#Thaddeus Stevens

[unanchored-ship]

henry clay, john calhoun, daniel webster

john breckenridge, stephen douglas, jefferson davis

william seward, charles sumner, thaddeus stevens

Omg tysm for this

I suck at giving explanations 😭

Seceding Calhoun's head from his body 🔥🔥I mean what were we expecting here

I strUGGLED so hard deciding between wedding/bedding Clay and Webster but the verdict is wedding Danny boy and bedding the Blond Bitch Extraordinaire™ I'm just Webster biased okay.. he needs to be my husband NOW

I confess I do not know about the other trios as much as I should.. 😔so tbh I'm just gonna skim their wiki pages and also keep an eye out for their ✨looks✨

Aight so I have decided to wed Douglas because I love looking down on people teehee

I'll bed Breckenridge. He's good looking yah and I would've wedded him but then i wouldn't know what to do with Douglas

Beheading Davis 😞 there can only be one illegitimate Calhoun kid

Anyways trio number threee

I already know I'm gonna wed Seward. Okay he's literally Lincoln's wife he's mine now

You know what It'd be funny if we beheaded Sumner (youre welcome Preston Brooks) and bedded Stevens. yeah lets go with that

[lightdancer1]

Thaddeus Stevens is the face of white Reconstruction-era radicalism in its successes and its failures:

The best example of the kind of figure who led the white vision of Reconstruction in its most radical forms and where and how the visions proved limited is one Thaddeus Stevens. He was the most radical representative of the Republican Party, the standard bearer of Radical Reconstruction. He was also one of the few men openly married to a Black woman in the 1870s and unashamed of it.

Stevens held to both the 'republican form of government clause' and to the idea that while secession was illegal and didn't actually happen, the practical reality was that the South was held by conquest and if it denied he'd damned well force it to face it. His vision viewed political equality as a given, but distinguished it from social equality in the most strict senses (and when he even he thought this you can see why it ultimately failed).

Too, one can see that line in the gap between political and social equality when the modern era has shown without the latter the former doesn't mean a bucket of warm piss.

[ivovynckier]

Two-tier policing happens in plain sight in Great Britain.

Thaddeus Stevens (Tommy Lee Jones) answers this question in "Lincoln" (Steven Spielberg).

(Music by John Williams in the background.)

[aowski]

History Repeats

Reading the story of Thaddeus Stevens by Bruce Levine, I’m realizing how much modern politics echoes the same themes. And the principle is the same. Just as compromise with the slavers of the old South prolonged the conflict, compromise with the White Supremacist GOP, its racism, and their dehumanizing pathos only leads to prolonged grief for the nation.

[dorkynerd23]

Reblog If You Love And You're A Fan Of Animaniacs!! ❤️✨

[animationgirl89]

Happy 31st Anniversary To Animaniacs!! ✨💛💙🩷✨

"Helloooo Nurse!! ❤️ The original 90's Classic Cartoon, 'Animaniacs' was released on this day back on September 13th 1993. Wow, even after so many decades after the original show ended and premiered it's still being talked about and is still beloved even after all this time, despite how you feel of this show whether you're a fan and don't care for it, you can't deny the impact the show had. You can tell and clearly see all the love, hard work and passion that went into the original show. Animaniacs still holds up to this day and will forever hold a special place in my heart and just brings me so much comfort and I even say that it's honestly one of my favorite cartoons, there's so much to adore about this show and there's also many things for what made this show so great and timeless, as not only was the show incredibly and ridiculously funny and hilarious that you can still go back at this show and still laugh until you literally collapse, but the show is also unique, has heart and is filled with so many memorable and loveable characters, sends a love letter to not only classic Looney Tunes but also to the rubberhose era of cartoons."

"Although this show wasn't perfect and does have some flaws as nothing is perfect, the good most definitely outweighs the bad in my opinion and nothing changes for the impact this show had not only on me but also on so many other people as well too and this show will continue to be timeless and is honestly one of the best shows to come from the 90's and just in general as a whole! This show and all these wonderful characters will continue to live on in all our hearts and will remain timeless for more years and decades to come. I'm glad that I was able to discover this show as it's really had an impact on me and helped me during some tough times in my life and it'll always hold a place in my heart. Thanks Animaniacs (along with Tom Rugger, Steven Spielberg + the rest of the talented crew and voice cast) for everything, thanks for creating this amazing, timeless and great show, I'll ALWAYS love and cherish it for the rest of my life." 💜

[tobiasdrake]

Right off the bat, Moon Knight commits the most unforgivable sin that an MCU property could ever make. I don't know if the show will ever recover from this.

It introduces us to a character named Steven, not to be confused with Steve or Stephen.

Then again, Civil War somehow got away with having an obstructive bureaucrat named Ross, not to be confused with the other obstructive bureaucrat also named Ross. Marvel gives zero shits about the One Steve Limit. But that rule is literally about Steves, so this is ten times worse.

(I jest. I love this show.)

[dustzvacuumcleaner]

How the fuck could the birth of a nation be so terrible on the racist part but have so accurate appearance depictions of white male historical figures??????? Hate to admit cuz the discrimination is clear and disgusting but every white male characters look so perfect???? Even when they are slandering that original radical republican guy who I believe has an origin of Thaddeus Stevens looks so accurate in a discredited way. I mean. Ughhh

[stuckyfingers]

Idk what I'm even writing but here is a What If extension fic about Rogers Hood singing. The whole fic is there just for the song.

“Who are you?” Strange drawled, looking at the blue-green clad mercenary looking guy.

He had been stuck in Earth-1602, successfully evading capture by the Sherriff for only so long. T'Challa from Earth-527 was supposed to get him sometime soon, but the wait had stretched into days.

He was in the Sherriff's carriage being grandly arrested by the familiar looking official and his following army of guards, when a gang of tree swinging bandits had surrounded them, forcing them to dismount. A carriage up ahead with a man in a pentagonal hat standing outside, told them that the Bishop was also undergoing a robbery.

The man in the green and blue clothes chuckled. “I’m known far and wide as a legendary outlaw, Strange Wizard!” He dropped his hood with flair, revealing his face. “I am Steven Rogers, or Rogers Hood as people have come to call me.”

“Rogers Hood?” Strange scoffed. “Not surprising though… you do tend to do illegal things in every universe.”

“’Tis the powerful that maketh legality immoral, my friend. To abide thy morals, thou must break the law.” Steve replied unfazed at the mention of universes. His gaze turned rather cold when he looked at the other people from the carriage. "Sherriff Thaddeus Ross. Pleasant morn it is, but for thy presence."

The Sheriff growled. “Thy speech of morals shield not thine acts of disgrace! Thou hast lain with men as thou would with a maiden: it is frowned upon, verily!"

The guy close beside Rogers Hood shed his own hood to raise a haughty eyebrow. The manicured beard was confusing, but it was undoubtedly Bucky Barnes.

Rogers Hood did not seem perturbed at being accused of sodomy but rather, leaned sideways to kiss Bucky on the cheek, smirking at the Sherriff. “So be it! ’Twould be thine own visage that is marred!”

“ 'Tis God’s visage that you mar!” The Bishop cried from a few yards away, rather bravely for someone being searched for coin.

“How little must thou think of Him, that a poor outlaw can change His divine skin!” Rogers cried louder, throwing his hands up like he was on Broadway. “A Bishop, indeed, thy Bishop clothes don’t hide the doubt within!”

“Uhm, Rogers Hood, could you-?” Strange started.

“Interrupt him not!” Another Merry Man with a bow- who looked like Clint Barton- who was Clint Barton, shushed him. Rogers really began singing like he was in a musical- even jumping onto a sunlit tree stump as the Sherriff watched in agony.

“How little must thou believe in thine own self to bring an army: When Merry Men are armed with naught but bows”

“But bows!” The Merry Men added.

“How little must thou find it in thy heart to be more charming: When Merry Men, we zest while in the throes!”

“The Throes!”

"Well, maidens go to Church no more, for we have larger bells!"

"AYE!"

"But we insisted they must trust the Lord!"

"The Lord!"

"And maidens who skipped Synagogues for the reasons much the same, we led them back to their fine carven doors!"

"Doors!"

The Merry Men began chanting as Rogers turned to Strange with a flourish.

"Now this fine old Wizard doth seek to know us well, what ways of ours shall we queintein him with?"

