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#President Felix Tshisekedi
yohane23 · 2 years
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Can the East African Community bring the Rwanda-DRC tension to an end
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jloisse · 2 years
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MACRON AVAIT TOUT FAUX DANS SON ALTERCATION AVEC TSHISEKEDI.
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zvaigzdelasas · 4 months
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The DR Congo military said on Sunday it had thwarted an “attempted coup” near the offices of President Felix Tshisekedi in Kinshasa involving “foreigners and Congolese”.
19 May 24
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warningsine · 2 months
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As world leaders scramble to avert a full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah, there is another conflict on a scale perhaps unimaginable to many they should rush to prevent as well.
It is a repeat, like Israel-Hezbollah in 2006, of a war that raged between the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Uganda between August 1998 and July 2003. By the time it ended, nine African countries and 20 rebel groups were involved. At least 5.4 million people died as a result of fighting, disease and malnutrition and 7 million were displaced. Africa’s World War — or the Great War of Africa, as it came to be known — was the world’s deadliest conflict since World War II.
Today, conflict between Congolese and Rwandan leaders has sharpened dangerously, peace initiatives have collapsed, an arms race is underway and deadly clashes between both sides and militias aligned to them are frequent. All the warning lights for a repeat of the 1998-2003 war are flashing.
Tensions have been simmering for years, with frequent reports of serious cross-border clashes in the eastern provinces of Congo. War talk and violence ramped up in the run-up to the Congolese election in December and have intensified over the past seven months. Weeks before the poll, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi said Rwandan President Paul Kagame was behaving like Adolf Hitler and had ambitions to expand Rwanda into eastern Congo.
"I promise he will end up like Hitler,” Tshisekedi warned. Rwanda said the Congolese president’s words were a "loud and clear threat."
On July 9, a United Nations expert report confirmed widely circulated accusations that Uganda and Rwanda are backing the powerful M23 rebel group in eastern Congo. The report warned that the crisis "carried the risk of triggering a wider regional conflict." Rwandan government spokesperson Yolande Makolo responded that Tshisekedi had "consistently threatened to declare war on Rwanda" and that her country "will continue to defend itself."
The reasons for the fighting are decades-old and complex, yet currently boil down to various players’ bid to dominate Congo’s abundant mineral resources.
After the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which 1 million ethnic Tutsi were killed by mainly Hutu ethnic groups, militias implicated in the murders fled into eastern Congo. The Rwandan army pursued them, arguing that it had to arrest perpetrators of the genocide and destroy their networks. This happened again in 1998, triggering the great war and spawning a web of vested interests involving neighboring nations and armed militias, mercenaries, mining companies, local and regional politicians, China, the United States and other global powers seeking a toehold in the region. Large parts of Congo have since been occupied by ruthless armed groups profiting from illegal mining.
The country produces nearly 70% of the world’s cobalt, while the Great Lakes region that Congo is a part of is rich with tin, tantalum, tungsten, lithium and gold — all of which are key components of electric vehicle batteries, cell phones, refrigerators, jewelry, airplane parts, cars and other goods. As of 2020, Chinese firms owned or had stakes in 15 of the 19 cobalt producing mines in Congo. Between 2022 and 2050, demand for nickel will double, cobalt will triple and lithium rise tenfold, according to the International Energy Agency.
A conflagration will potentially affect or draw in other countries. Apart from Congo, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, a plethora of armed groups is already in the region. The 11,000-strong U.N. peacekeeping mission (which goes by the French acronym MONUSCO) was supposed to leave the country by year-end, but has been asked by the Congolese government to stay on indefinitely.
South Africa, Malawi and Tanzania already have troops in Congo as part of the Southern African Development Community’s peacekeeping mission deployed there last December. Congo’s neighbors Angola, the Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Kenya and Zambia could be pulled into the fighting. An East African Community Regional Force exited Congo in December and may be drawn back in.
That’s not all. The Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect, a nongovernmental organization, says that there are at least 120 armed militias operating in the region, while mercenaries such as those of Russia’s Wagner Group have been contracted by various players. And worryingly, Congo has been stocking up on arms. The country’s military spending experienced the highest increase in the world last year, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Spending on armored vehicles, drones and other military equipment more than doubled in a year to $794 million.
