#parliament representation

[industrybuzz]

The Voice, The Vote

The Voice Referendum in Australia will come to a vote on October, creating an Indigenous Voice to Parliament. Approximately 3.8% of Australians today are indigenous, a group which lumps together both the native Aboriginal people of the mainland, and the Torres Strait Islanders, who come from islands off the northeast coast. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, their numbers are…

[yubnubforhire]

Gotta be honest after this shitshow of an election cycle in the US it’s quite nice to see labour absolutely pound the tories into the ground

[beeseverywhen]

"All political parties face a trade-off under a first-past-the-post electoral system. Governing depends on attracting a broad coalition of voters, inevitably involving compromises that leave a party’s base disgruntled.

So it is perhaps unsurprising that as we move closer to a general election, the discontent from the anti-Labour left who claim there is little to distinguish Keir Starmer from Rishi Sunak in the battle for the premiership is only getting noisier."

"The argument is threefold: there’s no meaningful difference between the Conservatives and Labour; Starmer supposedly can’t be trusted because he has dropped pledges he made in the 2020 leadership election to shift his party towards the centre; finally, the “Tories are toast” and Labour can’t lose, so disgruntled left voters can safely vote for other parties, such as the Greens.

With Labour so far ahead in the polls, the urge to debunk these sentiments may seem like an expression of paranoia. But all three aspects of this narrative are comprehensively wrong, including the reassurance that it is safe for anyone who would prefer a Labour government to vote for another party in Labour-Tory contests."

"But what this underplays is the number of Labour-Tory marginals where a relatively small vote for other left candidates could cost Labour a win. James Kanagasooriam, of the polling company Focaldata, has written about the “sandcastle” nature of Labour’s likely majority; his forecast is that there will be many more marginal seats in the 2024 parliament compared with 2019. If more than predicted numbers of those who voted Green in the locals decide they can afford to do so in the general election because Labour is so far ahead in national polls, that will boost the Conservatives.

Next up is the idea that Starmer’s dropping of some of his leadership pledges makes him dangerously untrustworthy. But this is the product of a system in which the tiny unrepresentative slice of the electorate that is a party membership pick their leader before voters choose their prime minister. Anyone hoping to be PM would have to shift position between a leadership selection and a general election: a Labour leader’s most important job is to connect with potential voters, not to coddle members with the comfort blanket of a policy platform such as the “free broadband for all” 2019 pledge that was roundly rejected.

Liz Truss provides a cautionary tale of what happens when a party leader seeks to impose a membership-endorsed platform on the country without a general election. For Starmer to have stuck to his 2020 leadership election pledges, instead of spending the past four years understanding voters, would have been fundamentally anti-democratic.

The most egregious aspect of the anti-Labour left argument is there isn’t much to choose between Starmer and Sunak. Yes, Labour’s “Ming vase” election strategy has seen it take a much more cautious fiscal approach than many of us would like: it has effectively adopted the Tory macroeconomic worldview and with it a set of spending constraints that no one sensible thinks either party could stick to in the wake of the election.

That is frustrating for anyone hoping this election campaign may illuminate some of the tough trade-offs facing Britain; but it would have been incredibly risky for one side to go it alone on this. The alternative is Labour walking into the trap and handing the Conservatives a “Labour tax bombshell” election campaign.

From a commitment to scrap the Rwanda plan to making clear that in an ideal world Labour would discard the two-child benefit cap, there are plenty of reasons that it is preposterous to think that a Starmer government would make the same trade-offs as successive Conservative governments that have financed billions of pounds worth of tax cuts for more affluent families by cutting tax credits and benefits for low-income parents. The six pledges Starmer launched two weeks ago may be incremental, but Labour needs voters to believe they are deliverable, and they are indicative of a very different set of priorities than those that animate Sunak."

"Starmer is not without weaknesses, as shown by the days he took to clarify an interview last October in which he gave the impression he thought Israel had the right to withhold power and food from Gaza. But there is no doubt whatsoever he would make a vastly more compassionate and competent prime minister than Sunak. To encourage people to put that outcome at risk by casting a protest vote against a Labour government that does not yet exist is perhaps the ultimate form of luxury belief campaigning."

[une-sanz-pluis]

I remember you saying that Margaret of Anjou only gained sympathy from historians in the 20th century, and even during the Tudor dynasty, they were still smearing her.

I have definitely said that, borrowing from a comment made by Katherine J. Lewis on this podcast where she talked about how efforts to canonise Henry VI and cast him as the Tudors' saintly ancestor and benefactor resulted in Margaret needing to be absorb the sins of his regime. Stories like Margaret's involvement in the plot against "Good Duke Humphrey" and her affair with the Duke of Suffolk only emerged in the Tudor era and culminated in Shakespeare's depiction of her in his Wars of the Roses plays (Henry VI, Parts 1, 2 and 3 and Richard III). Shakespeare's version has long shaped the "standard" view of Margaret but the moves to discount his take on the Wars of the Roses have never resulted in a reassessment of Margaret's character. His plays remains the most obvious sources for many of Margaret's "evil deeds" despite no historical precedent for them? For example, Margaret was never at the Battle of Wakefield but she's usually depicted as jubilantly ordering the heaping of indignities on Richard, Duke of York's corpse.

In brief: Margaret has served and still serves as the sin-eater for Henry VI and the Lancastrians (and, by extensions, the Beauforts and Tudors).

[keep-of-quackalot]

First post; for a school assignment. If you would like to contribute to some primary data, please feel free to fill this out and share it amongst your friends! I need responses from far and wide, so the more people who respond the better :)

Some questions (one question) is specific to Australian responders, so if you're not Australian skip the question or have a look into what the Indigenous Voice for Parliament vote was. (btw none of the questions are compulsory).

Please reblog for a larger sample size!