"We spend our days with parties gay under the sunny glades," Sang Bucky Barnes.

"We give the poor what we steal from the rich!" Sang the Leonardo da Vinci looking version of Sam Wilson.

"We hate the King of England and the Sheriff we hate more, the travelers of Egypt* are our kith!" sang Clint Barton.

The trees around them rang with song:

"And maidens go to Church no more, for we have larger bells- hey! But we insisted they must trust the Lord! And maidens who skipped Synagogues for the reasons much the same, we led them back to their fine carven doors!"

The Bishop grew increasingly purple with every reprise of the chorus, like he was going to explode. They actually repeated it three times before Rogers took the stage again-

"And now my sweet Bishop thou seemst burdened with thy gold-"

"Let us free thy shoulders of this weight!" Scott Lang joined in.

"For, O wretched Bishop sitting in thy Bishop clothes, you've become the very thing He hates!" Steve finished with a laugh.

The guards waited for some command from the Sherriff, but the Sherriff was far too occupied with being gagged. Dr. Strange alone was not subject to such treatment.

"Go, now!" Barnes boomed, waving a crossbow at the army. "You don't want to be caught here with us! Return to thy wives before you get arrows up thy arses!"

The guards scattered nervously casting glances at the Sherriff. They couldn't all be punished if they left together, could they?

Dr. Strange started again: "So, er- Rogers Wood, I mean, Hood uhm-"

Steve nodded at him while rounding up the valuables. "I have heard of ye, Strange Wizard... I doth not doubt we are in f'r a delightful conversation!"

"Neither do I." A voice came from across the road. The calm, regal consonance of-

"T'Challa!" Strange cried, half relieved, half really annoyed.

The space pirate revealed himself- not bothering to hide his bootstrap jet boosters from the medieval folk. He was dressed like a Golden Age pirate but with a punk metal twist that was probably lost on the people present there.

"Fie! Fie!" The Bishop wailed, "'Tis the devil! 'Tis the- ack!"

Clint Barton gagged the Clergyman for good and stared at the new arrival. "And who may that be! He flies with fire on his feet, like Hermes himself!"

"And yet his name is T'Challa." Rogers Hood mused, signaling his men to lower their arms. "I know of only one T'Challa- and he is the King of Wakanda. Art thou he?"

Star Lord T'Challa's eyes glimmered with mirth. "Oh well, I'm not him. I just share a name with him, Captain Hood. I'm from another universe, and I am here to collect Dr. Strange."

"Thou art free to take him, if he doth not wish for our protection against you." Rogers smiled.

"How about... we sit down for a drink with them?" Strange sighed. "I don't want your protection, but I do want to get back at this asshole."

"Oh Bast, what slander!" T'Challa gasped mockingly. "Weren't you trying to leave this place as fast as you could?"

"I'm not leaving now that I've found the best part?" Strange shrugged.

T'Challa hopped down merrily to the ground. "Well, one outlaw to another, I would love the company!"

"Outlaw!?" Roger Hood perked up.

"Outlaw." Strange groaned.

[autisticsupervillain]

FTF Shorts: Not Even Close!

A vs show where the longer analysis and set up is skipped in order to briefly explain why a certain fight is nowhere near close.

This Week's Curbstomp....

Rose Quartz vs Omni-Man!

To get started, Nolan is an absolute beast in combat. A conqueror with hundreds of years of combat experience at the least.

In terms of raw power, Omni-Man is strong enough to, with the help of his son and Thaddeus, punch a hole through a planet, a feat that would require 27 Zettatons at the highest.

He's also fast enough to cross the solar system in at most two weeks:

As impressive as this is, it doesn't even hold a candle to one feat to Rose's name. When the Diamonds attempted to obliterate all life in Earth surface from a galaxy away, they creatsd a diamond blast that lit up the entire galaxy around it. Generating that much light would require an energy equivalent to 3.97 megafoe and to reach earth in the time it did, would've had to have been traveling at 48 trillion times light speed.

In one moment, Rose blocked an attack that was 86,399,998,000,000,000x stronger than Nolan's best feat with help and 1,176,295,800,000x faster than Omni-Man has ever moved in his life.

And that's on top of Rose being much, much older and more experienced than him. While Nolan has been alive for 2000 years, Rose has been alive for eons amd has been fighting against the diamond invaders since the earliest humans first showed up on Earth, roughly 2 million years at the low end. So even if a skill advantage could outmatch a foe billions of times faster and stronger, Omni-Man doesn't even have that. And unlike Rose's regeneration, which could likely let her survive vaporization so long as her gemstone is intact, Nolan's definitively could not survive getting punched to molecules like what that strength gap would do to him.

Now, before we continue, I'm going to head off some arguments I've seen against Rose here.

The Diamond Blast wasn't an attack so it doesn't count for stats. It was just a bright light.

Yes, but it's more complicated than that. Think of it like a lightbulb. Creating light requires energy and in order to function, the lightbulb would have to be durable enough to not melt or explode from channeling that much energy and heat. The Diamonds are very obviously not exploded and Rose is very much comparable to her siblings. Steven inherited all of her powers and he could bring the diamonds to their knees.

It's been stated that Gems can't move FTL.

That statement is very inconsistent within the series itself. Gems can pilot ships that travel intergalactic distances, Lapis can fly to the Homeworld galaxy by herself within a reasonable time span, teleporters move gems across cosmic distances which gems csn still react to, Steven can astral project his soul from another galaxy, etc. Even kn the episode that statement is from, Steven can force himself to the front of his seat to stop the ship, which would require FTL speeds to do.

If you want to throw scientific accuracy into things, then Nolan shouldn't have superpowers because Smart Atoms shouldn't be determined by DNA. Writers are not physicists and sometimes the feats themselves just say "No."

What about crossovers?

A lot of the crossovers with Invincible are dubiously canon at best, even when just restricted to the comic itself. Sticking to just the canon crossovers with the Tick and Supreme, the best Nolan would get is scaling from Suprema who could kick around a star, a planet busting feat.

Certainly an upgrade, but still not in spitting distance of Rose. Only about 8x stronger than Omni-Man's normal feats.

I'm leaving Mortal Kombat and Multiverses at the door because that's a rabbit hole of scaling that never ends and it's obviously not canon. That said, Rose would likely get Superman scaling if you really wanted to go there, so....... (Injustice Superman is not as strong as mainline comics Superman if you want to go there).

That said, this does make me realize that this crossover could totally canonically happen if the companies that be allowed it....

How do you know the Diamonds were on Homeworld when the blast was fired?

Blue Diamond directly states that White hasn't left Homeworld in Eons. She was not speaking exaggerating. Gems who have not spent considerable time with humans consistently do not understand idioms, metaphors, and hyperbole. Neither do the Zoomans, as they were raised in Gem captivity. As such, there was no possible chance for Blue to pick up on that quirk before Future and no reason to take it as anything other than the literal truth. As such, the Diamonds would've had to fire the blast drom Homeworld, which is in another galaxy.

Final Thoughts

Let me end this off with one last point of comparison. In Season 2, Nolan is left so horrified and purposeless from his actions that he contemplates killing himself in front of a black hole. It is heavily implied that the black hole would absolutely kill him if he entered it.

In the tie-in video game, Unleash the Light, Steven and the Crystal Gems are able to walk around inside a black hole without a single scratch on them. Rose was considered the greatest and most powerful of them when she was alive so she absolutely scales to this.

Something that would've absolutely killed Omni-Man did absolutely nothing to people canonically weaker than Rose. That's a wrap from me, chief.

This Throwdown's Winner is.....

Rose Quartz!

[macaron-n-cheese]

top 5 historical films (fiction/non-fiction idk)

I FORGOT TO ANSWER THIS ONE SORRY

1776: my beloved

2. Horatio Hornblower series: It's just sooooo good

3. Gettysburg: Of course the movie adaptation of the Killer Angels novel is here!

4. Lincoln: I haven't watched it for a while but I like it and Thaddeus Stevens is very cool <3

5. Barry Lyndon: It's a classic historical drama, ofc I had to include it!

I will be watching Little Women as soon as I finish the book. I am guessing that it will make the list!

[the-worst-bracket]

The Worst Bracket Begins!

Polls are going up starting Wednesday, April 19th, 32 per day! Bracket and list under the cut.