The 1998-2003 conflict ended because strong continental leaders intervened through dialogue. In 2000, African leaders adopted the Lome Declaration that expressly outlawed coups, thus giving the African Union the authority to stand up to belligerents.
The current political climate, called "an epidemic” of coups by U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, makes it harder to intervene. Continental leadership of the type of the early 2000s is also lacking. In its last meeting on July 12, the African Union — its authority already undermined by swaggering coup leaders in Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and other nations experiencing democratic backsliding — failed to even place the Great Lakes crisis on its agenda.
Attempts to strike a new peace deal have floundered. On July 27, Tshisekedi told a meeting in Paris: "There are two processes. There was the Nairobi Process driven by Uhuru Kenyatta which, unfortunately, was subsequently managed by the new president William Ruto. He managed it very badly. The process is almost dead."
The second initiative, the Luanda Process led by Angolan President Joao Lourenco, has made little headway after a disastrous meeting in February.
What now? At the request of the U.S., the belligerents have been observing a humanitarian truce for nearly a month, but clashes have continued. This truce should be used by international leaders — U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has admirably been heavily involved with Lourenco — to encourage Tshisekedi and Kagame to dial down the rhetoric and come to the table.
China, which has sold arms to both sides this year and is the dominant foreign economic player in Congo’s mining sector, should do the same. Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates (both of which have mining interests in Congo) should also be acting. Crucially, other regional leaders such as South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya should be taking a leadership role alongside Angola’s president to avert a deterioration and assert Africa’s interests.
With 7.2 million people in the region already displaced by the war — 700,000 of them in just the first three months of this year — a further escalation would spell disaster for the continent.
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stele3 · 2 months
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https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/hamas-says-it-has-not-withdrawn-ceasefire-talks-after-latest-israeli-attacks-2024-07-14/
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hicginewsagency · 4 months
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Congo Coup Attempt Stopped as Politician attacked, Army Says.
The Democratic Republic of Congo army says it has quashed an attempted coup against President Felix Tshisekedi in the capital Kinshasa involving Congolese and foreign fighters. DR Congo army spokesperson Brig Gen Sylavin Ekenge said on the state-run broadcaster RTNC TV that several suspects have been detained and the “situation is now under control”. His statement comes hours after armed men…
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mariacallous · 6 months
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In the summer of 2022, I crossed from Rwanda into the besieged Congolese city of Goma. The slick Rwandan border police and their Chinese-made black polymer carbines stood in stark contrast to the weary Congolese soldiers’ ancient Kalashnikovs. “We can’t invade Rwanda or Uganda,” a hardened Congolese provincial politician admitted to me. He slid his fingers across his neck, adding, “But we can’t negotiate with a knife to our throat.”
Since that conversation, Rwandan troops and their local March 23 Movement (M23) proxy forces have completely encircled Goma. While the Rwandan government simultaneously denies supporting M23 while justifying its intervention as necessary for Rwandan security, the direct involvement of Rwanda has been extensively documented by the United Nations and acknowledged with alarm by the U.S. State Department.
Humiliated, many Congolese are now ready to take the war to its source. The prospect of interstate war in the region looms once more. The last time these states committed to war, as many as 5.5 million people died. The United States is the leading bilateral donor to Rwanda, giving over $170 million in assistance last year to a country where more than 40 percent of the national budget is made up of international aid. The U.S. government needs to use its overwhelming leverage to keep this deadly inferno in check.
Rwandan support for M23 introduces an unacceptable risk of regional escalation. Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi is managing the aftermath of his recent controversial reelection; Burundi’s elite is well armed and divided; Uganda is approaching a leadership succession crisis as its aging president, 79-year-old Yoweri Museveni, promotes his unpredictable son (best known for his undiplomatic use of social media) to head the armed forces; and Rwanda’s veneer of development hides its own volcanic tensions.
All these countries now have troops staring one another down in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It would be a mistake to underestimate the frustration felt by many Congolese and the willingness to challenge Rwanda on its own territory.