[taylorswift]

When I was writing the Fortnight music video, I wanted to show you the worlds I saw in my head that served as the backdrop for making this music.  Pretty much everything in it is a metaphor or a reference to one corner of the album or another. For me, this video turned out to be the perfect visual representation of this record and the stories I tell in it. Post Malone blew me away on set as our tortured tragic hero and I’m so grateful to him for everything he put into this collaboration. I’m still laughing from getting to work with the coolest guys on earth, Ethan Hawke and Josh Charles (tortured poets, meet your colleagues from down the hall, the dead poets). I still can’t believe I get to work with the unfathomably brilliant Rodrigo Prieto on cinematography and my team of dream collaborators: Ethan Tobman (production design), Chancler Haynes (editor), Anthony Dimino (1st AD), Jil Hardin (producer) and Dom Thomas (executive producer). Parliament aced the VFX as always. Joseph Cassell, Lorrie Turk and Jemma Muradian made these tortured looks come to life. The entire crew made this a dream to shoot. Thank you to everyone involved and everyone who has watched it!! https://taylor.lnk.to/FortnightMV

[thoughtlessarse]

The incoming European Parliament is lacking diversity, data collected by Euronews shows. Some 37 of the newly elected 720 MEPs have a diverse background, this is about the same figure as in 2019, when the previous EU election was held. We looked at lawmakers who were born in a country outside the EU - or for whom one parent was - or those that represent a minority such as ethnic Hungarians in Romania.  In the 2019 - 2024 mandate, the UK (which left the European Union in 2020) elected the most ethnic minority MEPs (seven out of 73 seats), followed by France (six out of 79 seats). During the June 2024 EU election, France picked the most diverse MEPs (ten out of 81), followed by Sweden (five out of 21). Germany and Romania each voted in three lawmakers with a different background. A spokesperson for the European Network Against Racism (ENAR) told Euronews that the lack of meaningful representation in the Parliament "reinforces our findings that this institution does not reflect the diversity of the European population. This trend highlights the urgent need for greater inclusion and representation within EU political structures." Already in 2019, ENAR said that while racial and ethnic minorities make up at least 10% of the European Union population, they made up about 36 (5%) the total number of 751 elected MEPs. This number dipped to 4% after the UK left the bloc. Brussels – home to the EU Parliament – is one of the most ethnically diverse areas in the world with some 184 different nationalities represented.

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[acpsalewaanewspaper]

التمثيل السياسي لحزب الوفد في البرلمانات والمجالس المحلية في الفترة من 2000 إلى 2021

التمثيل السياسي لحزب الوفد في البرلمانات والمجالس المحلية في الفترة من 2000 إلى 2021   التمثيل السياسي لحزب الوفد في البرلمانات والمجالس المحلية في الفترة من 2000 إلى 2021 المؤلف: منى بدر احمد محمد  كلية السياسة والاقتصاد- جامعة بني سويف المستخلص: يُعد التمثيل السياسي للأحزاب السياسية في البرلمانات والمجالس المحلية مؤشراً على فاعلية الحزب، ومدى قدرته وكفاءته، ويمثل حزب الوفد أقدم الأحزاب…

[townpostin]

Jamshedpur Artist's Terracotta Work Featured In New Parliament House

Mohan Karan’s Creations Represent Jharkhand In Aastha Gallery Young artist’s masks and tiles showcase state’s forest wealth and cultural heritage. JAMSHEDPUR – Mohan Karan, a talented artist from Sonari, has gained recognition for his beautiful terracotta artworks, which are currently on display in the new Parliament House in New Delhi. "Being able to showcase my work in the Parliament House is…

[tenth-sentence]

Ironically, the bill that excluded women is known to history as the Great Reform Act as it abolished the small, often rural constituencies and redrew the boundaries so that the new growing towns had their own MPs.

"Normal Women: 900 Years of Making History" - Philippa Gregory

[taqato-alim]

Analysis of: The German Constitution (Das Grundgesetz)

Here is a summary of the key points discussed:

Establishes a democratic federal republic with separation of powers and strong protections for civil/political rights

Institutionalizes inclusive multiparty electoral system and open federal governance

Strikes balance between protecting regional diversity and unity through coherent federal model

Enshrines extensive individual liberties like free speech that set democratic standards internationally

Incorporates social/economic rights alongside civil/political rights in comprehensive bill of rights

Provides justiciable rights enforcement through independent Constitutional Court

Structures transparent, consensus-seeking legislative process that integrates public participation

Underpins Germany's post-war stability, prosperity and leadership advocating for European integration

Proved sufficiently flexible to adapt to reunification and changes over 70+ years through established amendment procedures

Correlates strongly with high quality of life, civic engagement and consistent top global governance rankings for Germany

Remains one of the most successful, durable constitutions worldwide in establishing foundations for an open, pluralistic democracy

Here is a summary of the key points from the German constitution (Grundgesetz):

Divided into 11 sections covering basic rights, federation of states, Bundestag (parliament), Bundesrat (upper house), president, federal government, legislation, administration of federal laws, judiciary, finances, transitional provisions

Guarantees basic human rights like human dignity, life and liberty, equality before the law

Germany is a democratic and social federal republic with separation of powers

Bundestag is elected by proportional representation for 4 years

Bundesrat represents states' interests and approves some federal laws

President is head of state elected by assembly for 5 years

Chancellor is head of government elected by majority of Bundestag

Legislative process involves Bundestag, Bundesrat and president

Administration of federal laws can involve states or federal agencies

Tax revenues are shared between federal government and states

Constitutional amendments require 2/3 majority of Bundestag and Bundesrat

Transitional provisions accommodate reunification of East/West Germany

This document is a national constitution.

Key evidence that supports this:

It establishes the fundamental political principles and structures of governance for Germany as a democratic republic.

It divides power between different branches of government - legislative, executive, judicial.

It enumerates and guarantees basic civil and political rights and liberties for citizens.

It defines processes for legislation, election of leaders, administration of laws etc at the national level.

It establishes the federal system of government and delineates powers between federal/national and state/local levels.

It entrenches certain provisions that are difficult to amend, requiring supermajority votes for constitutional changes.

The use of legal/constitutional terminology and principles like separation of powers, checks and balances throughout.

It forms the basis of and hierarchy above other laws in the German legal system.

It has endured and been organically amended over decades, functioning as Germany's fundamental constitutional document.

Based on these factors, this document is clearly a national constitution - the foundational legal charter of Germany that outlines how the country is governed.

The key stakeholders affected by the German constitution include:

German citizens - It establishes their basic rights and obligations, and empowers civic participation through democratic elections and principles of good governance.

Regional states (Länder) - Delineates their autonomy and shared powers with the federal government in key policy areas.

Federal government - Outlines its responsibilities and branches of power at the national level above states.

Local governments - May have some delegated authority and obligations under the federal system.

Political parties - Must adhere to democratic principles and risk being banned if opposing the constitutional order.

Businesses - Benefit from stable rule of law and economic freedoms, while complying with laws and regulations.

Judiciary - Has explicit powers of judicial review over compliance of all laws with the constitution.

Future generations - Preamble seeks to bequeath democratic order and peaceful development to posterity.

