladimir Putin has stated he disapproves of the womens’ actions in the cathedral.

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Dopo Putin, Putin

Mosca - Vladimir Putin vince di nuovo, e il clima delle proteste cambia colore

Le prime proteste dopo la vittoria di Vladimir Putin alle elezioni presidenziali russe del 4 marzo scorso non hanno avuto niente a che vedere con l’atmosfera gioiosa delle manifestazioni di massa dei mesi scorsi. Una mobilitazione senza precedenti di squadre d'assalto, che sono state fatte venire fin da fuori Mosca per l’occasione, ha assalito i circa 20.000 manifestanti dopo la fine delle proteste dell’opposizione in piazza Pushkin il 5 marzo.

  Nonostante i primi exit poll avessero indicato che un secondo turno sarebbe stato possibile, Vladimir Putin si è di nuovo imposto alle elezioni presidenziali con un sonoro 63,6%. Ritorna quindi alla carica di presidente della Federazione Russa per altri sei anni, con la possibilità di rielezione per un ulteriore mandato.

Le insinuazioni di frode elettorale sono moltissime. Dopo le elezioni parlamentari tenutesi tre mesi fa, ritenute illegali da molti, un gran numero di cittadini russi ha partecipato questa volta al processo di monitoraggio. I social media stavano brulicando di messaggi riguardanti irregolarità nelle procedure elettorali fin dalle prime ore di domenica mattina, e non hanno cessato di farlo sino a dopo la chiusura delle urne. Le irregolarità più evidenti e denunciate con più forza erano i cosiddetti “caroselli”: gruppi di persone mandate a votare più di una volta in diversi seggi elettorali, di solito scortate in giro in minivan o autobus.

Masha, un’osservatrice elettorale in centro Mosca, mi ha riferito che: “le irregolarità erano presenti anche questa volta, ma lo schema con cui sono state condotte è cambiato, e non ci è stato subito chiaro. I membri della commissione elettorale usavano penne cancellabili, cosa non illegale di per sé, ma di certo strana. Molti giovani sembravano essere minori, ma non ci era permesso controllare i documenti. Fino al’8% di coloro che hanno votato a questo seggio non appariva nella nostra lista elettorale ufficiale, ma hanno votato qui comunque usando gli ‘otkrepitelnye’, documenti che permettono di votare in un seggio diverso da quello assegnato inizialmente”. Mihail, un osservatore a Altufevo, nel nord della capitale, era felice dell’andamento delle elezioni nel suo seggio quando ero passata a trovarli, in tarda mattinata. In serata mi ha chiamato per dire che sono state riscontrate grosse violazioni: “Un gran numero di persone che hanno votato nel nostro seggio non erano presenti nelle liste questa mattina, ma sono stati aggiunti nel corso della giornata. Un carosello di circa 100 persone si è presentato a un seggio elettorale vicino. Abbiamo presentato ricorso alla commissione elettorale rionale, ma tutte le nostre rimostranze sono state ritenute senza fondamento”.

Dal lato positivo, i giorni scorsi sono stati per Mosca un grande momento di cittadinanza attiva. La scelta di circa 30.000 russi di vigilare sull’onesta delle elezioni in prima persona ha creato una grande consapevolezza pubblica. Le elezioni si sono trasformate da un appuntamento monotono, e possibilmente da evitare, a un vero processo partecipativo in cui ogni stralcio di informazione era avidamente consumato e condiviso. C’è tuttavia da riscontrare che questo processo non è successo dovunque, e non ha coinvolto chiunque. Le aree rurali sono rimaste pressoché non toccate dall’ondata di attivismo politico che ha travolto le grandi città. Per coloro che l’hanno visitata un paio di anni fa, Mosca è ora una grande sorpresa in questo senso. Nicolas, un produttore televisivo che ho conosciuto nel corso della mia prima visita alla città qualche anno fa, ha detto: “Nel 2006 gli unici a parlare di politica russa eravamo noi, gli stranieri. Oggi, puoi sentire parlare di Putin, Prokhorov o Navalny in qualunque caffè”.