Round 1

Bracket A (4/19-26)

Mineta Minoru (My Hero Academia) v  Anglerfish from Dark Bramble (Outer Wilds)

Iago (Othello) v Barbas (Skyrim)

Brendan (Pokemon Ruby/Sapphire/Emerald) v Mimic (Dark Souls)

Dan (Dan vs) v Pink Diamond (Steven Universe)

Jurgen Litner (The Magnus Archives) v Lily Tucker-Pritchett (Modern Family)

Lonnie Byers (Stranger Things) v Zeus (Greek Mythology)

Lemongrab (Adventure Time) v Steve Cobs (Inanimate Insanity)

Alex Eggleston (Yiik) v Larry Butz (Ace Attorney)

Jerry (Undertale) v Po (Teletubbies)

Billy Hargrove (Stranger Things) v Old Man Who Snitches on Haru (A:TLA)

Kai Winn (Star Trek: Deep Space Nine) v Ashfur (Warrior Cats)

Mr. Burns (The Simpsons) v Boscha (The Owl House)

Octavian (Heroes of Olympus) v Makoto Teruhashi (The Disastrous Life of Saiki K)

 Robbie Valentino (Gravity Falls) v Gendo Ikari (Neon Genesis Evangelion)

Walter White (Breaking Bad) v Guy Mortadello (Papa Louie)

Medusa Gorgon (Soul Eater) v Snowball (Pinky and The Brain)

Bracket B (4/19-26)

Rohan Kishibe (JJBA) v Jin Guangshan (The Untamed)

Agravaine (Merlin) v Michael (Wii Sports)

Scout (TF2) v Mitsuhiro Higa (Danganronpa)

Creek (Trolls) v Berdly (Deltarune)

Manfred Von Karma (Ace Attorney) v Jeff Winger (Community)

Nazeem (Skyrim) v David (Animorphs)

Simon Laurent (Infinity Train) v Mayuri Kurotsuchi (Bleach)

Kikimora (The Owl House) v Cronus Ampora (Homestuck)

Michael Tritter (House MD) v The Director (Red v Blue)

Eridan Ampora (Homestuck) v Lila Rossi (Miraculous Ladybug)

Skadge (Star Wars: The Old Republic) v Lord Henry Wotton (The Picture of Dorian Gray)

Claptrap (Borderlands) v Jodie Foster (Dungeons and Daddies)

Bill Hawks (Professor Layton) v Carcer (Discworld)

Bender Bending Rodríguez (Futurama) v Izaya Orihara (Durarara!!)

 Corrin (Fire Emblem) v The Dark Lord (Miitopia)

Cybelle (Carole and Tuesday) v Jasper (Steven Universe)

Bracket C (4/20-27)

Gul Dukat (Star Trek: Deep Space Nine) v Admiral Zhao (A:TLA)

Hordak (She-Ra) v Rachel Berry (Glee)

Book (Battle for Dream Island) v Darth Maul (Star Wars)

Jessica (The Bastard Son & The Devil Himself) v Lester Papadopoulos (Trials of Apollo)

Pong Krell (Star Wars: The Clone Wars) v Aaron Burr (Hamilton)

Armand (Vampire Chronicles) v Gamzee Makara (Homestuck)

Dorodoron (Futari wa Precure Splash Star) v Weiss Schnee (RWBY)

Christopher Taub (House MD) v Tate Landon (America Horror Story: Murder House)

Izzy Hands (OFMD) v Princess Daisy (Super Mario Bros)

Spike (MLP:FIM) v Atlas May (Lackadaisy)

Clutch Powers (LEGO Ninjago) v Orin Scrivello (Little Shop of Horrors)

Thanos (MCU) v Minecraft Skeleton (Minecraft)

Frank Burns (M*A*S*H*) v Lieutenant Nolan (Star Wars: The Bad Batch)

Carter Pewterschmit (Family Guy) v Anakin Skywalker (Star Wars)

Miyo Takano (Higurashi When They Cry) v Borsolino (One Piece)

Hiyoko Saionji (Danganronpa) v Pennywise (IT)

Bracket D (4/20-27)

Pierce Hawthorne (Community) v Ren (Ren and Stimpy)

Whirlpool (Wings of Fire) v Cinder Falls (RWBY)

Thaddeus Campbell (Dishonored) v The Grabber (Black Phone)

Takumi Ichinose (Nana) v Heimskr (Skyrim)

Gale Weathers (Scream) v Lee Kiyoung (Regressor Instruction Manual)

Ianthe Tridentarius (The Locked Tomb) v Alvin Marsh (IT)

Director Ton (Aggretsuko) v Angelica Pickles (Rugrats)

Pencil (Battle for Dream Island) v Odalia Blight (The Owl House)

Kyubey (Madoka Magica) v Newman (Seinfeld)

Jacob Hill (Abbott Elementary) v Gregory House (House MD)

Rachel (Tower of God) v Monkey D Luffy (One Piece)

Dame Alina (Keeper of the Lost Cities) v Miki Kawai (A Silent Voice)

John Winchester (Supernatural) v Kyouichi Saionji (Revolutionary Girl Utena)

Magikarp (Pokemon) v Hippeux (Animal Crossing)

Elmo (Sesame Street) v Saint Charlos (One Piece)

Melli (Pokemon Legends: Arceus) v Dr. Janet Lubelle (WTNV)

Bracket E (4/21-28)

Martin Blyndeff (Epithet Erased) v The Blue Border (Scott the Woz)

Calico Jack (OFMD) v B.E.N. (Treasure Planet)

Doogal (Doogal) v John Gaius (The Locked Tomb)

Crawlings (The Mysterious Benedict Society) v Liza Lotts (Scott the Woz)

Zolf J Kimblee (FMA) v Baron Draxum (Rise of The TMNT)

Kaito Momota (Danganronpa) v Nandor the Relentless (What We Do In the Shadows)

Logan Roy (Succescion) v Mike Wheeler (Stranger Things)

Fermet (Baccano!) v Seymour Krelborn (Little Shop of Horrors)

Emperor Belos (The Owl House) v Taylor Kelly (9-1-1)

AM (I Have No Mouth And I Must Scream) v Jar Jar Binks (Star Wars)

Stuart Little (Stuart Little) v Vinsmoke Sanji (One Piece)

Bibble (Barbie: Fairytopia) v Dennis Nedry (Jurassic Park)

Byakuya Togami (Danganronpa) v Grima Wormtongue (LOTR)

Moe (Calvin and Hobbes) v Balloon Boy (FNAF)

Felix (Red vs Blue) v Klorgbane the Destroyer (Regular Show)

Bro Strider (Homestuck) v Jughead Jones (Riverdale)

Bracket F (4/21-28)

Count Olaf (A Series of Unfortunate Events) v Mort (Madagascar)

Mantle (Dr Stone) v Phillip Anderson (Sherlock)

Eisuke Hondo (Detective Conan) v Drosselmeyer (Princess Tutu)

Hiram Burrows (Dishonored) v Chat Noir (Miraculous Ladybug)

Vriska Serket (Homestuck) v Prince Diamond (Sailor Moon)

Marty (Steven Universe) v Hibiki Shikyouin (PriPara)

White Diamond (Steven Universe) v Norman Osborn (Marvel)

Stregabor (The Witcher) v Cedric Jeanne Elmir (I'm the Villainess, So I'm Taming the Final Boss)

Barney Stinson (HIMYM) v Charlie Bradbury (Supernatural)

Griffith (Beserk) v Chloe Valentine (Be More Chill)

Scott Pilgrim (Scott Pilgrim) v Lionel Luthor (Smallville)

Lydia (Skyrim) v Shadow Weaver (She-Ra)

Rand Ridley (Inside Job) v Jun Kawanakajima (Ultra Maniac)

Krusty the Clown (The Simpsons) v Fire Lord Ozai (A:TLA)

Joseph Sugarman (BoJack Horseman) v Huey Emmerich (Metal Gear)

Anti - Pops (Regular Show) v Kylo Ren (Star Wars)

Bracket G (4/22-29)

Ross Geller (Friends) v Akito Sohma (Fruits Basket)

Henry Bowers (IT) v Junko Enoshima (Danganronpa)

Winner Sinclair (Chibi Vampire) v Evil Do-er/Dark Blue (Animation vs Minecraft)

Clint (Stardew Valley) v Luke Castellan (Percy Jackson)

Kokichi Ouma (Danganronpa) v Colin Robinson (What We Do In The Shadows)

Spy (TF2) v Ghetsis (Pokemon)

Billy (The Grim Adventures of Billy and Mandy) v Queen Vanessa (A Hat In Time)

Doofus Drake (Ducktales) v Servantis (Ben 10)

Elias Bouchard (The Magnus Archives) v Francisco Guerra (Paranatural)

Tingle (The Legend of Zelda) v Hawt Saus (Chikn Nuggit)

Trishna (Papa Louie) v Mark Brendanawicz (Parks and Recreation)

Unparalleled Innocence (Rain World) v Morgana (Persona 5)

Lady Gisela Sencen (Keeper of the Lost Cities) v Vanitas (Kingdom Hearts)

Suzy Johnston (Phineas and Ferb) v Kaidou Shun (The Disastrous Life of Saiki K.)