The constitution mostly positively empowers these stakeholders through establishing clear structure, rights protections and participatory mechanisms. Regional states do have some potential dissatisfactions built into the balance of federalism and shared rule provisions over time. Overall it strives for an inclusive and accountable system of governance.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to basic rights/civil liberties:

Comprehensive bill of rights in Articles 1-19 protects core individual and political freedoms.

Rights are entrenched and paramount - no law can contravene their guarantees of dignity, speech, privacy, etc.

Broadly framed rights like human dignity implicitly protect additional liberties through judicial interpretation.

Social/economic rights to welfare, labor protections expanded conventional bill of rights philosophy.

Rights are justiciable and citizens can individually petition courts to enforce their protections.

Germans have actively used rights to push social changes through strategic litigation over time.

Courts employ balancing tests when rights conflict vs. blanket hierarchies to respect nuanced contexts.

Amendments strengthened rather than weakened rights over time through path of expanding civil liberties.

Commitment to international covenants and Europe-wide standards consistently raises German protections.

Overall the constitution enshrines a 'rights republic' view that prioritizes rights as foundational democratic restraints on state power through robust judicial safeguards.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to its federation of states (Länder):

Establishes Germany as a federal republic by acknowledging the 16 Länder as constituent states.

Clearly divides powers between the federal and state levels to prevent overcentralization.

Gives Länder primary authority over internal administration, education, culture etc.

Creates an equal bicameral legislative system through the Bundestag and Bundesrat of state representatives.

Requires federal policies impacting Länder budgets to be approved by Bundesrat.

Maintains states' ability to administer their own police and judicial systems.

Allows for variation in state-level laws and policies within federal framework.

Preserves room for state identity and diversity within unity of federal republic.

Strikes balance between strong central state and autonomy, updated periodically as needed.

Overall it crafts a lasting model for shared sovereignty that empowers Länder as building blocks of the federation while keeping national cohesion through proportionate federal primacy on common concerns.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the parliament (Bundestag):

Establishes the Bundestag as the primary legislative body, elected through regular democratic elections.

Outlines qualifications and procedures for elections, terms of office, etc. to structure its operations.

Grants the Bundestag substantial powers such as initiating legislation, approving the budget and treaties.

Requires the chancellor and cabinet be accountable to the Bundestag through confidence votes.

Provides checks on executive power by allowing the Bundestag to interpellate and investigate the government.

Ensures political pluralism through proportional representation electoral system used to elect Bundestag members.

Specifies legislative process including option for direct public participation through petitions and referendums.

Bundestag is actively involved in approving senior judicial and other state appointments.

Has seen its status elevated over decades due to greater resources and confidence from German public.

Overall the constitution firmly vests lawmaking preeminence in the Bundestag as a representative assembly while also establishing tools for oversight of the administration.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the Bundesrat (upper house):

Establishes the Bundesrat as an equal legislative chamber representing Germany's 16 states.

Composition ensures states have direct input in lawmaking affecting their diplomatic interests.

Mandates the federal government consider and negotiate proposed legislation with the Bundesrat.

Grants the Bundesrat co-determination and veto rights over laws impacting state responsibilities.

Requires states approve the federal budget and financial arrangements through the Bundesrat.

Regularly convened meetings facilitate cooperation between national and state governments.

Provides checks on federal power similar to other federal systems like the US and Australia.

Has expanded states' influence as EU membership complicates federal-state relations.

Jurisprudence protects Bundesrat prerogatives in maintaining federal balance of powers.

Overall the constitution reinforces cooperative federalism through an independently empowered Bundesrat that promotes consensus and safeguards state autonomy in the legislative process.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the role of the President:

The President is the head of state but with a largely ceremonial and representative role.

They are elected indirectly by the Federal Convention made up of Bundestag and state delegates.

Powers are limited but include promulgating and signing laws, accrediting ambassadors, pardoning criminals.

They must sign off on declaring emergencies but public authority resides with the Chancellor.

Serves as a non-partisan symbol of national unity above everyday political divisions.

Represents Germany in foreign relations but does not direct policy, which lies with Chancellor.

Appoints and oversees federal civil servants but again policy led by cabinet officials.

Can return disputed laws to the parliamentary process but cannot veto outright.

Serves as moral authority to uphold principles of democracy and basic rights.

So the constitution establishes a titular rather than active executive presidency, focusing political power in elected parliamentary institutions like the dominant Chancellor role. The President occupies a largely ceremonial position as a symbolic head of state.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the federal government:

Establishes clear division of powers between federal and state/Länder levels.

Federal government headed by the Chancellor who is elected by plurality in the Bundestag.

Chancellor selects cabinet ministers who must receive Bundestag vote of confidence.

Allows cabinet to initiate legislation and direct administration according to enacted laws.

Subjects federal executive powers to parliamentary oversight through transparency and interrogation rights.

Mandates cooperation and consensus between federal/state branches through Bundesrat involvement.

Constitution spells out federal domains like foreign affairs, defense, immigration, transportation.

Federal govt has grown stronger over time but Länder retain significant policy autonomy.

Constitutional Court can invalidate federal laws/actions that overreach or violate basic rights.

Overall it establishes a strongly democratic yet effective federal government accountable to Parliament while respecting Länder interests through power-sharing dictated by the Basic Law. Checks and expertise are balanced.

Here are some key ways the German constitution structures and evaluates the legislative process:

Clearly delineates the Bundestag as the primary body that initiates and approves legislation, establishing it as the central actor.

Specifies the basic procedures bills must go through, including multiple readings and votes by absolute majority.

Allows for direct public participation through petitions that can trigger an advisory referendum.

Requires the federal government to present its policy program to the Bundestag for a vote of confidence.

Subjects delegated legislative powers to frameworks, oversight, and ultimate judicial review.

Mandates public transparency like publishing proposed laws for public feedback.

Strives for consensus and compromise through committee review, public hearings, multiparty negotiations.

Checks the executive through Bundestag's power to select the Chancellor and withdraw confidence.

Inserts the Bundesrat to represent Länder interests in legislation impacting federal-state balances.

Overall, it establishes a rigorous yet flexible process that integrates deliberation, public participation, checks/balances to produce high-quality, consensus-based legislation.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the administration of federal laws:

Gives the federal government responsibility for administering laws passed by Parliament.

Requires the establishment of a professionalized civil service insulated from partisan politics.

Outlines basic principles of public administration like legality, equity, proportionality.

Allows delegation of implementation/enforcement powers but reserves judicial review.

Maintains Länder autonomy in administering federal programs tailored to regional needs.

Subjects administration to checks from courts, Ombudsperson and parliamentary inquiries.

Promotes transparency through agencies like freedom of information laws.