Such a major security threat should be unacceptable to the United States. The Islamic State, also active in eastern Congo, is gaining ground and staging regional terrorist attacks as Congolese and Ugandan troops reposition to confront M23. There are concerns that Congo may turn to Russia to buttress its struggling army, although thus far Kinshasa has stuck with non-Russian (primarily Romanian) military contractors. Congo’s most effective weapon in the conflict is the recent arrival of Chinese attack drones. U.N. peacekeepers and the incoming South African-led multilateral military intervention are destined for retreat, humiliation, or quagmire if the conflict drags on. No external actor has the will to commit the resources needed to defeat M23 on the battlefield.
There are also less tangible but more serious reputational costs for U.S. inaction. Tshisekedi vocally threw his weight behind the United States against outright Chinese mining dominance and in support of U.N. resolutions condemning Russia’s war in Ukraine. If the United States is serious about attracting partners in Africa, it needs to support them when they are threatened.
That doesn’t mean turning a blind eye if Tshisekedi attempts to centralize power illegally, but it does mean forcing the Rwandans to the negotiating table. More broadly, not responding to aggression in central Africa reflects poorly on the Biden administration’s public commitment to international norms and fuels accusations of hypocrisy as Washington condemns Russian aggression in Ukraine.
The goodwill toward the United States in Congo is precarious, tainted as it is by the memory of steady support to Uganda and Rwanda throughout their invasions of Congo between 1996 and 2003. But Washington has also shown that it can flex its muscle when needed—and get the results it seeks.
In 2012, the U.S. and U.K. governments dramatically cut aid to Rwanda in response to the first M23 rebellion. It was not a smooth process, and the decision to cut aid only followed a media storm over M23��s takeover of the provincial capital of Goma. (Learning from this experience, the current rebellion initially encircled rather than captured the high-profile city.) However, it was effective. Rwanda withdrew support from M23 while remaining a U.S. aid recipient. The Congolese security situation temporarily improved.
Until the resurgence of M23 in late 2021, Rwanda’s military action in the Congolese provinces of North and South Kivu was restricted to covert actions, proxy conflicts, and consensual interventions with Congolese government approval. While occasionally destructive (particularly in 2019 in South Kivu), these actions did not provoke widespread countermobilizations or displacement.
In 2022, the U.S. government response started slowly and gradually ramped up pressure while maintaining a public stance of neutrality. Congolese support for the sanctioned Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Congo-based Rwandan rebel group led by members of the genocidal regime overthrown in 1994, was raised on equal footing with Rwandan support for M23, effectively endorsing the Rwandan narrative that the M23 rebellion was a necessary security measure.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who met with both Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame in August 2022, continued to reiterate equal responsibility. While stern words were supposedly exchanged behind closed doors, no sanctions resulted. The U.N. groups of experts continued to observe multiple phases of offensives and consolidation by M23 with direct Rwandan military support.
Finally, after year and eight months of conflict, six individuals were sanctioned in August of 2023: three FDLR commanders, one M23, one Congolese general, and one Rwandan general. The Rwandan general was promoted in response. The small amount of military aid given to Rwanda was only cut in early October 2023. There were no cuts to development programming, and Rwanda’s eligibility in the flagship U.S.-Africa trade agreement, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, was renewed.
Only in February, as M23’s forces finally turned to march on Goma, did the State Department put out a decisive statement condemning Rwanda and the escalation “caused by the actions of the Rwanda-backed, U.S.- and UN-sanctioned M23 armed group.”
Although necessary, taking a firmer line with Rwanda will have costs. The Rwandan government is a famously responsive security, trade, and development partner in a region infamous for poor governance. Since the aid cut in 2012, the Rwandan government has continuously strived to build this reputation as a good partner into diplomatic leverage to avoid a repeat of that embarrassing rebuke. It may have found that leverage in Mozambique and the Central African Republic, where Rwandan military forces offered badly needed security, allegedly subsidized through French development aid.
Washington is heavily invested in successful development programs enabled by the relatively effective governance of the Rwandan state. Cutting effective development programs, endangering budding business relationships, and retracting military partnerships are not desirable for the United States. Yet these costs pale in comparison to the risks of continuing escalation.
There are also concerns that U.S. perceptions of Washington’s regional interests may be distorted by an overly sympathetic view toward Rwanda by officials at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali. This concern has been raised privately by some U.S. officials in Uganda and Congo toward their Kigali-based colleagues.