Souichi (Junji Ito) v Dr Hotti (Ace Attorney)

Morgoth (LOTR) v Sarah (Ed, Edd, and Eddy)

Bracket H (4/22-29)

Han Sooyoung (Omniscient Reader’s Viewpoint) v Barney the Purple Dinosaur (Barney)

Andy Bernard (The Office) v Lars Barriga (Steven Universe)

Dio (Zero Escape) v Caillou (Caillou)

Gideon Gleeful (Gravity Falls) v Balgo (Burn the Witch)

Joshu Higashikata (JJBA) v Toby Flenderson (The Office)

Touga Kiryuu (Revolutionary Girl Utena) v Teledji Adeledji (FFXIV)

Chairman Rose (Pokemon) v Donnel Udina (Mass Effect)

Father (FMA) v Harumi (LEGO Ninjago)

Akio Ohtori (Revolutionary Girl Utena) v Richard (Requiem of the Rose King)

Miranjo (Ranking of Kings) v Kray Foresight (Promare)

Xander Harris (Buffy the Vampire Slayer) v The Worst (Ben 10)

Hisoka Morrow (Hunter x Hunter) v Doc Scratch (Homestuck)

Tony Stark (MCU) v Sakura Horuna (Naruto)

Sir Tristan the Cold (Penumbra Podcast) v Clay Puppington (Morel Orel)

Bling Bling Boy (Johnny Test) v George Constanza (Seinfeld)

Quiche (Tokyo Mew Mew) v Enji Todoroki (My Hero Academia)

[darkmaga-retard]

By Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.

September 2, 2024

In the past few decades, the federal government has been engaged in a concerted effort to destroy the heritage of the South, and this effort has intensified under so-called “President” Joe Biden and his gang of neo-con controllers. We can be sure that if Kamala Harris takes office as his successor, these efforts will continue.

After Reconstruction officially ended with the withdrawal of federal troops from the South in 1877 following the disputed election of Rutherford B. Hayes, the dominant theme in official propaganda was national unity. We were all “one nation indivisible,” and soldiers from the South played a major part in America’s wars. Robert E. Lee was recognized by both North and South as an American hero. As Pat Buchanan notes, “When the Spanish-American War broke out, President McKinley, who as a teenage soldier had fought against ‘Stonewall’ Jackson in the Shenandoah and been at Antietam, bloodiest single-day battle of the Civil War, removed his hat and stood for the singing of ‘Dixie,’ as Southern volunteers and former Confederate soldiers paraded through Atlanta to fight for their united country. My grandfather was in that army.”

But now things are different. The major figures of the Confederacy are regarded as rebels and traitors. The worst excesses of the notorious Radical Republican leader Thaddeus Stevens are being revived. Stevens argued that by rebelling against the Union, the Confederate States had committed “state suicide” and could be treated as conquered territory. He adopted the Roman policy of “vae victis” (woe to the losers). As an example, Stevens and his cohorts refused to recognize Southern state governments that would not ratify the 14th Amendment, holding that the state legislatures must do what was demanded of them.

[newhistorybooks]

“Mark Kelley presents valuable new information about Lydia Hamilton Smith, Congressman Thaddeus Stevens’s mixed-race housekeeper and life companion, while providing refreshingly new perspectives on Stevens himself. The book offers important new information and insights by documenting how Smith managed Stevens’s household, took care of him as his health failed, and used her relationship with him to accumulate property and cross racialized social boundaries. It also contributes to our understanding of Stevens’s powerful political opposition to slavery and racial discrimination.”

[thaddcarter]

BIOGRAPHY | MUSINGS

character name: thaddeus icabod carter

nickname(s): thadd

age & dob: june 18th, 1996 (27)

gender identity & pronouns: male, he/him/his

sexual orientation & relationship status: bisexual, single

residential area: downtown

occupation: barback at the simple pleasures/drummer for asteroid cows

length of time in fairford: all his life

faceclaim: mason gooding jr.

FAMILY.

descendant of: delphine and kassius carter

mother: brandie carter (née stevens)

father: royce carter

siblings: tallulah carter (twin, 27), blake carter (32), older brother (wc)

TL;DR.

thaddeus icabod carter was born on june 18th, 1996 as the surprise fourth and final child to brandie and royce carter

despite not being a planned addition, thaddeus never knew anything but unconditional love growing up

though there was always a nagging feeling in the back of his mind that he was lagging behind almost, riding the coattails of his older siblings and their found successes while never truly being held accountable for his constantly abandoned committments and extracurriculars, as if no expectations were really had for him

just average in school, uninterested in sports, trying on new clubs and fixations only to discard them just as quickly–it isn’t until thaddeus enters his freshman year of high school that he finds himself enrolled in marching band that something sticks for the first time

what started off merely as a way to get out of running the mile every monday in normal gym glass manages to click with thaddeus in a way that nothing had before, placed on his high school’s drumline and competing in state competitions three out of four school years

his interest in the drums grew outside of marching band, being gifted a set for his fifteenth birthday, and thadd absolutely threw himself into learning how to play them outside of his school’s fight song (go bulldogs!)

graduated high school with no clear idea of what the fuck he was doing with his life, and as much as his parents loved him, their generosity towards his whimsies just about ended at paying for a college education he wasn’t even sure how he’d put to use

continued to fuck around fairford, mooch off his parents a little longer, working whatever odd jobs would come up as they came up, and playing the drums in a local garage band until one day, he was asked to sub in for another band’s upcoming show

comprised of past high school classmates, it was clear after that one gig that thadd was the missing piece they’d been looking for, a perfect fit. it was only after joining and being inspired by their frontman’s passion that he began to seriously consider music as a future

did it pay the bills then? no. is it paying them now? still no, though they are on their way to becoming what he considers “fairford famous”, so he barbacks on the side–the longest job he's managed to hold down

simply a very laidback, easy going dude, with little to no real direction, and as long as nobody brings it up, then he’s fine! it’s fine! everything’s fine!

CURRENT CONNECTIONS.

high school besties + flirtationship with @fionaosman

one half of the tc^2 house with @tysonchapmans

can you be exes if you were never really together @rockytilly

high school exes but forever besties @olivebeau

younger brother of @its-blakecarter

twin brother of @tallulahcarter

drummer god to @mackmontgomery's bass god

walking tattoo portfolio for @gemchap

unlikely friendship @colintruman

WANTED CONNECTIONS.

to be posted wc’s: his older brother, his bandmates

best friend(s)

fans of his band

frequent simple pleasures customers (who’re unfortunately subjected to his awful cocktails) or co-workers

one night stands/tinder dates/frequent hookups

a current or past situationship (aka them waiting for thadd to get his shit together)

high school friends or exes

smoke sesh/party friends

neighbors

voice of reason/guiding hand

[msternberg]

Someone wrote this as a factual historically backed response to the claim that somehow Democrats and Republicans changed sides.

June 17, 1854

The Republican Party is officially founded as an abolitionist party to slavery in the United States.

October 13, 1858

During the Lincoln-Douglas debates, U.S. Senator Stephen Douglas (D-IL) said, “If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them eligible to office, to serve on juries, and to adjudge your rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizenship of the negro. For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and every form. I believe this Government was made on the white basis. I believe it was made by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity for ever, and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians, and other inferior races.”. Douglas became the Democrat Party’s 1860 presidential nominee.

April 16, 1862

President Lincoln signed the bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. In Congress, almost every Republican voted for yes and most Democrats voted no.