Balances efficiency goals with due process rights for citizens in administrative proceedings.

Permits joint federal-Länder agencies to coordinate multi-level governance.

Overall it provides a strong yet accountable framework to ensure federal legislation is applied uniformly, competently and in accordance with constitutional and rule of law principles across Germany's diverse regions.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the judiciary:

Establishes an independent judiciary as a separate branch of government.

Requires judges at all levels to be independent and make decisions based only on the law.

Mandates a professional career judiciary selected based on merit and legal qualifications.

Shields judges from political influence through long-term tenure protections.

Establishes a hierarchical court system with the Federal Constitutional Court at the apex.

Grants the Constitutional Court powers of abstract and concrete judicial review.

Provides individual rights of due process and access to courts to challenge government.

Allows judicial review of administrative agency decisions and elections.

Courts have played a key role interpreting and developing constitutional rights norms.

Jurisprudence has strengthened separation of powers and rule of law principles.

Overall, the constitution enshrines an empowered, merit-based judiciary effective at checks and accountability while protecting fundamental rights through vigilant, impartial interpretation of law.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to public finances:

Establishes Germany as a social market economy, balancing private enterprise with social welfare.

Mandates the federal government collaborate with Länder on fiscal & monetary policy decisions.

Requires the federal budget be approved by an absolute majority in the Bundestag.

Subjects budget legislation to review and veto rights by the Bundesrat.

Prohibits deficit spending except under extraordinary economic circumstances.

Established an independent central bank, the Bundesbank, to manage monetary policy.

Allows for robust social insurance and public services through mandatory contribution schemes.

Permits taxation within limits of ability-to-pay principles and balanced budgets.

Enables significant infrastructure and stimulus spending while maintaining debt restraint.

Correlates to strong credit ratings, low public debt and GDP stability over decades.

Overall, the constitution provides prudent fiscal governance supporting long-term prosperity, responsiveness to crises, and avoidance of severe austerity through multi-level cooperation and transparency. This model underpins Germany's export-led economic resilience.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the concept of separation of powers:

It clearly delineates the three branches of government - legislative, executive, judicial - in distinct articles.

The Bundestag (legislature) is given lawmaking authority while also holding oversight functions over the chancellor/cabinet.

The chancellor and cabinet (executive) direct administration and policymaking within laws passed, while dependent on Bundestag support.

The judiciary, headed by the Federal Constitutional Court, independently adjudicates legal/constitutional matters to check other branches.

No single branch controls the others - appointments require involvement of multiple branches in checks.

Exceptions and qualifications are prescribed to prevent dominance while allowing functional cooperation.

Powers are also separated vertically between federal/state levels to prevent concentration.

Separation is not absolute but designed for interdependence based on Madisonian principles of balanced government.

So in both its theoretical underpinning and operational provisions, the German model comprehensively reflects and instantiates the core concern of separating governmental authority into distinct, check-balancing branches as envisioned by Montesquieu and others.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to freedom of speech:

Article 5 enshrines basic right to free expression as a core democratic principle.

Protection extends broadly to opinions, art, media with minimal limitations spelled out.

However, bans on Nazi speech/propaganda show commitment to not tolerate intolerance as an exceptional curtailment.

Establishes positive right to communication technologies and infrastructure for free flow of ideas.

Grants extra protections to academic/artistic freedom and confidential communications.

Formal guarantees independence of public/private media from control by political branches.

Empowers grassroots expression through safeguarding rights to assembly and petition government.

Provides avenue for judicial review of any censorship through Federal Constitutional Court upholding free speech norms.

German courts have generally interpreted speech rights expansively with some insistences on balancing competing societal interests.

Overall it establishes one of the most protective free expression frameworks internationally while cautiously navigating situations where speech can undermine the very democratic order enabling it. A balanced, nuanced approach.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to freedom of the press:

Article 5 explicitly guarantees freedom of press as a fundamental democratic right.

Press organs are protected from censorship or licensing requirements that could curtail reporting.

Privacy of journalistic sources is safeguarded to facilitate investigative reporting on issues of public interest.

Framework supports independent public service media existing free from political/commercial control.

Liberal constraints on concentrated private media ownership help diversify press landscape.

Emergency powers restricted to ensure free flow of news/opinions even under turmoil or conflict.

Courts have developed robust protections for journalistic privilege and activities like undercover investigations.

Germany consistently ranks high on press freedom indices, with constraints limited mostly to hate speech/defamation.

Legal environment and social expectations reinforce presses' watchdog, transparency role in democratic process.

Overall the constitutional foundations empower a vigorous, pluralistic Fourth Estate largely free from undue political pressures or concentrated commercial monopolies. Libraries the model press liberty framework.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to political parties:

Explicitly recognizes parties as participants in forming public opinion and electoral competition.

Establishes multi-party democracy as a foundational principle, necessitating robust parties.

Provides public funding for parties based on electoral support to foster equal participation.

Bans anti-constitutional parties but otherwise protects free formation, membership, activities.

Requires parties to publish annual financial reports to ensure transparency in campaign funding.

Coalition governments necessitate consensus-building between parties after elections.

Proportional representation system elects government based on party makeup in Bundestag.

Stable, long-established parties have embedded themselves as crucial institutions in the system.

Courts have intervened sparingly toresolve organizational/electoral disputes between parties.

Overall it facilitates thriving party politics as a natural outgrowth of representative democracy, promoting pluralism through regulated inclusion while respecting independence. Parties are thus well-integrated partners in the constitutional order.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to capital punishment:

The original 1949 text did not explicitly ban capital punishment, leaving it as permissible.

However, it could only be applied for treason during a state of defense, reflecting post-War sensitivities.

Capital punishment was rarely carried out in practice during the 1950s.

Public support declined along with West Germany's democratization and integration into Western institutions opposing the death penalty.

The 1949 text's open-ended provisions allowed for legal scholars and the Constitutional Court to nudge the debate further.

In 1949 transitional conditions precluded an outright ban, but the text's emphasis on human dignity informed later interpretation.

The death penalty was abolished for ordinary crimes in 1949 and for all crimes in West Germany in 1949 due to growing consensus.

Reunification in 1990 cemented Germany's full rejection of the practice in line with international human rights law standards.

So while not immediate, the text constructed a rights-based framework permitting the principled abolishment of capital punishment according to evolving democratic norms and consensus.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution structures and relates to the election process:

Establishes Germany as a parliamentary republic that holds regular, free and fair elections to the Bundestag.

Deviates from simple majority by requiring proportional representation to encourage pluralism in parliament.