Coloro che hanno creduto che questo risveglio politico avrebbe avuto un impatto sui numeri delle elezioni sono rimasti amaramente delusi. La sera dopo il conteggio dei risultati, gli attivisti dell’opposizione si sono così di nuovo riversati sulle strade, mentre i gruppi nazionalistici hanno risposto a loro volta con controazioni. La manifestazione più grande si è tenuta in piazza Pushkin, nel cuore di Mosca. La partecipazione era molto più ridotta delle manifestazioni del dicembre scorso, eppure si aveva la sensazione che la piazza non riuscisse a contenere più persone di quante ne stesse già ospitando. Le strade laterali erano letteralmente intasate dalle forze speciali, e l’atmosfera generale era cupa, completamente diversa da quella gioiosa dell’anello bianco di otto giorni prima.

I manifestanti hanno deciso di non marciare verso il Cremlino, al contrario di quello che era stato precedentemente annunciato. Molti di loro sono invece rimasti sulla piazza dopo la fine ufficiale della protesta, provocando così la reazione della polizia. Fra gli arrestati, e subito rilasciati, ci sono stati anche Alexei Navalny, leader informale delle forze di opposizione, Sergei Udaltsov, leader del Fronte di Sinistra, il deputato della Duma Ilya Ponomarev, il giornalista del Time Simon Shuster. La sensazione è che se i manifestanti avessero deciso di forzare la marcia verso la Piazza Rossa, come in programma, gli arresti e scontri sarebbero stati molto più gravi.

Inoltre, la sera prima del giorno delle elezioni diversi attivisti sono stati fermati e arrestati. Fra di loro, due gruppi al femminile: le attiviste ucraine Femen, conosciute per le loro azioni di protesta in topless, e la band femminista punk Pussy Riot, arrestate per essersi esibite in una “preghiera punk anti-Putin” nella Cattedrale di Cristo Salvatore il 21 febbraio scorso. Il processo è stato differito ad Aprile, e due delle componenti del gruppo, entrambi madri, hanno annunciato lo sciopero della fame finché non verranno liberate. Rischiano una sentenza di un massimo di sette anni.

I protestanti pianificano ora di portare avanti le loro azioni, taluni – come il Fronte di Sinistra - anche quotidianamente, mentre la prossima grande manifestazione è prevista per il 10 marzo. Gli oppositori di Putin chiamano il suo potere illegittimo. Ma è davvero così? Un’interessante analisi indipendente sulla falsificazione delle elezioni ha concluso che a Mosca le presidenziali di marzo 2012 sono state molto più pulite delle parlamentari di dicembre 2011. Fuori dai grandi centri urbani, al contrario, le irregolarità sono rimaste pressoché immutate. Gli oppositori potrebbero quindi ora cercare di diffondere la protesta nelle altre regioni del paese. Sta di fatto che, falsificazione o no, Putin rimane saldamente al potere con una preferenza complessiva che è di certo superiore al 50% dei votanti.

Due cose sono chiare dopo gli eventi dei giorni scorsi: gli oppositori non fermeranno le loro proteste nelle grandi città, ma il resto della Russia non li sta seguendo. Quello che è meno chiaro è il metodo prescelto da Putin per reagire al malcontento. Ora che non può più contare sulla immagine di Medvedev come un liberale progressista per bilanciare la sua fama di leader dal pugno di ferro, userà maniere buone o cattive per rispondere a coloro che mettono in dubbio la legittimità del suo potere? I giorni spensierati della protesta potrebbero essere finiti assieme alla manifestazione del 5 marzo.

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Moscow Diaries #3 - Getting Ready

Moscow - Everyone is getting ready for the elections in their own way. Several thousands Russians decided to become election observers. The independent NGO Grazhdanin Nabludatel (Citizen Observer) is organising trainings for those who wish to contribute in first person to vote rigging-free elections. I took part in one of these trainings, and asked activist Dmitry Zvoryikin, computer programmer, to explain why did he decide to become an election observer.