July 17, 1862

Over unanimous Democrat opposition, the Republican Congress passed The Confiscation Act stating that slaves of the Confederacy “shall be forever free”.

April 8, 1864

The 13th Amendment banning slavery passed the U.S. Senate with 100% Republican support, 63% Democrat opposition.

January 31, 1865

The 13th Amendment banning slavery passed the U.S. House with unanimous Republican support and intense Democrat opposition.November 22, 1865

Republicans denounced the Democrat legislature of Mississippi for enacting the “black codes” which institutionalized racial discrimination.

February 5, 1866

U.S. Rep. Thaddeus Stevens (R-PA) introduced legislation (successfully opposed by Democrat President Andrew Johnson) to implement “40 acres and a mule” relief by distributing land to former slaves.

March 27, 1866

Democrat President Andrew Johnson vetoes of law granting voting rights to blacks.

May 10, 1866

The U.S. House passed the Republicans’ 14th Amendment guaranteeing due process and equal protection of the laws to all citizens. 100% of Democrats vote no.

June 8, 1866

The U.S. Senate passed the Republicans’ 14th Amendment guaranteeing due process and equal protection of the law to all citizens. 94% of Republicans vote yes and 100% of Democrats vote no.

March 27, 1866

Democrat President Andrew Johnson vetoes of law granting voting rights to blacks in the District of Columbia.

July 16, 1866

The Republican Congress overrode Democrat President Andrew Johnson’s veto of legislation protecting the voting rights of blacks.

March 30, 1868

Republicans begin the impeachment trial of Democrat President Andrew Johnson who declared, “This is a country for white men, and by God, as long as I am President, it shall be a government of white men.”September 12, 1868

Civil rights activist Tunis Campbell and 24 other blacks in the Georgia Senate (all Republicans) were expelled by the Democrat majority and would later be reinstated by the Republican Congress.

October 7, 1868

Republicans denounced Democrat Party’s national campaign theme: “This is a white man’s country: Let white men rule.”

October 22, 1868

While campaigning for re-election, Republican U.S. Rep. James Hinds (R-AR) was assassinated by Democrat terrorists who organized as the Ku Klux Klan. Hinds was the first sitting congressman to be murdered while in office.

December 10, 1869

Republican Gov. John Campbell of the Wyoming Territory signed the FIRST-in-nation law granting women the right to vote and hold public office.

February 3, 1870

After passing the House with 98% Republican support and 97% Democrat opposition, Republicans’ 15th Amendment was ratified, granting the vote to ALL Americans regardless of race.

February 25, 1870

Hiram Rhodes Revels (R-MS) becomes the first black to be seated in the United States Senate.

May 31, 1870

President U.S. Grant signed the Republicans’ Enforcement Act providing stiff penalties for depriving any American’s civil rights.

June 22, 1870

Ohio Rep. Williams Lawrence created the U.S. Department of Justice to safeguard the civil rights of blacks against Democrats in the South.

September 6, 1870

Women voted in Wyoming in first election after women’s suffrage signed into law by Republican Gov. John Campbell.

February 1, 1871

Rep. Jefferson Franklin Long (R-GA) became the first black to speak on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives.

February 28, 1871

The Republican Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1871 providing federal protection for black voters.

April 20, 1871

The Republican Congress enacted the Ku Klux Klan Act, outlawing Democrat Party-affiliated terrorist groups which oppressed blacks and all those who supported them.

October 10, 1871

Following warnings by Philadelphia Democrats against black voting, Republican civil rights activist Octavius Catto was murdered by a Democrat Party operative. His military funeral was attended by thousands.

October 18, 1871

After violence against Republicans in South Carolina, President Ulysses Grant deployed U.S. troops to combat Democrat Ku Klux Klan terrorists.

November 18, 1872

Susan B. Anthony was arrested for voting after boasting to Elizabeth Cady Stanton that she voted for “Well, I have gone and done it — positively voted the straight Republican ticket.”January 17, 1874

Armed Democrats seized the Texas state government, ending Republican efforts to racially integrate.

September 14, 1874

Democrat white supremacists seized the Louisiana statehouse in attempt to overthrow the racially-integrated administration of Republican Governor William Kellogg. Twenty-seven were killed.

March 1, 1875

The Civil Rights Act of 1875, guaranteeing access to public accommodations without regard to race, was signed by Republican President U.S. Grant and passed with 92% Republican support over 100% Democrat opposition.

January 10, 1878

U.S. Senator Aaron Sargent (R-CA) introduced the Susan B. Anthony amendment for women’s suffrage. The Democrat-controlled Senate defeated it four times before the election of a Republican House and Senate that guaranteed its approval in 1919.

February 8, 1894

The Democrat Congress and Democrat President Grover Cleveland joined to repeal the Republicans’ Enforcement Act which had enabled blacks to vote.

January 15, 1901

Republican Booker T. Washington protested the Alabama Democrat Party’s refusal to permit voting by blacks.

May 29, 1902

Virginia Democrats implemented a new state constitution condemned by Republicans as illegal, reducing black voter registration by almost 90%.

February 12, 1909

On the 100th anniversary of Abraham Lincoln’s birth, black Republicans and women’s suffragists Ida Wells and Mary Terrell co-founded the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

May 21, 1919

The Republican House passed a constitutional amendment granting women the vote with 85% of Republicans and only 54% of Democrats in favor. In the Senate 80% of Republicans voted yes and almost half of Democrats voted no.

August 18, 1920

The Republican-authored 19th Amendment giving women the right to vote became part of the Constitution. Twenty-six of the 36 states needed to ratify had Republican-controlled legislatures.

January 26, 1922

The House passed a bill authored by U.S. Rep. Leonidas Dyer (R-MO) making lynching a federal crime. Senate Democrats blocked it by filibuster.

June 2, 1924

Republican President Calvin Coolidge signed a bill passed by the Republican Congress granting U.S. citizenship to all Native Americans.

October 3, 1924

Republicans denounced three-time Democrat presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan for defending the Ku Klux Klan at the 1924 Democratic National Convention.

June 12, 1929

First Lady Lou Hoover invited the wife of black Rep. Oscar De Priest (R-IL) to tea at the White House, sparking protests by Democrats across the country.

August 17, 1937

Republicans organized opposition to former Ku Klux Klansman and Democrat U.S. Senator Hugo Black who was later appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court by FDR. Black’s Klan background was hidden until after confirmation.

June 24, 1940

The Republican Party platform called for the integration of the Armed Forces. For the balance of his terms in office, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (D) refused to order it.

August 8, 1945

Republicans condemned Harry Truman’s surprise use of the atomic bomb in Japan. It began two days after the Hiroshima bombing when former Republican President Herbert Hoover wrote that “The use of the atomic bomb, with its indiscriminate killing of women and children, revolts my soul.”

May 17, 1954

Earl Warren, California’s three-term Republican Governor and 1948 Republican vice presidential nominee, was nominated to be Chief Justice delivered the landmark decision “Brown v. Board of Education”.

November 25, 1955

Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s administration banned racial segregation of interstate bus travel.

March 12, 1956

Ninety-seven Democrats in Congress condemned the Supreme Court’s “Brown v. Board of Education” decision and pledged (Southern Manifesto) to continue segregation.

June 5, 1956

Republican federal judge Frank Johnson ruled in favor of the Rosa Parks decision striking down the “blacks in the back of the bus” law.

November 6, 1956

African-American civil rights leaders Martin Luther King and Ralph Abernathy voted for Republican Dwight Eisenhower for President.

September 9, 1957

President Eisenhower signed the Republican Party’s 1957 Civil Rights Act.

September 24, 1957

Sparking criticism from Democrats such as Senators John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, President Eisenhower deployed the 82nd Airborne Division to Little Rock, AR to force Democrat Governor Orval Faubus to integrate their public schools.

May 6, 1960

President Eisenhower signed the Republicans’ Civil Rights Act of 1960, overcoming a 125-hour, ’round-the-clock filibuster by 18 Senate Democrats.

May 2, 1963

Republicans condemned Bull Connor, the Democrat “Commissioner of Public Safety” in Birmingham, AL for arresting over 2,000 black schoolchildren marching for their civil rights.

September 29, 1963

Gov. George Wallace (D-AL) defied an order by U.S. District Judge Frank Johnson (appointed by President Dwight Eisenhower) to integrate Tuskegee High School.