Mandates universal adult suffrage and secret ballots to promote broad participation in elections.

Outlines campaign finance regulations and powers of the independent electoral commission.

Sets four-year maximum terms for Bundestag members subject to re-election.

Allows 18-year olds and EU citizens to vote to make process as inclusive as possible.

Integrates European, state and municipal votes on coordinated schedules for efficiency.

Courts have jurisdiction to adjudicate alleged electoral irregularities to ensure integrity.

High voter turnouts indicate system has fostered strong democratic political engagement.

Overall, through its considered structural provisions and oversight mechanisms, the constitution has enabled Germany's exemplary model of participatory electoral democracy at the heart of its system of governance.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the Constitutional Court:

Establishes the court as an independent judicial body solely responsible for constitutional review.

Grants it key powers like the ability to strike down laws contradicting basic rights or procedures.

Ensures a balanced, non-political method of appointing experienced judges to the court.

Mandates the court serve as final arbiter of the boundaries between legislature/executive.

Allows individuals and political entities direct access to challenge laws/actions.

Invested it with great legitimacy and authority as guardian of the constitutional order.

Established broad abstract and concrete review abilities ahead of other postwar systems.

Jurisprudence has played a central role in developing rights protections over decades.

Rulings are final and help maintain continuity as political winds change in parliament.

By centralizing this crucial function, the constitution has empowered a strong, independent judiciary critical to Germany's stable constitutional democracy. The Court exemplifies a key pillar of checks and balances.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to its transitional provisions:

Included extensive transitional provisions to help solidify West Germany's new democratic system after WWII.

Revived essential pre-Nazi laws and domestic agreements to maintain legal continuity.

Reincorporated the 16 Länder territories pending reunification with East Germany.

Gradually returned confiscated private property while nationalizing key industries.

Transitioned away from denazification by rehabilitating and compensating ex-Nazi officials.

Postponed final provisions on capital punishment and church-state relations.

Enabled Allied occupation oversight to guide reconstruction of democratic institutions.

Provided flexibility to revise initial text as postwar conditions evolved.

Facilitated West Germany's integration into NATO and emergence as a frontline state.

The transitional provisions played a crucial stabilizing role navigating postwar reunification challenges pending eventual reunification, without which the Constitution's legitimacy and longevity may have faltered. They helped complete reunification peacefully.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the European Union:

Includes provisions directly addressing Germany's membership and delegation of sovereignty to the EU/EC under certain policy domains.

Established Germany as a strong proponent and driver of "ever closer union" underpinning European integration since WWII.

Has been amended multiple times to reflect new treaties and expansions of EU powers (Single European Act, Maastricht, Lisbon Treaties).

Subjects delegation of powers to EU to judicial review to ensure compatibility with German Basic Law.

Provides direct applicability of EU law through national jurisdiction based on primacy principles.

Requires federal and state governments to cooperate in EU policymaking through Bundesrat involvement.

Public culture and political debates now routinely consider European as well as national dimensions.

Basic democratic and human rights principles largely overlap and reinforce vibrant pro-EU stance among Germans.

Overall the document has proven flexible yet stabilizing as Germany's centralized yet federalized system helped propel it as the long-time anchor and champion of a united Europe under supranational governance structures.

The ideas enshrined in the German constitution have enabled a high general quality of life for the population as evidenced by:

Health & well-being: Strong social protections like universal healthcare fostered physical and mental wellness.

Education: Equitable access to education at all levels through public funding improves opportunities.

Employment: Robust job protections, social security facilitates economic security even in difficult periods.

Income & wealth: Progressive taxation and welfare state lifts quality of living standards overall.

Civic engagement: Rights to participate strengthens political connectedness and social capital in communities.

Work-life balance: Labor regulations promote fair working conditions without excess overtime demands.

Environs: Rigorous environmental stewardship establishes framework for sustainable habitats.

Safety: Democratic peace, focus on justice, pluralism contributes to overall stability and social order.

However, pressures exist in some regions re: economic transformation, immigration integration challenges, affordability concerns in large cities with loopholes allowing inequality to grow.

Overall though, the civic, social, political and economic infrastructure provided as intended through the constitution's democratic imperatives correlates to consistent top rankings in worldwide metrics of human development and quality of life indices.

Here is an evaluation of who may profit and not profit from the ideas in the German constitution:

Would profit:

Citizens - Individual rights protections and democratic structures empower participation.

Political parties - Can advance platforms through competitive elections.

Civil society - Liberties around speech, media, assembly enable independent organizations to thrive.

Judiciary - Independent courts uphold rule of law and check potential abuses.

Regional identities - Federalism safeguards diversity and local autonomy within unity.

Vulnerable groups - Social protections uphold dignity for all through education, welfare, etc.

Future generations - Democratic continuity and environmental stewardship invested in posterity.

May not fully profit:

Anti-democratic political forces - Banned if opposing constitutional order's principles outright.

Economic elites - Market system tempered by social policies constraining raw capitalism.

Nation-states - Supranational cooperation erodes exclusive prerogatives of unilateral sovereignty.

Coal/nuclear lobbies - Environmental rights established as limiting unsustainable energy paths.

In general, democratic and socially-progressive populations willing to operate through inclusive political structures are best empowered. Those antithetical to core precepts of equal participation, rights and multi-level governance risk facing ideological constraints. But overall it aims at widespread civic empowerment.

Overall, the German constitution exhibits strong ethical foundations:

It enshrines principles of human dignity, rights, equality and justice which are universally recognized ethical goods.

Democratic elections, separation of powers and rule of law anchored in its system safeguard civic participation and ethical governance.

Individual liberties like religious freedom, speech, assembly bolster social freedom and tolerance.

Social protections regarding family, education, welfare aims to uphold human dignity for all citizens.

Accountability and transparency requirements aim to curb potential corruption in high offices.

It seeks to remedy past injustices like denazification reforms and restitution for confiscated property.

Commitment to reunification, European cooperation above nationalism respects ethical duties of political reconciliation.

However, some considerations:

References ideals rather than mechanisms to unconditionally uphold rights in practice.

Democratic principles don't extend to banning anti-democratic parties which poses an ethical dilemma.

Federal divisions of power could enable "racing to the bottom" if states don't uphold certain citizen protections.

Overall, the ethical priorities embodied most centrally focus on respecting human dignity and enabling participatory self-governance through democratic principles and civic liberties established via the rule of law.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution relates to the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

Enshrines fundamental dignity and equality of all persons, which is the foundation of the UDHR (Article 1).