Why monitoring? I took part in the December 4 elections as observer, and the results in my polling station differed greatly from the results in other ones. The ruling party, United Russia, received half of the votes in the stations were election observers were present. I do therefore think that serious episodes of vote rigging have taken place. The more election observers will there be, the more honest will these elections be, and the better life in our country will become.

Protest organisers are still discussing with Moscow authorities for the big March 5 demonstration, on the day after the elections. After an initial denial, Moscow’s vice-mayor reopened talks yesterday, but they once again led to no agreement. The organisers want to take the protests to the heart of Moscow, whereas authorities insist on a peripheral location. The Facebook event calls for a demonstration in Lubyanka Square, the closest one to the central electoral committee, at 7pm. “Even though we made everything we could to ensure that these elections will be as honest as possible, we already know that vote rigging will take place. On March 5 the extent of the fraud will be known to us, and we need to make our voice heard immediately”, read the motives behind the demonstration.

On the other side of the political spectrum, an interesting new trend by the nationalist group “Nashi” has been noticed. The “Nashisti” started occupying tables at the cafes where representatives of liberal muscovite circles – such as journalists, opposition activists, protest organisers – traditionally gather. They sit on the tables for hours, sometimes placing on them a sign that reads “Table for Putin”. They do not drink a lot, it seems, but they make up for it by eating with pleasure. The strategy is to occupy the opposition’s natural habitat of discussion.

Russia, however, is no Moscow. It’s true that big cities are shaken by a new stream of political activism, but the pre-electoral situation in small towns of the countryside does not differ much – if at all – from what it has been before the beginning of the protests in the capital. “Yes, it is possible to vote, but what for? Everything is already decided for us”, they maintain. It is hard to blame them. Russia is a huge country, and the iPhone-provided Muscovite hipsters are several worlds away from the babushkas in small patches of Siberia. Nobody trusts the government here, but nobody hopes that anything they do could improve their situation, either. And even if by some crazy hypothesis someone would like to get informed about what’s happening, well, they can’t. Internet access is not the most common of commodities here, and state television is surely not a good way of accessing unbiased information. Unsurprisingly, Putin is expected to win with a striking majority in non-urban areas.

After several snowy days, the sun is back to Moscow, even though not expected to last for long. It is still hard to think, however, that atmospheric conditions will be able to influence the activities of the different components of the protests in any way. Be it pro- or anti-Putin, they do not seem to step back from their positions by a single inch. At least in the capital.

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Sventato attacco terroristico a Putin, sostiene TV russa

I servizi segreti russi e ucraini avrebbero sventato un piano di attentato per l’assassinio di Vladimir Putin, la televisione di stato russa ha annunciato stamattina.

Due uomini – un cittadino russo e uno kazako – sarebbero stati arrestati nella città di Odessa, sul Mar Nero, dai servizi speciali ucraini. I terroristi sarebbero legati al ribelle ceceno Doku Umarov, il leader del movimento separatista islamico dalla Russia. Gli uomini, si dice, erano incaricati di uccidere Putin subito dopo le elezioni presidenziali del 4 marzo.

Uno degli uomini, Ilya Pryanzin, è stato imprigionato dopo un’esplosione avvenuta nel suo appartamento di Odessa, in cui erano rimasti uccisi i suoi due coinquilini. Nel filmato trasmesso Pryanzin ripete le istruzioni ricevute: “A Mosca farai sabotaggi all'economia russa. Poi, un attentato a Putin”.

Nei filmati compare un terzo uomo, Adam Osmayev, ceceno di residenza a Londra, anch’egli imprigionato. Osmayev avrebbe dichiarato: “L’obiettivo finale è di andare a Mosca e fare un attentato al primo ministro Vladimir Putin.”

I servizi segreti russi e ucraini non hanno ancora commentato. Il portavoce di Putin ha confermato il fatto ma ha rifiutato di rilasciare ulteriori dichiarazioni.