June 9, 1964

Republicans condemned the 14-hour filibuster against the 1964 Civil Rights Act by U.S. Senator and former Ku Klux Klansman Robert Byrd (D-WV), who served in the Senate until his death in 2010.

June 10, 1964

Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL) criticized the Democrat filibuster against 1964 Civil Rights Act and called on Democrats to stop opposing racial equality. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was introduced and approved by a majority of Republicans in the Senate. The Act was opposed by most southern Democrat senators, several of whom were proud segregationists — one of them being Al Gore Sr. (D). President Lyndon B. Johnson relied on Illinois Senator Everett Dirksen, the Republican leader from Illinois, to get the Act passed.

August 4, 1965

Senate Leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL) overcame Democrat attempts to block 1965 Voting Rights Act. Ninety-four percent of Republicans voted for the landmark civil rights legislation while 27% of Democrats opposed. The Voting Rights Act of 1965, abolishing literacy tests and other measures devised by Democrats to prevent blacks from voting, was signed into law. A higher percentage of Republicans voted in favor.

February 19, 1976

President Gerald Ford formally rescinded President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s notorious Executive Order 9066 authorizing the internment of over 120,000 Japanese-Americans during WWII.

September 15, 1981

President Ronald Reagan established the White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities to increase black participation in federal education programs.

June 29, 1982

President Ronald Reagan signed a 25-year extension of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

August 10, 1988

President Ronald Reagan signed the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, compensating Japanese-Americans for the deprivation of their civil rights and property during the World War II internment ordered by FDR.

November 21, 1991

President George H. W. Bush signed the Civil Rights Act of 1991 to strengthen federal civil rights legislation.

August 20, 1996

A bill authored by U.S. Rep. Susan Molinari (R-NY) to prohibit racial discrimination in adoptions, part of Republicans’ “Contract With America”, became law.

July 2, 2010

Clinton says Byrd joined KKK to help him get elected

Just a “fleeting association”. Nothing to see here.

Only a willing fool (and there quite a lot out there) would accept and recite the nonsensical that one bright, sunny day Democrats and Republicans just up and decided to “switch” political positions and cite the “Southern Strategy” as the uniform knee-jerk retort. Even today, it never takes long for a Democrat to play the race card purely for political advantage.Thanks to the Democrat Party, blacks have the distinction of being the only group in the United States whose history is a work-in-progress.

The idea that “the Dixiecrats joined the Republicans” is not quite true, as you note. But because of Strom Thurmond it is accepted as a fact. What happened is that the **next** generation (post 1965) of white southern politicians — Newt, Trent Lott, Ashcroft, Cochran, Alexander, etc — joined the GOP.So it was really a passing of the torch as the old segregationists retired and were replaced by new young GOP guys. One particularly galling aspect to generalizations about “segregationists became GOP” is that the new GOP South was INTEGRATED for crying out loud, they accepted the Civil Rights revolution. Meanwhile, Jimmy Carter led a group of what would become “New” Democrats like Clinton and Al Gore.

There weren’t many Republicans in the South prior to 1964, but that doesn’t mean the birth of the southern GOP was tied to “white racism.” That said, I am sure there were and are white racist southern GOP. No one would deny that. But it was the southern Democrats who were the party of slavery and, later, segregation. It was George Wallace, not John Tower, who stood in the southern schoolhouse door to block desegregation! The vast majority of Congressional GOP voted FOR the Civil Rights of 1964-65. The vast majority of those opposed to those acts were southern Democrats. Southern Democrats led to infamous filibuster of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.The confusion arises from GOP Barry Goldwater’s vote against the ’64 act. He had voted in favor or all earlier bills and had led the integration of the Arizona Air National Guard, but he didn’t like the “private property” aspects of the ’64 law. In other words, Goldwater believed people’s private businesses and private clubs were subject only to market forces, not government mandates (“We reserve the right to refuse service to anyone.”) His vote against the Civil Rights Act was because of that one provision was, to my mind, a principled mistake.This stance is what won Goldwater the South in 1964, and no doubt many racists voted for Goldwater in the mistaken belief that he opposed Negro Civil Rights. But Goldwater was not a racist; he was a libertarian who favored both civil rights and property rights.Switch to 1968.Richard Nixon was also a proponent of Civil Rights; it was a CA colleague who urged Ike to appoint Warren to the Supreme Court; he was a supporter of  Brown v. Board, and favored sending troops to integrate Little Rock High). Nixon saw he could develop a “Southern strategy” based on Goldwater’s inroads. He did, but Independent Democrat George Wallace carried most of the deep south in 68. By 1972, however, Wallace was shot and paralyzed, and Nixon began to tilt the south to the GOP. The old guard Democrats began to fade away while a new generation of Southern politicians became Republicans. True, Strom Thurmond switched to GOP, but most of the old timers (Fulbright, Gore, Wallace, Byrd etc etc) retired as Dems.Why did a new generation white Southerners join the GOP? Not because they thought Republicans were racists who would return the South to segregation, but because the GOP was a “local government, small government” party in the old Jeffersonian tradition. Southerners wanted less government and the GOP was their natural home.Jimmy Carter, a Civil Rights Democrat, briefly returned some states to the Democrat fold, but in 1980, Goldwater’s heir, Ronald Reagan, sealed this deal for the GOP. The new “Solid South” was solid GOP.BUT, and we must stress this: the new southern Republicans were *integrationist* Republicans who accepted the Civil Rights revolution and full integration while retaining their love of Jeffersonian limited government principles.

Oh wait, princess, I am not done yet.

Where Teddy Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to dinner, Woodrow Wilson re-segregated the U.S. government and had the pro-Klan film “Birth of a Nation” screened in his White House.

Wilson and FDR carried all 11 states of the Old Confederacy all six times they ran, when Southern blacks had no vote. Disfranchised black folks did not seem to bother these greatest of liberal icons.

As vice president, FDR chose “Cactus Jack” Garner of Texas who played a major role in imposing a poll tax to keep blacks from voting.

Among FDR’s Supreme Court appointments was Hugo Black, a Klansman who claimed FDR knew this when he named him in 1937 and that FDR told him that “some of his best friends” in Georgia were Klansmen.

Black’s great achievement as a lawyer was in winning acquittal of a man who shot to death the Catholic priest who had presided over his daughter’s marriage to a Puerto Rican.

In 1941, FDR named South Carolina Sen. “Jimmy” Byrnes to the Supreme Court. Byrnes had led filibusters in 1935 and 1938 that killed anti-lynching bills, arguing that lynching was necessary “to hold in check the Negro in the South.”

FDR refused to back the 1938 anti-lynching law.

“This is a white man’s country and will always remain a white man’s country,” said Jimmy. Harry Truman, who paid $10 to join the Klan, then quit, named Byrnes Secretary of State, putting him first in line of succession to the presidency, as Harry then had no V.P.

During the civil rights struggles of the ‘50s and ‘60s, Gov. Orval Faubus used the National Guard to keep black students out of Little Rock High. Gov. Ross Barnett refused to let James Meredith into Ole Miss. Gov. George Wallace stood in the door at the University of Alabama, to block two black students from entering.

All three governors were Democrats. All acted in accord with the “Dixie Manifesto” of 1956, which was signed by 19 senators, all Democrats, and 80 Democratic congressmen.

Among the signers of the manifesto, which called for massive resistance to the Brown decision desegregating public schools, was the vice presidential nominee on Adlai’s Stevenson’s ticket in 1952, Sen. John Sparkman of Alabama.

Though crushed by Eisenhower, Adlai swept the Deep South, winning both Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Arkansas.

Do you suppose those Southerners thought Adlai would be tougher than Ike on Stalin? Or did they think Adlai would maintain the unholy alliance of Southern segregationists and Northern liberals that enabled Democrats to rule from 1932 to 1952?

The Democratic Party was the party of slavery, secession and segregation, of “Pitchfork Ben” Tillman and the KKK. “Bull” Connor, who turned the dogs loose on black demonstrators in Birmingham, was the Democratic National Committeeman from Alabama.

And Nixon?

In 1956, as vice president, Nixon went to Harlem to declare, “America can’t afford the cost of segregation.” The following year, Nixon got a personal letter from Dr. King thanking him for helping to persuade the Senate to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1957.

Nixon supported the civil rights acts of 1964, 1965 and 1968.