Protects core civil/political rights like life, liberty, free speech and religion that are also central to the UDHR (Articles 3, 18, 19).

Explicitly recognizes social and economic rights like work, fair wages, health care that expand on civil/political rights in the UDHR (Articles 22, 23, 25).

Prohibits discrimination and protects minorities in the spirit of UDHR principles of non-discrimination (Articles 3).

Establishes mechanisms like constitutional court to give practical effect to rights protections in line with UDHR (Preamble).

Principles of democratic governance and rule of law strengthen procedural justice aspects of the UDHR.

Commitment to human rights influenced Germany's leadership within UN and Council of Europe on rights.

There is strong coherence and complementarity between the rights and values enshrined in both documents. The German constitution served as an influential early model for implementing universal rights principles domestically.

Here is an evaluation of the German constitution in relation to the culture of Enlightenment:

Emphasis on rational thinking and evidence-based democratic processes aligns with Enlightenment priorities over received wisdom/tradition.

Establishes framework guaranteeing individual liberties central to Enlightenment like speech, press, religion which advance free exchange of ideas.

Separation of powers with checks and balances on any one branch reflects Enlightenment skepticism of absolute authority/sovereignty.

Universalist focus on dignity, equality, justice for all persons affirms principles of natural rights central to Enlightenment philosophy.

References democratic rule-of-law and participation, suggesting popular sovereignty over feudal hierarchy/absolutism.

Aims to remedy historic injustices done under authoritarian predecessor systems through restitution, reform.

Intrinsic commitment to openness enables organic development to new challenges through discussion/deliberation.

Regular formal amendments ratified by representatives safeguard popular consent central to Enlightenment social contracts.

However, some traditional concepts around federalism, fiscal policy could be viewed as moderately counter to rational empiricism depending on interpretation. But overall, the central ideas are closely aligned.

Here is an evaluation of the culture that has resulted from the ideas embodied in the German constitution:

Strong culture of individual rights, civic participation and rule of law. Germans widely value these democratic principles.

Multi-level governance strengthened regional cultural diversity within a cohesive national identity.

Stable institutions and continuity of legal/political arrangements fostered long-term planning and consensus-building.

Social protections and inclusive welfare state strengthened social cohesion by upholding human dignity for all.

Traditions of civic engagement and voluntary associations flourish due to liberties of assembly and expression.

Independent judiciary, media and civil society grew to serve as check on any abuses of power.

Stewardship of environment and future generations reflected in German Green movement and sustainability priorities.

Lessons learned from 20th century excesses reinforced anti-nationalist, anti-militarist values.

Reunification achieved through civic consensus not unilateral fiat fostered democratic political culture.

However, some recent challenges include: tensions over federalism, rising antipathy toward "establishment" amid some economic anxiety, Islamophobia and debates over immigration/integration policies.

Overall, the ideas advanced have tangibly shaped German and European culture in largely positive ways emphasizing participation, rights, consensus and social responsibility.

The German constitution is overwhelmingly a factual, objective and empirical document:

It outlines the actual legal framework and institutional set up of Germany's system of governance.

The rights, processes, structures described have legal force and are empirically demonstrable in practice.

There is no element of fiction, anecdote or creative speculation - it establishes authoritative constitutional reality.

The language used is formal and descriptive rather than attempting persuasion.

It references historical context factually without narrative embellishment.

Provisions are presented declaratively as established rules rather than opinions.

Amendments follow empirical changes in circumstances/preferences over time.

Some minor elements that show traces of subjectivity include:

Ideological undertones in the Preamble's reference to social goals.

References to democratic/republican principles involve normative assertions.

Transitional arrangements involved negotiated political choices.

However, overwhelmingly the German constitution communicates as a factual, evidence-based document establishing Germany's objective constitutional order rather than expressing opinions, anecdotes or fiction. Its status is overwhelmingly that of established fact over fiction or subjective perspective.

I did not find any logical fallacies in the German constitution.

The document is a legal/political text establishing a framework of governance, rather than making truth claims or arguments that could contain logical fallacies. Some considerations:

It does not rely on rhetoric, emotive language, analogies or other persuasive devices prone to logical flaws.

Provisions are declaratively articulated in a factual tone befitting a constitutional text.

References to concepts like republicanism/democracy involve normative assertions intrinsic to its purpose rather than claims open to logical critique.

Transitional arrangements record political negotiations, not deductive/inductive reasoning.

Amendments rationalized based on empirical evolutions in domestic preferences over time.

International comparisons mention context, not deployed as drivers of constitutional provisions.

Hypothetical cases explored to flesh out principles don't constitute premises for broader conclusions.

Overall, due to genre expectations as a foundational legal document establishing an orderly structure of governance, the content and form of propositions in the German constitution do not invoke or depend on logical reasoning that could contain fallacies. The text aims at readability and stability over rhetorical nuance.

The quality of reason in the German constitution is strong in relation to its purpose but more limited in scope given the nature and function of a foundational legal document:

It logically justifies the establishment of key institutions and processes of governance that align with its guiding democratic principles.

Rights provisions are rationally grounded in universal ethical concepts of human dignity, participation, equality before the law.

Transitional arrangements exhibit pragmatism and compromise in reconciling complex realities of reunification.

Amendments have emerged through evidence-based processes weighing evolving circumstances and democratic will.

However, some elements exhibit less developed rationale:

Normative assertions about forms of governance involve founding value judgments less open to reason/debate.

Federal divisions of power rest more on negotiated settlement than deductive premises.

Hypothetical cases don't rigorously explore all potential reasonable objections/counterpoints.

Overall, given its purpose is establishing a framework rather than theoretical treatise, the quality of reason exhibited aligns with that function - logically justifying core precepts and arrangements while involving some domain over which philosophical reasoning could explore further. But ratiocination isn't the defining imperative of an effective constitution.

The German constitution has good intelligibility based on the following factors:

The language uses plain and straightforward terminology appropriate for a legal/constitutional document. Complex terms are avoided or defined.

The overall structure and organization is logical and readable, grouping related provisions together in coherent sections.

Key concepts like branches of power, electoral systems, individual rights are properly introduced and explained upfront.

There is a clear hierarchical flow to the document with more foundational aspects addressed earlier on.

Later amendments and additions are organized as discrete articles that don't disrupt the core coherence.

Paragraph numbering and indentation of sub-sections aids navigation through the lengthy document.

Important definitions, processes and exceptions are explicitly called out to aid comprehension.

Usage of terms and language remains consistent throughout without drastic shifts in register.