Intanto, in rete c’è chi non crede alla veridicità di quanto riportato. Non è chiaro come mai la notizia dell’arresto non è stata rilasciata prima, ma in ogni caso l’annuncio dato a una settimana dalle elezioni, che sono state ancora una volta aspramente contestate ieri, ha destato parecchi sospetti nei circoli liberali di Mosca.

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Moscow Diaries #2 - the Garden Ring

Moscow - A ten-mile-long smile to call for fair elections. Exactly one week before the Russian presidential elections, more than 30,000 people encircled Moscow in a human chain all along Sadovoe Kolco, the Garden Ring surrounding the city. Moscow, a usually grey and unwelcoming city, displayed yesterday a ten-mile-long smile.

The biggest surprise of the protest were its participants. What was once referred to as a “hipster-revolution” can definitely not be called that way anymore. Yesterday’s human ring united nearly anyone, independently of social class, age, gender and even political creed. There were hard-core leftists but also liberals and disillusioned former Putinistas. There were mothers and fathers with their children (and dogs, too). There were, of course, youngsters – but also many, many elderly people just as well.

Protesters were asking for fair elections and for the ousting of Vladimir Putin. “In the 12 years of Putin’s government nothing remarkable changed in good”, said Kaya Ivanovna, a 80-year-old former librarian who found out about the protests from the radio. “There are many more prohibitions, and all the interesting TV programmes that made us reflect and discuss were shut down. I want real change: I will vote for Prokhorov, who is young and whose programme I like”.

The only note of unrest in an otherwise thoroughly peaceful demonstration has been the impromptu action organised by the opposition party Left Front in Revolution square. The unauthorized protest triggered reactions by the police and by ultranationalist group Nashi. Left Front leader Sergei Udaltsov said: “We are here to celebrate our own Maslennitsa (the Russian spring feast celebrated yesterday). “We want to get rid of the political winter, and we want a new political spring to come to Russia starting from today”.

Today, the Russian state television reported about a terrorist attack to Vladimir Putin, alleged to take place after March 4, which was reportedly foiled by Russian and Ukrainian special services. The news raised a lot of scepticism among Moscow liberal circles, who are suspicious about the fact that it was aired so close to the election day.

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Violetta Volkova, Udaltsov's lawyer. Feb 26 protest around Sadovoe kol'co, metro Mayakovskaya, Moscow

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Moscow Diaries #1 - who is running for the elections?

Moscow - Russia is getting ready to the last week of run-up to the presidential elections, to take place on Sunday March 4.

According to recent polls [1], Vladimir Putin is the definite favourite for the victory, with 66% of interviewees ready to vote for him. The other four candidates, Sergei Mironov, Mikhail Prokhorov, Gennadij Zjuganov and Vladimir Zhirinovski, do not appear to have any chances of success left.

Sergei Mironov, 59 years old, founder of the Fair Russia party, has been the president of the high chamber of the Russian parliament from 2001 and 2011. He has been a long-time Putin’s supporter before running as a candidate against him.

Mikhail Prokhorov, 46 years old, is a Russian oligarch whose great wealth comes from the mining sector. He owns the basketball team New Jersey Nets. His popularity has been lately increasing among the younger and more liberal-minded population. A few days ago, he publicly performed in a rap song [2] which rapidly became a youtube hit.

Vladimir Zhirinovskij, 65 years old and current vice-president of the Russian parliament, is the leader of the Liberal Democrats. His openly racist behaviour has been harshly criticised and did not leave him with a lot of credibility. This is his 5th time as a candidate to the post of president of the Russian Federation.

Gennadij Zjuganov, 67 years old, is the leader of the Russian Communist party – the only opposition party always tolerated by Putin. Even though they are likely to collect the second biggest amount of ballots (6% according to the last polls), the Communists stopped being a serious threat to United Russia, Putin and Medvedev’s party, several years ago.

Meanwhile, the protest movement started after the parliamentary elections last December has grown stronger. New anti-Putin protests are currently happening in Moscow, and more are planned for the election day itself and for March 5. This last demonstration is expected to be particularly strong, with still unpredictable outcomes.