Effective domestic development programs, consistent engagement, and tight control of speech by the image-conscious Rwandan state give Kigali-based international entities a view that is devoid of opposition voices. This concern is echoed among many regional political observers who see Washington as soft on Kigali. In Congo, this observation manifests in popular conspiracy theories of a grand CIA-orchestrated Rwandan ethnic imperial project.
Regardless of the cause, indecision undermines the Biden administration’s regional foreign-policy objectives of building bridges with South Africa—a leading economy on the continent— supporting a growing partnership with Kenya, and reaching strategic mineral deals in Congo, all of which take precedence over the strained partnership with the relatively small country of Rwanda.
If Rwanda withdraws its forces from Mozambique and CAR, the United States has a menu of multilateral or bilateral options to mitigate the consequences. In Mozambique, regional multilateral forces are already deployed and could be empowered. In CAR, bilateral security arrangements with the United States are rumored to be in the negotiation stages. Unlike in those conflicts, there are few good tools to stop interstate escalation in Congo once underway. For the moment, however, the U.S. government still can influence Rwanda and Congo.
Getting Rwanda to negotiate meaningfully requires pressure. While the overstretched U.S. foreign-policy apparatus must prioritize the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, war in the Middle East, and security threats in East Asia, proactive engagement in Africa’s Great Lakes region will save energy and resources in the future.
Reconstructing Congo after 2003, even to its current fragile state, cost billions of dollars, and millions of lives were lost in the fighting. The United States cannot afford another major conflict there, even one that appears for now to lie on the periphery of U.S. interests.
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kadobetnewspekan · 10 days
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Congo sentences 37 to death over coup plot
Congo: A military court of the Democratic Republic of Congo on Friday sentenced 37 people to death in connection with a failed coup plot in late May. Three American citizens as well.
A total of 51 people are on trial in connection with the May 19 military coup attempt by President Felix Tshisekedi at a military tribunal in Kinshasa. (Kinshasha).
The three Americans were sentenced to death on charges of "terrorism involving an organization" while the three also included Marcel Malanga. ) Was the son of opposition leader Christian Malanga and was accused of masterminding the coup.
The death sentence for the above-mentioned person was made in accordance with Congolese Article 7 of the Criminal Code, which provides for the death penalty for terrorist crimes and is punishable by up to 20 years in prison for its use and control. Illegal weapons.
According to the defense lawyers for the three individuals, they will appeal the court's decision, while the court has given the defendants five days to file an appeal.
kadobet new lanjutan
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doorhine · 9 months
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"The Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) President Felix Tshisekedi won re-election with more than 70 percent of the vote, the country’s election commission has announced.
The preliminary results of the December 20 election were announced in the capital, Kinshasa, on Sunday amid demands from the opposition and some civil society groups for the vote to be rerun due to massive logistical problems that put the validity of the outcome into question..."
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grandmaster-anne · 2 years
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6 October 2022
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The Countess of Wessex, alongside Lord Ahmad (right) meets the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Felix Tshisekedi at the Cite De L'Union Africaine in Kinshasa as she visits the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The Countess of Wessex meets First Lady Denise Nyakéru Tshisekedi at the Cite De L'Union Africaine in Kinshasa as she visits the Democratic Republic of Congo
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The Countess of Wessex, alongside Lord Ahmad (left) meets the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Felix Tshisekedi at the Cite De L'Union Africaine in Kinshasa as she visits the Democratic Republic of Congo
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The Countess of Wessex meets First Lady Denise Nyakéru Tshisekedi at the Cite De L'Union Africaine in Kinshasa as she visits the Democratic Republic of Congo
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The Countess of Wessex receives gifts from First Lady Denise Nyakéru Tshisekedi at the Cite De L'Union Africaine in Kinshasa as she visits the Democratic Republic of Congo
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kneedeepincynade · 1 year