In the 1966 campaign, as related in my new book “The Greatest Comeback: How Richard Nixon Rose From Defeat to Create the New Majority,” out July 8, Nixon blasted Dixiecrats “seeking to squeeze the last ounces of political juice out of the rotting fruit of racial injustice.”

Nixon called out segregationist candidates in ‘66 and called on LBJ, Hubert Humphrey and Bobby Kennedy to join him in repudiating them. None did. Hubert, an arm around Lester Maddox, called him a “good Democrat.” And so were they all – good Democrats.

While Adlai chose Sparkman, Nixon chose Spiro Agnew, the first governor south of the Mason Dixon Line to enact an open-housing law.

In Nixon’s presidency, the civil rights enforcement budget rose 800 percent. Record numbers of blacks were appointed to federal office. An Office of Minority Business Enterprise was created. SBA loans to minorities soared 1,000 percent. Aid to black colleges doubled.

Nixon won the South not because he agreed with them on civil rights – he never did – but because he shared the patriotic values of the South and its antipathy to liberal hypocrisy.

When Johnson left office, 10 percent of Southern schools were desegregated.

When Nixon left, the figure was 70 percent. Richard Nixon desegregated the Southern schools, something you won’t learn in today’s public schools.

Not done there yet, snowflake.

1964:George Romney, Republican civil rights activist. That Republicans have let Democrats get away with this mountebankery is a symptom of their political fecklessness, and in letting them get away with it the GOP has allowed itself to be cut off rhetorically from a pantheon of Republican political heroes, from Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass to Susan B. Anthony, who represent an expression of conservative ideals as true and relevant today as it was in the 19th century.

Perhaps even worse, the Democrats have been allowed to rhetorically bury their Bull Connors, their longstanding affiliation with the Ku Klux Klan, and their pitiless opposition to practically every major piece of civil-rights legislation for a century.

Republicans may not be able to make significant inroads among black voters in the coming elections, but they would do well to demolish this myth nonetheless.

Even if the Republicans’ rise in the South had happened suddenly in the 1960s (it didn’t) and even if there were no competing explanation (there is), racism — or, more precisely, white southern resentment over the political successes of the civil-rights movement — would be an implausible explanation for the dissolution of the Democratic bloc in the old Confederacy and the emergence of a Republican stronghold there.

That is because those southerners who defected from the Democratic Party in the 1960s and thereafter did so to join a Republican Party that was far more enlightened on racial issues than were the Democrats of the era, and had been for a century.

There is no radical break in the Republicans’ civil-rights history: From abolition to Reconstruction to the anti-lynching laws, from the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Civil Rights Act of 1875 to the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, and 1964, there exists a line that is by no means perfectly straight or unwavering but that nonetheless connects the politics of Lincoln with those of Dwight D. Eisenhower.

And from slavery and secession to remorseless opposition to everything from Reconstruction to the anti-lynching laws, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, the Civil Rights Act of 1875, and the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960, there exists a similarly identifiable line connecting John Calhoun and Lyndon Baines Johnson.

Supporting civil-rights reform was not a radical turnaround for congressional Republicans in 1964, but it was a radical turnaround for Johnson and the Democrats.

The depth of Johnson’s prior opposition to civil-rights reform must be digested in some detail to be properly appreciated.

In the House, he did not represent a particularly segregationist constituency (it “made up for being less intensely segregationist than the rest of the South by being more intensely anti-Communist,” as the New York Times put it), but Johnson was practically antebellum in his views.

Never mind civil rights or voting rights: In Congress, Johnson had consistently and repeatedly voted against legislation to protect black Americans from lynching.

As a leader in the Senate, Johnson did his best to cripple the Civil Rights Act of 1957; not having votes sufficient to stop it, he managed to reduce it to an act of mere symbolism by excising the enforcement provisions before sending it to the desk of President Eisenhower.

Johnson’s Democratic colleague Strom Thurmond nonetheless went to the trouble of staging the longest filibuster in history up to that point, speaking for 24 hours in a futile attempt to block the bill.

The reformers came back in 1960 with an act to remedy the deficiencies of the 1957 act, and Johnson’s Senate Democrats again staged a record-setting filibuster.

In both cases, the “master of the Senate” petitioned the northeastern Kennedy liberals to credit him for having seen to the law’s passage while at the same time boasting to southern Democrats that he had taken the teeth out of the legislation.

Johnson would later explain his thinking thus: “These Negroes, they’re getting pretty uppity these days, and that’s a problem for us, since they’ve got something now they never had before: the political pull to back up their uppityness. Now we’ve got to do something about this — we’ve got to give them a little something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference.”

Johnson did not spring up from the Democratic soil ex nihilo.

Not one Democrat in Congress voted for the Fourteenth Amendment.

Not one Democrat in Congress voted for the Fifteenth Amendment.

Not one voted for the Civil Rights Act of 1875.

Dwight Eisenhower as a general began the process of desegregating the military, and Truman as president formalized it, but the main reason either had to act was that President Woodrow Wilson, the personification of Democratic progressivism, had resegregated previously integrated federal facilities. (“If the colored people made a mistake in voting for me, they ought to correct it,” he declared.)

Klansmen from Senator Robert Byrd to Justice Hugo Black held prominent positions in the Democratic Party — and President Wilson chose the Klan epic Birth of a Nation to be the first film ever shown at the White House.

Johnson himself denounced an earlier attempt at civil-rights reform as the “nigger bill.” So what happened in 1964 to change Democrats’ minds? In fact, nothing.

President Johnson was nothing if not shrewd, and he knew something that very few popular political commentators appreciate today: The Democrats began losing the “solid South” in the late 1930s — at the same time as they were picking up votes from northern blacks.

The Civil War and the sting of Reconstruction had indeed produced a political monopoly for southern Democrats that lasted for decades, but the New Deal had been polarizing. It was very popular in much of the country, including much of the South — Johnson owed his election to the House to his New Deal platform and Roosevelt connections — but there was a conservative backlash against it, and that backlash eventually drove New Deal critics to the Republican Party.

Likewise, adherents of the isolationist tendency in American politics, which is never very far from the surface, looked askance at what Bob Dole would later famously call “Democrat wars” (a factor that would become especially relevant when the Democrats under Kennedy and Johnson committed the United States to a very divisive war in Vietnam).

The tiniest cracks in the Democrats’ southern bloc began to appear with the backlash to FDR’s court-packing scheme and the recession of 1937.

Republicans would pick up 81 House seats in the 1938 election, with West Virginia’s all-Democrat delegation ceasing to be so with the acquisition of its first Republican.

Kentucky elected a Republican House member in 1934, as did Missouri, while Tennessee’s first Republican House member, elected in 1918, was joined by another in 1932.

Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, the Republican Party, though marginal, began to take hold in the South — but not very quickly: Dixie would not send its first Republican to the Senate until 1961, with Texas’s election of John Tower.

At the same time, Republicans went through a long dry spell on civil-rights progress.

Many of them believed, wrongly, that the issue had been more or less resolved by the constitutional amendments that had been enacted to ensure the full citizenship of black Americans after the Civil War, and that the enduring marginalization of black citizens, particularly in the Democratic states, was a problem that would be healed by time, economic development, and organic social change rather than through a second political confrontation between North and South.

As late as 1964, the Republican platform argued that “the elimination of any such discrimination is a matter of heart, conscience, and education, as well as of equal rights under law.”

The conventional Republican wisdom of the day held that the South was backward because it was poor rather than poor because it was backward.

And their strongest piece of evidence for that belief was that Republican support in the South was not among poor whites or the old elites — the two groups that tended to hold the most retrograde beliefs on race.

Instead, it was among the emerging southern middle class.

This fact was recently documented by professors Byron Shafer and Richard Johnston in The End of Southern Exceptionalism: Class, Race, and Partisan Change in the Postwar South (Harvard University Press, 2006).

Which is to say: The Republican rise in the South was contemporaneous with the decline of race as the most important political question and tracked the rise of middle-class voters moved mainly by economic considerations and anti-Communism.

The South had been in effect a Third World country within the United States, and that changed with the post-war economic boom.

As Clay Risen put it in the New York Times: “The South transformed itself from a backward region to an engine of the national economy, giving rise to a sizable new wealthy suburban class.

This class, not surprisingly, began to vote for the party that best represented its economic interests: the GOP. Working-class whites, however — and here’s the surprise — even those in areas with large black populations, stayed loyal to the Democrats.