Putin’s supporters have been called to the streets, too. Last Thursday, up to 130.000 people attended a pro-Putin rally at the Luzhniki stadium. Among the attendees there were many workers bussed to the event straight from their workplace, but a big amount of genuine supporters were present just as well. The ultra-nationalist groups Nashi and Stal’ have today announced that they will hit the streets to organise counter-actions.

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ACTING UP - RUSSIA’S CIVIL SOCIETY - Portraits by Platon for Human Rights Watch

The environmental activists camped out in the Khimki Forest near Moscow have become a national symbol of resistance to corrupt authority. For the last four years, they have been trying to prevent a highway being built straight through the last old-growth oak forest in the Moscow region. Led by a charismatic young suburban mother, Evgeniya Chirikova, the group has attracted some of Russia’s best-known writers, musicians, and other cultural figures to the cause. Local police and unidentified thugs periodically appear to beat them up; at the time this picture was taken, Chirikova was walking with a cane from one such beating. While the stand-off in the forest continues, the movement can claim one clear victory: a new term has been coined in Russian, to defend something “like the Khimki Forest.” It means to stand your ground until the very end.

More portraits of Russian civil society here. 

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Qualcosa è cambiato - Storia della foresta di Khimki

Non posso sopportare di stare a guardare mentre distruggono il posto che amo. (Evgenia Chirikova)

Qualcosa è cambiato in Russia. Giorni prima delle elezioni tenutesi il 4 dicembre 2011 nessuno degli analisti che tenevano gli occhi puntati sul più vasto paese al mondo avrebbe predetto che i suoi cittadini si sarebbero rivoltati in massa contro un governo che, con poche variazioni di squadra, era rimasto saldamente al potere sin dal marzo 2000.

E se questo ridestarsi non fosse stato poi così improvviso? Una scintilla, a dire il vero, c’era già stata. Poco aveva avuto a che vedere con i mezzi pixelati della Rete, che pure è stata ed è ancora assolutamente fondamentale per la diffusione di informazione e contro-informazione nel paese. Si tratta di una vicenda molto concreta, fatta di betulle, orsi, scoiattoli, cemento, donne, uomini, sangue – quella della foresta di Khimki.

Leggi l'INTERO ARTICOLO per Cartografare il Presente (Italiano)

Read the WHOLE STORY for Mapping the World (English translation)

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UK protesters demand fair elections in Russia

On Saturday February 4 protesters calling for fair elections in Russia hit the streets worldwide.

The protests took place exactly one month before the presidential election, which is likely to return prime minister Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin’s highest post. Protest organisers estimated that 120,000 people took part in Moscow, it was the biggest demonstration to date triggered by suspicions of vote-rigging surrounding the December 4 parliamentary elections.

In London around 100 people attended a demonstration organised by the NGO Speak Louder! together with the Committee for Free Elections in Russia.  At around 3pm, a letter was handed into No. 10 passed to prime minister David Cameron. The protesters asked the British government to monitor next month’s elections very closely:

On behalf of Russians living in the United Kingdom, and on behalf of all the citizens of this country who cherish freedom and democratic rights, we ask you to pay constant attention to the forthcoming presidential elections in Russia. Unfortunately, these elections will most probably not be democratic and fair, as the trend shows.

“Russia without Putin” proved to be the most popular slogan at the demonstration, and a variety of creative posters were on display. Many joked about Putin’s attitude towards the white ribbons used by protesters to symbolise freedom — Putin compared them to condoms, and posters carried slogans such as “Put-in – preservatives with governmental flavour” and “Grandpa with a condom tattoo”.

Tamara, a Russian businesswoman and mother of two, says: “I think that Russia needs to make its own path to democracy. It is a very specific, very large country, and I don’t know how long will it take. But we need to start from somewhere, and what is finally happening in these months is a very important start”.

Finnish human rights activist Lauri Vuoriluoto came all the way from Cardiff to join the demonstration. “I am here because I believe that what happens in Russia is of big interest for all of us. As a Finnish citizen, these developments touch me deeply because of the proximity of my country to Russia, and because of the deep economic ties between the two countries. I am probably the only one here who does not speak a word of Russian, but I will learn by next time.”