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Is anyone surprised that the south of the world looks favourably at China and the CPC? To half quote a famous interview:when China comes to us,we get a hospital,when the west comes to us,we get a lecture
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⚠️ IL PRESIDENTE DELLA REPUBBLICA DEMOCRATICA DEL CONGO SI È RECATO IN CINA | VERSO IL RAFFORZAMENTO DEI RAPPORTI TRA CINA E AFRICA ⚠️
🇨🇳 Su invito del Presidente Xi Jinping, Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo - Presidente della Repubblica Democratica del Congo - si è recato in Cina, per una Visita di Stato 🇨🇩
🤝 Il Presidente Congolese incontrerà anche il Compagno Li Qiang - Primo Ministro della Repubblica Popolare Cinese, e il Compagno Zhao Leji - Presidente del Comitato Permanente del Congresso Nazionale del Popolo, dove verranno firmati - alla fine degli incontri - documenti sul rafforzamento della Cooperazione tra i due Paesi ✍️
💕 Cina e Repubblica Democratica del Congo godono di un'amicizia di lunga data, e si sostengono a vicenda negli interessi fondamentali 🤝
⭐️ Appena arrivato a Pechino, il Presidente Tshilombo si è recato in visita al Museo del Partito Comunista Cinese, guidato dal Curatore, dove ha appreso i risultati raggiunti dalla Cina sotto la Dirigenza del Partito Comunista, dalla Vittoria della Rivoluzione e l'Istituzione dei Congressi Popolari, alla Riforma e Apertura, potendo analizzare e comprendere al meglio concetti quali la Teoria delle Tre Rappresentanze, la Prospettiva Scientifica dello Sviluppo, i Due Centenari e il Pensiero del Presidente Xi Jinping 🚩
🇨🇩 Christophe Lutundula, Vice-Primo Ministro e MFA della RD del Congo - è stato intervistato dalla CGTN - China Global Television Network, dove ha affermato che il suo Paese non vede l'ora di rafforzare il Partenariato con la Cina, soprattutto nell'ambito della Nuova Via della Seta 🤝
🇨🇩 Il Ministro Congolese ha incontrato il Compagno Zheng Shanjie, Ministro della 国家发改委,l'Agenzia di Pianificazione Macro-Economica della Repubblica Popolare Cinese, per discutere di progetti infrastrutturali con la Cina e aumentare l'integrazione economica tra Africa e Asia 💕
🌸 Iscriviti 👉 @collettivoshaoshan
⚠️ THE PRESIDENT OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO VISITED CHINA | TOWARDS STRENGTHENING RELATIONS BETWEEN CHINA AND AFRICA ⚠️
🇨🇳 At the invitation of President Xi Jinping, Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo - President of the Democratic Republic of Congo - went to China for a State Visit 🇨🇩
🤝 The Congolese President will also meet Comrade Li Qiang - Prime Minister of the People's Republic of China, and Comrade Zhao Leji - Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, where - at the end of the meetings - documents on strengthening cooperation between two countries ✍️
💕 China and the Democratic Republic of the Congo enjoy a long-standing friendship, and support each other's core interests 🤝
⭐️ As soon as he arrived in Beijing, President Tshilombo visited the Museum of the Communist Party of China, led by the Curator, where he learned about the achievements of China under the leadership of the Communist Party, since the Victory of the Revolution and the Establishment of Popular congress at the Reform and Opening, being able to better analyze and understand concepts such as the Theory of the Three Representations, the Scientific Perspective of Development, the Two Centenarians and the Thought of President Xi Jinping 🚩
🇨🇩 Christophe Lutundula, Deputy Prime Minister and MFA of DR Congo - was interviewed by CGTN - China Global Television Network, where he stated that his country is looking forward to strengthening the Partnership with China, especially in the scope of the New Silk Road 🤝
🇨🇩 The Congolese Minister met with Comrade Zheng Shanjie, Minister of 国家发改委, the Macro-Economic Planning Agency of the People's Republic of China, to discuss infrastructure projects with China and increase economic integration between Africa and Asia 💕
🌸 Subscribe 👉 @collettivoshaoshan
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reasonsforhope · 2 years
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“After five months of waiting, the Indigenous pygmy peoples of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have secured a major victory. Earlier today, the president of the DRC, Felix Antoine Tshisekedi, signed and promulgated the new law on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of the Indigenous Pygmy Peoples, the first legislation in the country that recognizes and safeguards the specific rights of the Indigenous pygmy peoples, such as their land rights....
Many of us have been expelled from our lands, despite or perhaps because of our success at preventing deforestation. Scientific research shows that territories owned, managed, or occupied by Indigenous peoples see less deforestation and forest degradation compared to protected areas maintained by governments or private interests, in Africa especially. Yet the environmental arguments to keep us on our lands have no traction with people who would displace us and violate our basic human rights just to make money....