Some minor challenges to intelligibility include:

Density of legal/constitutional detail and cross-referencing in places requires close reading.

Translated from German, so occasional awkwardness in stylistic flow in English.

However, on the whole the language, structure, organization and formatting choices in the German constitution make the complex concepts and provisions within fairly intelligible for the intended lay audience. It exhibits thoughtful drafting to maximize understanding.

The German constitution aims to impart several key effects on the reader:

Inform citizens of the overarching principles, values and structures of governance that establish the nation's political order.

Communicate the specific institutional set up and processes that define how government functions in practice.

Convey rights, protections and guarantees afforded to individuals against potential overreach of state authority.

Shape civic understanding of where sovereignty lies and how powers are distributed between levels of government.

Foster respect for and adherence to the rule of law by codifying procedures and checks/balances.

Foreground stability and continuity as core objectives through difficulty of amendments.

Engender confidence that the system is orderly, democratic and founded on participatory legitimacy.

While necessarily detailed, complex and extensive due its scope, the carefully organized structure and clear language aims to impart this in an accessible way to readers of varying backgrounds. Overall, the intended effect is one of informed participation, political socialization and stabilizing social cohesion under its principles.

The German constitution was drafted from an "insider" governmental perspective for the following reasons:

It establishes the internal legal/political framework of the German state.

There are no considerations of external or international audiences/parties.

The language, concepts, precedents and examples discussed lie within the German context.

Transitional arrangements relate to domestic reunification processes.

Amendments accommodate changes in domestic preferences/circumstances.

It outlines powers and responsibilities between central and regional levels of German government.

No acknowledgment of perspectives beyond Germany's borders.

However, some elements indicate awareness of:

International norms like individual rights provisions mirroring UN concepts.

Mention of contributing "as an equal part to a united Europe" in Preamble.

Reference to "law of peoples" in Article 25 on applicability of treaties.

But on the whole, the primary perspective taken is that of establishing constitutional order solely within Germany for Germans, with minimal explicit acknowledgement of external stances. So the overarching perspective is decidedly an internal, domestic governmental one.

Here is an evaluation of how the German constitution compares to other active constitutions globally:

Age/longevity: One of the longest continuously functioning constitutions, enduring since 1949 through stable amendments.

Democratic principles: Established models for separation of powers and civic participation that influenced many new/reforming constitutions.

Individual rights: Comprehensive bill of rights including socio-economic guarantees ahead of its time. Still highly influential globally.

Federalism: Innovative federal model balancing national/regional interests that remains exemplary.

Accessibility: Carefully organized for public intelligibility setting standard for readable constitutions.

Amendability: Strikes viable balance between flexibility and stability through supermajority amendment requirement.

Emulation: German model served as template, either directly or conceptually, for many post-WWII European constitutions and beyond.

Evolutions: Demonstrates constitution as living document adapting to reunification, EU integration without losing founding integrity.

While other constitutions now have caught up or surpassed parts, overall it remains among the most successful, durable and emulated constitutions in establishing enduring democratic foundations for a modern state.

Here are the usual evaluation criteria for a constitution genre along with an evaluation of the German constitution based on each criteria:

Purpose - Defines the fundamental political principles and system of governance for a country. The German constitution clearly establishes this.

Scope - Covers major aspects of governance like branches of power, civil rights, elections, legal framework. The German constitution is comprehensive in scope.

Authority - Is established through a formal constitutional ratification process. The German constitution went through the ratification process outlined in Article 144.

Enforcement mechanisms - Outlines how the constitution is upheld in practice, including judiciary powers. The German constitution establishes mechanisms like the constitutional court.

Stability and change - Balances stability over time with provision for amendments. It has endured stably while allowing for amendments through Article 79 process.

Structure and organization - Follows typical sections on rights, branches of power, legal provisions. The German constitution is logically structured.

Level of detail - Strikes a balance between principles and specificity. It provides enough operational detail without being overly prescriptive.

Readability - Uses clear language appropriate to a legal document of its nature and importance. The language and structure aids comprehension.

Overall, the German constitution demonstrates all the typical characteristics of an effective national constitution based on these evaluation criteria. It meets or exceeds the criteria expectations for the genre.

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

“Hamilton Labor Member Asks Questions About Trial of the Convicts,” Kingston Whig-Standard. February 22, 1933. Page 1. ---- OTTAWA , Feb. 22— Humphrey Mitchell, Labor member for Hamilton East, has given notice of a aeries of questions he will ask the Government relating to the riots at Kingston Penitentiary. He asks if the Government will provide counsel for the prisoners who have been committed for trial on rioting charges, and if Col. Keiler MacKay has been retained as prosecutor. 

The Hamilton Laborite wants to know who recommended Col. MacKay for the prosecutor’s work and how much he is paid.

[ayeforscotland]

But it's one thing to say that a region has different political alignments and thus should be independent, it's another to pretend proportional representation is undemocratic. You're talking about a minority that wants to go into another direction of a majority - that's fine! I think you should have the right to seperate. But it doesn't make proportional representation undemocratic. It just means you aren't served well in the democracy you are in.

We’re not a region, we’re a separate country that forms part of the UK. The power is concentrated in Westminster which is where the problem lies.

England doesn’t have its own government (it should) so England having so many seats to the point that the entirety of Scotland can vote one way and be denied a vote on independence is undemocratic.

The original post which started these absurd asks was not me demanding Scotland have the same number of seats as England. It was that Scotland and Wales had seats taken from them, which England have acquired.

Scotland and Wales haven’t had a dip in population. It’s increased. It’s probably increased in England. But that calls for more seats in Parliament, not stripping two devolved nations of their seats.

[intersectionalpraxis]

"Responding to ongoing unrest in the non-self-governing French territory of Kanaky New Caledonia after the French Parliament adopted a bill changing the territory’s voting rules, Amnesty International’s Pacific Researcher Kate Schuetze said:

“The state of emergency declared by the French government and the deployment of the French army, coupled with a ban on the social media app TikTok, must not be misused to restrict people’s human rights."

“The deeply worrying violence and the French authorities’ response must be understood through the lens of a stalled decolonisation process, racial inequality and the longstanding, peacefully expressed demands by the Indigenous Kanak people for self-determination."

Background:

"The French National Assembly this week adopted a bill which expands the right to vote for newer residents of Kanaky New Caledonia, mostly French nationals. The move is likely to further disenfranchise the Indigenous Kanak people, including at levels of local political representation and in future discussions on decolonisation. No representatives from Kanaky New Caledonia, either Kanak or European, currently sit on the French National Assembly."