Political artist Kaya Mar took part in the protest as well. He carried his latest work, a painting portraying Putin and Medvedev, naked, as they play on a seesaw.

“The bear in the middle symbolises Russia, with eyes and mouth shut because its fundamental freedoms have been breached,” he explained. “My subjects are always naked because this way you can catch people’s heart better — taking off their clothes you take off their power as well, and they are revealed the way they are – as human beings.”

Organisers announced that the next London protest action will take place on February 26.

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Monti chiama la Gran Bretagna a bordo dell’UE

  L’offensiva diplomatica di Mario Monti continua. Questo mercoledì il premier si è recato a Londra, dove ha incontrato il suo omologo inglese David Cameron, tenuto un incontro a porte chiuse con un centinaio di banchieri della City e parlato a una conferenza presso la London School of Economics.

L’obiettivo di questi incontri europei di Monti (altri in programma questo mese sono con Angela Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy e Herman van Rompuy) è certamente quello di riposizionare l’Italia come partner forte e affidabile sullo scacchiere politico del continente. C’è, però, quantomeno un altro intento nelle sue azioni: rilanciare con forza l’Unione Europea.

Da europeista convinto (è stato Commissario europeo per il Mercato Interno e per la Concorrenza), Monti non perde occasione di proporre quella che è la sua ricetta per uscire dalla crisi. I tagli non servono a molto, se non accompagnati da misure di liberalizzazione del mercato, sostiene, e un’economia che respiri a pieni polmoni è presupposto fondamentale su cui possano poggiare le politiche sociali. Per raggiungere questi obiettivi servono mercati integrati e forti politiche comuni – di tutti gli stati europei, beninteso.

“Quello che succede nell’eurozona interessa moltissimo anche coloro che ne sono fuori. Non è un argomento a cui il Regno Unito è indifferente”, ha dichiarato Monti in serata. “L’opportunità di andare avanti uniti nell’accordo fiscale siglato lo scorso dicembre, purtroppo, è sfumata [visto il veto di Cameron]. Auspico, però, che nel corso del prossimo consiglio europeo si possano fare dei passi avanti nel rafforzamento del mercato unico. Vorrei che la Gran Bretagna salisse completamente a bordo dell’Unione Europea”.

Monti alla London School of Economics è stato atteso quasi come una rockstar. La conferenza ha fatto il tutto esaurito ben presto, e nemmeno la stanza aggiuntiva con proiezione video è bastata per accomodare tutti.

Non tutti, però, hanno accolto positivamente la visita del premier italiano. Una trentina di manifestanti hanno protestato contro un’ ”Europa di banchieri” davanti all’università inglese dove Monti era atteso. Il riferimento è, chiaramente, al passato in Goldman Sachs dell’economista, e al suo intervento alla Borsa di Londra nel corso della mattinata. Gli si contesta il fatto di aver imposto tagli pesantissimi sulle categorie che già soffrivano di piu’, pur non essendo stato eletto democraticamente dai cittadini. Un altro motivo della contestazione è stato il legame fra politica e mafia in Italia. “Volevamo portare all’attenzione pubblica il fatto, increscioso, che il parlamento italiano, lo stesso che sostiene questo premier, ha recentemente negato l’arresto del boss mafioso Cosentino”, ha detto Stefano Barone, uno dei manifestanti.

Leggi l'INTERO ARTICOLO su il Democratico

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The Webizdat Awakening

The story of Russians rising up against authoritarianism has always been a story sparked up by the written word. Only, decades ago those words were collected in publications called Samizdat and Tamizdat – today, the Webizdat is paving the way.