Now that the president has signed and promulgated the bill, we are hopeful that the new law will safeguard FPIC for the Indigenous pygmy peoples. But we know not everything will change in the blink of an eye and implementation of the law will take time, but certainly from this point forward we will have many more tools available to implement our rights. This is a victory, but it is only the beginning of the journey.” -via Mongabay via Future Crunch
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zvaigzdelasas · 2 months
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Congo’s President Felix Tshisekedi accused former leader Joseph Kabila of backing a U.S.-sanctioned coalition of rebel groups during an interview with a private radio station on Tuesday.
“Joseph Kabila boycotted the election and is preparing an insurrection because he is the AFC,” Tshisekedi said, referring to the Alliance Fleuve Congo, a political-military movement launched in December with the aim of uniting armed groups, political parties and civil society against Congo’s government. He did not provide any evidence to support his claim.
Tshisekedi’s accusation follows the U.S. announcement of sanctions against the AFC last month. Washington accused the alliance of seeking to overthrow Congo’s government and fueling conflict in the east of the country. It said the main member of the alliance, the renowned rebel group M23, is already under U.S. sanctions.
6 Aug 24
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warningsine · 4 months
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KINSHASA, Congo (AP) — Congo’s army said it foiled a coup attempt early Sunday and arrested the perpetrators, including several foreigners, following attacks on the presidential palace and the residence of a close ally of Congo’s president that left three people dead in the capital, Kinshasa.
At first, local media identified the armed men as Congolese soldiers but then reported they were linked to self-exiled opposition figure Christian Malanga, who later posted a video on Facebook threatening President Felix Tshisekedi.
Malanga was killed at the presidential palace after he resisted arrest by guards, Congolese army spokesperson Brig. Gen. Sylvain Ekenge told The Associated Press.
Tshisekedi was reelected as president in December in a chaotic vote amid calls for a revote from the opposition over what they said was a lack of transparency. The Central African country has witnessed similar trends of disputed elections in the past.
Ekenge said on state television Sunday that the attempted coup d’état was “nipped in the bud by Congolese defense and security forces (and) the situation is under control.” Among the perpetrators were three Americans, including the son of Malanga, Ekenge later told the AP.
This also came amid a crisis gripping Tshisekedi’s ruling party over an election for the parliament’s leadership, which was supposed to be held Saturday but was postponed.
Clashes were reported Sunday between men in military uniform and guards of Vital Kamerhe, a federal legislator and a candidate for speaker of the National Assembly of Congo, at his residence in Kinshasa, about 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) from the presidential palace and where some embassies are also located.
Kamerhe’s guards stopped the armed men, Michel Moto Muhima, the politician’s spokesperson said on the X social media platform, adding that two police officers and one of the attackers were killed in the shootout that started around 4:30 a.m.
Footage, seemingly from the area, showed military trucks and heavily armed men parading deserted streets in the neighborhood as the army said the situation has been brought under control.
Meanwhile, the self-exiled Malanga appeared in the live-streamed video at the presidential palace surrounded by several people in military uniform and said: “Felix, you’re out. We are coming for you.”
On his website, the opposition leader’s group — the United Congolese Party (UCP) — is described as “a grassroots platform that unifies the Congolese Diaspora around the world opposing the current Congolese dictatorship.”
Tshisekedi hasn’t so far addressed the public about Sunday’s events.
On Friday, he met with parliamentarians and leaders of the Sacred Union of the Nation ruling coalition in an attempt to resolve the crisis seizing his party, which dominates the national assembly. He said he would not “hesitate to dissolve the National Assembly and send everyone to new elections if these bad practices persist.”
The United States Embassy in Congo issued a security alert Sunday, urging caution after “reports of gunfire.”
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stele3 · 8 months
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hicginewsagency · 2 years
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DRC, Rwanda agree ceasefire at talks - Angola
DRC, Rwanda agree ceasefire at talks – Angola
Volunteers board a plane bound for a training center after answering Democratic Republic of Congo’s President Felix Tshisekedi’s call to join the army to go to the front lines to fight against the M23 rebellion (March 23 Movement) in Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo, on November 14, 2022. PHOTO/AFP An agreement has been struck which could mean the adoption of a ceasefire in the violence-torn…
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