This was true until the 90s, when the nation as a whole turned rightward in Congressional voting.” The mythmakers would have you believe that it was the opposite: that your white-hooded hillbilly trailer-dwelling tornado-bait voters jumped ship because LBJ signed a civil-rights bill (passed on the strength of disproportionately Republican support in Congress). The facts suggest otherwise. There is no question that Republicans in the 1960s and thereafter hoped to pick up the angry populists who had delivered several states to Wallace.

That was Patrick J. Buchanan’s portfolio in the Nixon campaign.

But in the main they did not do so by appeal to racial resentment, direct or indirect.

The conservative ascendency of 1964 saw the nomination of Barry Goldwater, a western libertarian who had never been strongly identified with racial issues one way or the other, but who was a principled critic of the 1964 act and its extension of federal power.

Goldwater had supported the 1957 and 1960 acts but believed that Title II and Title VII of the 1964 bill were unconstitutional, based in part on a 75-page brief from Robert Bork.

But far from extending a welcoming hand to southern segregationists, he named as his running mate a New York representative, William E. Miller, who had been the co-author of Republican civil-rights legislation in the 1950s.

The Republican platform in 1964 was hardly catnip for Klansmen: It spoke of the Johnson administration’s failure to help further the “just aspirations of the minority groups” and blasted the president for his refusal “to apply Republican-initiated retraining programs where most needed, particularly where they could afford new economic opportunities to Negro citizens.”

Other planks in the platform included: “improvements of civil rights statutes adequate to changing needs of our times; such additional administrative or legislative actions as may be required to end the denial, for whatever unlawful reason, of the right to vote; continued opposition to discrimination based on race, creed, national origin or sex.”

And Goldwater’s fellow Republicans ran on a 1964 platform demanding “full implementation and faithful execution of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and all other civil rights statutes, to assure equal rights and opportunities guaranteed by the Constitution to every citizen.” Some dog whistle.

Of course there were racists in the Republican Party. There were racists in the Democratic Party. The case of Johnson is well documented, while Nixon had his fantastical panoply of racial obsessions, touching blacks, Jews, Italians (“Don’t have their heads screwed on”), Irish (“They get mean when they drink”), and the Ivy League WASPs he hated so passionately (“Did one of those dirty bastards ever invite me to his f***ing men’s club or goddamn country club? Not once”).

But the legislative record, the evolution of the electorate, the party platforms, the keynote speeches — none of them suggests a party-wide Republican about-face on civil rights.

Neither does the history of the black vote.

While Republican affiliation was beginning to grow in the South in the late 1930s, the GOP also lost its lock on black voters in the North, among whom the New Deal was extraordinarily popular.

By 1940, Democrats for the first time won a majority of black votes in the North. This development was not lost on Lyndon Johnson, who crafted his Great Society with the goal of exploiting widespread dependency for the benefit of the Democratic Party.

Unlike the New Deal, a flawed program that at least had the excuse of relying upon ideas that were at the time largely untested and enacted in the face of a worldwide economic emergency, Johnson’s Great Society was pure politics.

Johnson’s War on Poverty was declared at a time when poverty had been declining for decades, and the first Job Corps office opened when the unemployment rate was less than 5 percent.

Congressional Republicans had long supported a program to assist the indigent elderly, but the Democrats insisted that the program cover all of the elderly — even though they were, then as now, the most affluent demographic, with 85 percent of them in households of above-average wealth.

Democrats such as Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Anthony J. Celebrezze argued that the Great Society would end “dependency” among the elderly and the poor, but the programs were transparently designed merely to transfer dependency from private and local sources of support to federal agencies created and overseen by Johnson and his political heirs.

In the context of the rest of his program, Johnson’s unexpected civil-rights conversion looks less like an attempt to empower blacks and more like an attempt to make clients of them.

If the parties had in some meaningful way flipped on civil rights, one would expect that to show up in the electoral results in the years following the Democrats’ 1964 about-face on the issue.

Nothing of the sort happened: Of the 21 Democratic senators who opposed the 1964 act, only one would ever change parties.

Nor did the segregationist constituencies that elected these Democrats throw them out in favor of Republicans: The remaining 20 continued to be elected as Democrats or were replaced by Democrats.

It was, on average, nearly a quarter of a century before those seats went Republican. If southern rednecks ditched the Democrats because of a civil-rights law passed in 1964, it is strange that they waited until the late 1980s and early 1990s to do so. They say things move slower in the South — but not that slow.

Republicans did begin to win some southern House seats, and in many cases segregationist Democrats were thrown out by southern voters in favor of civil-rights Republicans.

One of the loudest Democratic segregationists in the House was Texas’s John Dowdy.

Dowdy was a bitter and buffoonish opponent of the 1964 reforms.

He declared the reforms “would set up a despot in the attorney general’s office with a large corps of enforcers under him; and his will and his oppressive action would be brought to bear upon citizens, just as Hitler’s minions coerced and subjugated the German people.

Dowdy went on: “I would say this — I believe this would be agreed to by most people: that, if we had a Hitler in the United States, the first thing he would want would be a bill of this nature.” (Who says political rhetoric has been debased in the past 40 years?)

Dowdy was thrown out in 1966 in favor of a Republican with a very respectable record on civil rights, a little-known figure by the name of George H. W. Bush.

It was in fact not until 1995 that Republicans represented a majority of the southern congressional delegation — and they had hardly spent the Reagan years campaigning on the resurrection of Jim Crow.

It was not the Civil War but the Cold War that shaped midcentury partisan politics.

Eisenhower warned the country against the “military-industrial complex,” but in truth Ike’s ascent had represented the decisive victory of the interventionist, hawkish wing of the Republican Party over what remained of the America First/Charles Lindbergh/Robert Taft tendency.

The Republican Party had long been staunchly anti-Communist, but the post-war era saw that anti-Communism energized and looking for monsters to slay, both abroad — in the form of the Soviet Union and its satellites — and at home, in the form of the growing welfare state, the “creeping socialism” conservatives dreaded.

By the middle 1960s, the semi-revolutionary Left was the liveliest current in U.S. politics, and Republicans’ unapologetic anti-Communism — especially conservatives’ rhetoric connecting international socialism abroad with the welfare state at home — left the Left with nowhere to go but the Democratic Party. Vietnam was Johnson’s war, but by 1968 the Democratic Party was not his alone.

The schizophrenic presidential election of that year set the stage for the subsequent transformation of southern politics: Segregationist Democrat George Wallace, running as an independent, made a last stand in the old Confederacy but carried only five states.

Republican Richard Nixon, who had helped shepherd the 1957 Civil Rights Act through Congress, counted a number of Confederate states (North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, and Tennessee) among the 32 he carried.

Democrat Hubert Humphrey was reduced to a northern fringe plus Texas.

Mindful of the long-term realignment already under way in the South, Johnson informed Democrats worried about losing it after the 1964 act that “those states may be lost anyway.”

Subsequent presidential elections bore him out: Nixon won a 49-state sweep in 1972, and, with the exception of the post-Watergate election of 1976, Republicans in the following presidential elections would more or less occupy the South like Sherman.

Bill Clinton would pick up a handful of southern states in his two contests, and Barack Obama had some success in the post-southern South, notably Virginia and Florida.

The Republican ascendancy in Dixie is associated with several factors: The rise of the southern middle class, The increasingly trenchant conservative critique of Communism and the welfare state, The Vietnam controversy, The rise of the counterculture, law-and-order concerns rooted in the urban chaos that ran rampant from the late 1960s to the late 1980s, and The incorporation of the radical Left into the Democratic party.

Individual events, especially the freak show that was the 1968 Democratic convention, helped solidify conservatives’ affiliation with the Republican Party. Democrats might argue that some of these concerns — especially welfare and crime — are “dog whistles” or “code” for race and racism. However, this criticism is shallow in light of the evidence and the real saliency of those issues among U.S. voters of all backgrounds and both parties for decades. Indeed, Democrats who argue that the best policies for black Americans are those that are soft on crime and generous with welfare are engaged in much the same sort of cynical racial calculation President Johnson was practicing. Johnson informed skeptical southern governors that his plan for the Great Society was “to have them niggers voting Democratic for the next two hundred years.” Johnson’s crude racism is, happily, largely a relic of the past, but his strategy endures.