From Samizdat to Webizdat

Once upon a Soviet time there were Samizdat and Tamizdat, books published (izdavat-izdat’) either by citizens copying them by hand on their own (sam) or produced elsewhere (tam), out of Russia, and smuggled inside the country. You had to read them as a one-night stand, and pass them on to the next reader - and you had better not be caught in the process. They included works by Bulgakov, Pasternak, Ahmatova, Cvetaeva, writers who were consciously writing “v stol”, i.e. “into the drawers of their table”. Most of these authors knew they were not going to be published anywhere, and still kept writing, for the sake of freedom of mind. They enjoyed a restricted but passionate readership whose lives were much occupied with finding ways of getting access to those books. These works were the ones that kept minds thinking, not surrendering to the dogmas of Stalinism. They were the ones, ultimately, to play a consistent role in bringing to a renovation of Russian society. The recent information scenario in Russia had several similarities. Over the past decade, the government kept a very strong hold on both the public television and the press. The few roaring voices out of the choir were hushed down under unclear (or perhaps too clear?) circumstances – Anna Politkovskaya being just the most famous of these cases. However, today it became impossible to keep all the web-spread information under strict control. The fact that the lowest consensus for Putin matched the moment of highest digitalisation of Russia is unlikely to be a mere coincidence. A new form of independent, self-published information is growingly assuming a fearsome importance. Webizdat, shall we call it?

Read the WHOLE STORY for Mapping the World

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Mollina Stories #2

Brigitte Mugiraneza and the United Wisdom for Africa Foundation

Brigitte fled to the Netherlands from her home country, a war-torn Rwanda, aged 16. Alone and without speaking a word of Dutch, she finished her studies and successfully built up a life for herself. „I feel incredibly grateful to have had the opportunity to study“, she says. „My life would have been different if I didn’t get secondary education. Now I want to give something back: I want all Rwandese children to have this opportunity.“

United Wisdom from Africa Foundation stems from this experience. Run by young African diaspora in Europe, UWAF is committed to supporting bright and underprivileged African minds to access quality education. This year, they launched the project “one school bag per child”, aimed at providing every student of a primary school in Rwanda with basic materials (schoolbag, stationary, dictionaries). “For many children, this actually makes the difference between staying in school or dropping out”, says Brigitte.

"Those whom much is given, more is required", is Brigitte's adage.

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Eko Manurung and the Information and education centre for child rights, Indonesia

„I was a gangster. Before meeting Wanto, I wanted to be a bigger gangster, like Al Capone. After meeting him, I wanted to be a new Wanto.“

Eko is a former drug addict and gang leader, a profession he successfully engaged in since he was aged 10. His life changed when his path was crossed by a community volunteer, Wanto, who managed to gain his trust and tickle his intellectual curiosity (Eko is passionate about Nietzsche and Foucault, among the others).

„He took me to Jakarta, showed me a different world, and told me: if you want to hit somebody, don´t hit a friend, hit the power. When Wanto died, I thought that we need somebody else to help my community. So I decided to become that somebody.“

Stories gathered at the University on Youth and Development 2011 for Youth Opinion 3/2011.

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Mollina Stories

Elie-Piere & Lies Mukuna and Kimon Congo

Elie-Pierre Kanda Mukuna

Country: Congo / The Netherlands

“Having experienced extreme poverty is an asset, as it makes you understand those in need”, says Elie-Pierre. As a result of a conflict between tribes, his family, of Tschiluba ascent, was forced to move from Lubumbashi (Luba’s tribe territory), to Mbuji Mayi (Tschiluba tribe), and finally to Bukavu. His parents could not find jobs for a long time, and Elie was forced to skip some years of studies, next to getting a taste of what real hunger feels like. When, in 2001, president Laurent-Désiré Kabila was murdered, the situation in Congo became even more difficult.

His life was changed by two women – and by his musical talent. The first of them, Mama Bulambu, as they used to call her, was impressed when she saw him performing in the church choir. “For some reason, she saw potential in me, and decided to finance my studies. I obtained a diploma in community development and enrolled in university, choosing Economics and Management. I was determined to help others get out of the situation I had just dug myself out of, but at that point I still lacked a clear vision on how to do it”. The vision came, once again, with a woman. A girl, to be precise. “On my first year of studies I met Lies, a 22-year-old Dutch girl who came to Congo to do research and work for the organisation Youth With A Mission. She inspired me with her simple but strong vision: helping African children stand on their feet. Together, we founded a youth centre in the suburbs, where we assisted children who were often left with no other choice than to engage in criminal activities. Soon, we realized that providing help for a limited time was not enough: when they went back, they would return to their criminal past. So we made out of that place their home”.