"French president Emmanuel Macron declared a State of Emergency in the archipelago on Wednesday. The French government, which is the administering power in Kanaky New Caledonia, announced a ban on the social media app TikTok in the territory, as well as deploying hundreds of police reinforcements. The French army has also been deployed to “secure” the islands’ ports and airport."

I am learning more about the Indigenous Kanak People in New Caledonia (thank you to the person who alerted me to this happening), but for folks who want to start for context and a little history alongside some more updates about what happened/is happening (this is also not an extensive list of resources, since this "decolonization process" on France's part has been going on for a very long time. If anyone has links/more information that they would like to share about the Indigenous people in Kanaky, I would happily post them here!:

This declaration by the Kanak Indigenous people was translated from French into English back in 2002, and it is still very important to bear witness to/read:

[ukrfeminism]

Music colleges and conservatoires are deterring women and girls from playing “masculine instruments” such as drums and trumpets, a parliamentary report laying bare sexism in the music industry has revealed.

Female students are “cat-called in rehearsals”, held to a higher standard with “masculine” instruments and being told they cannot play properly if “they didn’t sit with their legs open”, the report states.

The Misogyny in Music report by parliament’s women and equalities committee found female musicians faced “endemic” discrimination in the industry which they described as a “boys’ club where sexual harassment and abuse is common”.

A series of female musicians and DJs including Annie Macmanus, Rebecca Ferguson and Katie Waissel gave evidence to the committee about discrimination and abuse they had witnessed or experienced.

Waissel, the former X Factor contestant, told the inquiry how “at the age of 16, she was grabbed by a much older man and placed on his lap in the recording studio while they were reviewing the track she was recording”.

The report found that many female performers who had been the victims of “discrimination, harassment and abuse” continued to be silenced through the widespread use of non-disclosure agreements (NDAs).

It said: “Women in the music industry have had their lives ruined and their careers destroyed by men who have never faced the consequences for their actions. 

“People in the industry who attend award shows and parties currently do so sitting alongside sexual abusers who remain protected by the system and by colleagues.”

The report went on: “Much of the evidence we received has had to remain confidential, including commentary on television shows and household names.

“That is highly regrettable but demonstrates the extent of the use of NDAs and the culture of silence.”

The report outlined gender disparities throughout the industry. For example, less than 5 per cent of the producers or engineers on the top streamed tracks in 14 genres were female or non-binary, while of all the songwriters and composers who received a royalty in 2020, only one in six were female.

It also pointed out that the record label departments charged with finding new talent were dominated by men, concluding: “Women have significant additional barriers to pass to get a foothold in the music industry and must navigate acts of passive aggression, ridicule and misogyny to have a sustainable career. 

“Female artists are routinely undervalued and undermined, endure a focus on their physical appearance in a way that men are not subjected to, and have to work far harder to get the recognition their ability merits. Despite increases in representation, discrimination and misogyny remain endemic.”

The committee also called for music colleges, conservatoires and other educational establishment “to do more to address the gendering of instruments, roles and genres.”

Its members heard that “in many cases women are discouraged from playing certain instruments at all’, with one witness saying: “There is this idea that if you’re a girl you can’t play the drums, or if you’re a girl you can’t play the trumpet really loudly because it will make you look ugly.”

The report said that the Musicians’ Union had described female students being “cat-called in rehearsals”, “made to feel uncomfortable by male lecturers” and being told “they couldn’t play their instrument properly if they didn’t sit with their legs open in orchestra rehearsals”.

Caroline Nokes, the Conservative MP who chairs the committee, said “endemic misogyny … has persisted for far too long within the music industry.”

She added: “A shift in the behaviour of men — and it is almost always men — at the heart of the music industry is the transformative change needed for talented women to quite literally have their voices heard and be both recognised and rewarded on equal terms.”

[tanadrin]

Honestly, I *don't* want to mix things with proportional representation. I see proportional representation as an excellent way of increasing the importance of dealings between politicians and reducing the incentive effects of the voters. But in my ideal world I'll need to negotiate with people who do like proportional representation, and this system is a compromise I could get behind. Plus you can plug and play any three different electoral systems for different compromises.

First past the post is a bad, undemocratic electoral system. First past the post privileges large parties by making small ones unviable, and distorts the composition of parliaments by wasting votes. It can be gerrymandered in a way proportional representation cannot be. It produces highly unrepresentative outcomes. It is a bad electoral system! All good voting systems are to some degree inclined to more proportional results.

I've never heard the accusation that PR "increases the importance of dealings between politicians," but look. I don't know how else to put this. That is a stupid objection. Just absolutely boneheaded. You haven't thought about this at all, I reckon.

People hate on "politicians" as a generic class, but it's like hating on lawyers as a generic class. You need politicians. You want politicians. You want people whose specialized job it is to read legislation, fight about what should go in it, represent your interests, and come to balanced compromises about those interests. People percieve politics as messy, venal, and corrupt, and it can be all those things, but guess what? The alternative to career politicians is part-time citizens who don't know what the fuck they're doing, have no expertise in the legislative process, and therefore are at the mercy of lobbyists who can walk them like a dog because they're naive and inexperienced.

There's this especially (but not exclusively) American pathology that is a suspicion of government that works too well. This peculiar notion that if only we sabotage government a little bit it will keep tyranny in check and make politicians more honest... somehow. But filling government with random yahoos doesn't get you a noble collegium of Tocquevillian citizen-lawmakers, it gets you a pack of Marjorie Taylor Greens and Lauren Boberts. You know--morons. Americans will support all these ballot initiatives that fuck up government on purpose, like term-limiting legislators and keeping their salaries low so only rich people can afford to go into politics (and even then are only willing to do it as a stepping stone to other gigs), and vote for people who promise to make government work even worse by cutting the budget and lowering taxes, and then have the absolute gall to whine about how badly the government works. My fellow Americans, you did that on purpose.

(And there's this weird paradox where Americans all loathe Congress. Who keeps voting these creeps in? Well. You do. Congresscritters are generally pretty highly approved of by their own constituents. The stereotype of lazy, stupid, venal politicians always seems to apply to the other guys.)

And you will also note that since the abolition of things that used to facilitate deals between politicians in the U.S. congress--since the abolition of earmarks and chummy socials between congressmen and the post--generally, since the post-Gingrich upheaval in the House--it has gotten harder to pass even necessary, basic legislation, because it is harder to make the basic compromises necessary to keep government functioning. Having three separate legislatures that each can claim a different sort of democratic mandate isn't a recipe for good legislation, it's a recipe for paralysis and constitutional crisis.