In 2008 Lies and Elie-Pierre got married. Today they live in Terneuzen, the Netherlands, with their daughter, Anayah. They still run Kimon Congo, an NGO providing shelter to disadvantaged children and 6-month-long trainings in microcredit to promising youth.

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Muna Mohammed and the Somali Professional Initiative

Muna Mohamed

Country: Somalia / UK

Muna’s head is gracefully shrouded in a headscarf, her slender figure constantly enveloped in long robes. When she speaks out, her thoughts come across in an elegant British accent. “My family moved to Great Britain from Somalia 13 years ago, escaping from the genocide. I was fortunate enough to get an education in the first place, and then to attend a very good university, the London School of Economics”.

The many layers of her identity – “Somali, British, Muslim, and a few more” – are all very important to her, and she found a way to put them together by founding the Somali Professional Initiative. “The Somali community in Britain is one of the least successful ones. Not many young Somali immigrants go on to attend secondary education and to undertake well-rewarded professions. We want to give them the confidence and courage to believe in themselves, to break the invisible barriers that are present in the British society. The way to achieve this, we believe, is networking. We want to be the link between successful Somalis, such as Al Jazeera journalist Rageh Omaar or long-distance runner Mo Farah, with youngsters who are moving their first steps in their professional lives. They will get more than just role models to follow: they will gain mentors and friends”.

Speaking about role models, who is yours? “It might sound cliché, but my role model is my mom. She managed to bring up four children in a foreign country, starting from below zero. All of her children were given the possibility to study and are now doing very good things with their lives – that’s why now I want to help others to be educated and mentored”.

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Yassine Ennaem and the Arab Spring

Yassine Ennaem

Country: Morocco/Cyprus

„Everybody seems to be convinced that the Arab spring has been the solution to all of Maghreb’s problems, whereas the truth is far from being quite there“, Yassine is convinced.  “The outcomes of the revolts are not all white as portrayed, they are very bloody in fact: all in all, I do not know if this was a price worth paying”.

Yassine challenges the belief that the unrests have been totally spontaneous. „It is not a coincidence that the revolts happened only recently. Clearly, international powers had an interest in unleashing this discontent now, and not earlier. Social media for sure helped to spread the voice, but that can’t be the only reason”. How come this generation, then, has been the first one to take action? „That’s another widely held misconception. Our parents, and their parents before them, all tried to stand up against the regimes several times. For some reason, though, international media did not give enough visibility to what was happening, and the uprisings were easily hushed down”.

Yassine is a Moroccan student living in Cyprus. As many other young Africans living abroad, he decided to engage in the creation of ADYNE, the African Diaspora Youth Network in Europe. He is volunteering his time because, he says: “politics is not the solution to all of our problems. These problems were created by us, and they need to be solved with our engagement”.

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Claudio Aguiar and the Angolan Youth Council

Claudio Aguiar

Country: Angola

This is not the first time for Claudio in Mollina. “When I first came at the University on Youth and Development in 2001, I was just an officer at the Angolan National Youth Council”, he says. “The University was a milestone in my life. The incredible diversity and energy that you breathe here motivated me to become more active, and now I am the president of the council”. The Angolan Youth Council is a perfect example of how the UYD influenced the development of democratisation processes among African youth. “The confrontation with young activists from both Africa and Europe that you get here is incredibly enriching. Before going to Mollina everything in Angola was still starting up, then we came here, we went back and in three years we achieved great results. Thanks to our efforts, two articles dealing with youth rights were included in the Angolan constitution, and laws are now being issued accordingly. If young Africans are increasingly seeing their rights being recognised, we owe it also to such occasions as the UYD. It is difficult to measure exactly its value, but it is very easy to feel it: what you bring back to your country is priceless”.

Stories gathered at the University on Youth and Development 2011 for Youth Opinion 3/2011.