#greider

[kieraplume]

Sam Riley as Greider in The Dark Valley (Das Finstere Tal).❤️

He's really a wonder.❤️

[rustpuppy]

heather lake + boardwalk that has seen better days

[beatlesradioshows]

Beatles, Things We Said Today #404 – Denny Laine Tribute & the RPM School White Album Course Download

Episode 404 is our last Things We Said Today for 2023, and it’s a long one – and something different. Catching up with the news of the last few weeks, Ken Michaels, Allan Kozinn and Darren Devivo pay tribute to the late Denny Laine [04:00-33:00], followed by plenty more news [33:00-50:00], But for the main part of the show [at 50:00] we welcome the faculty of the RPM School – Walter Everett, author of the extraordinary “The Beatles As Musicians” two-volume set, Jack Petruzzelli, the multi-instrumentalist, producer and songwriter who many listeners will know as a member of the Fab Faux, and Cameron Greider, also a multi-instrumentalist and producer, who has worked with Sean Lennon and many others – who will give us a preview of their online course on the “White Album,” which starts on January 8. Information about the RPM School can be found at https://www.rpm-school.com/home-1. More information about the White Album course is here: https://www.rpm-school.com/

email address thingswesaidtodayradioshow@gmail.com Facebook page @thingswesaidfab  iTunes  Tune In Radio  YouTube 

[deepdwellingsteamboat]

Sam Riley as Greider DAS FINSTERE TAL 2014・dir. Andreas Prochaska

[metalsongoftheday]

Thursday, January 30: Poltergeist, "Still Alive"

Swiss metal in the late ‘80s seemed to follow a distinct binary: either relentlessly experimental and creative like Celtic Frost or adhering to a tried and true template like Krokus.  Poltergeist fell into the latter category with their prototypical late ‘80s thrash albums, and “Still Alive” was definitely of a specific time and place.  The tune actually did sound distinct from most conventional thrash, primarily due to Andre Greider’s awkward phrasing and inflections- it seemed like he was trying to snarl and yarl, but his accent was so thick that it sounded more like he was thinking really hard about enunciating while singing at the same time.  On its own, the song moved quickly and toyed with dynamics while bouncing around, and V.O. Pulver was pretty expert in his riffing.  “Still Alive” came and went in a blur, which was presumably the point, and banged pretty hard even if it all didn’t totally stick.

[dailyanarchistposts]

J.4.5 Why is this “economic structural crisis” important to social struggle?

The “economic structural crisis” we out-lined in the last section has certain implications for anarchists and social struggle. Essentially, as C. George Benello argued, ”[i]f economic conditions worsen … then we are likely to find an openness to alternatives which have not been thought of since the depression of the 1930s … It is important to plan for a possible economic crisis, since it is not only practical, but also can serve as a method of mobilising a community in creative ways.” [From the Ground Up, p. 149]

In the face of economic stagnation and depression, attempts to generate more profits (i.e., increase exploitation) by increasing the authority of the boss grow. In addition, more people find it harder to make ends meet, running up debts to survive, face homelessness if they are made unemployed, and so on. This makes exploitation ever more visible and tend to push oppressed strata together in movements that seek to mitigate, and even remove, their oppression. As the capitalist era has worn on, these strata have become increasingly able to rebel and gain substantial political and economic improvements, which have, in addition, lead to an increasing willingness to do so because of rising expectations (about what is possible) and frustration (about what actually is). It is true that libertarians, the left and labour have suffered setbacks since the 1970s, but with increasing misery of the working class due to neo-liberal policies (and the “economic structural crisis” they create), it is only a matter of time before there is a resurgence of radicalism.

Anarchists will be in the forefront of this resurgence. For, with the discrediting and eventual fall of authoritarian state capitalism (“Communism”) in Eastern Europe, the anti-authoritarian faction of the left will increasingly be seen as its only credible one. Thus the ongoing structural crisis of the global capitalist economy, combined with the other developments springing from what Takis Fotopoulos calls (in his book Towards an Inclusive Democracy) a “multidimensional crisis” (which includes economic, political, social, ecological and ideological aspects), could (potentially) lead to a new international anti-authoritarian alliance linking together the new (and not so new) social movements in the West (feminism, the Green movement, rank-and-file labour militancy, etc.) with non-authoritarian liberation movements in the Third World and new movements in formerly Stalinist countries. However, this is only likely to happen if anarchists take the lead in promoting alternatives and working with the mass of the population. Ways in which anarchist can do this are discussed in some detail in section J.5.

Thus the “economic structural crisis” can aid social struggle by placing the contrast of “what is” with what “could be” in a clear light. Any crisis brings forth the contradictions in capitalism, between the production of use values (things people need) and of exchange value (capitalist profits), between capitalism’s claims of being based on liberty and the authoritarianism associated with wage labour (“The general evidence of repression poses an ancient contradiction for capitalism: while it claims to promote human freedom, it profits concretely from the denial of freedom, most especially freedom for the workers employed by capitalist enterprise.” [William Greider, One World, Ready or Not, p. 388]) and so on. It shakes to the bone popular faith in capitalism’s ability to “deliver the goods” and gets more and more people thinking about alternatives to a system that places profit above and before people and planet. The crisis also, by its very nature, encourages workers and other oppressed sections of the population to resist and fight back, which in turn generates collective organisation (such as unions or workplace-based assemblies and councils), solidarity and direct action — in other words, collective self-help and the awareness that the problems of working class people can only be solved by ourselves, by our own actions and organisations. The 1930s in the USA is a classic example of this process, with very militant struggles taking place in very difficult situations (see Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States or Jeremy Brecher’s Strike! for details).

In other words, the “economic structural crisis” gives radicals a lot potential to get their message across, even if the overall environment may make success seem difficult at times!

As well as encouraging workplace organisation due to the intensification of exploitation and authority provoked by the economic stagnant/depression, the “economic structural crisis” can encourage other forms of libertarian alternatives. For example, the “economic structural crisis” has resulted in the erosion of the welfare state (at least for the working class, for the elite state aid is never far away). This development has potential libertarian possibilities. “The decline of the state,” argues L. Gambone, “makes necessary a revitalisation of the notions of direct action and mutual aid. Without Mama State to do it for us, we must create our own social services through mutual aid societies.” [Syndicalism in Myth and Reality, p. 12] As we argue in more depth in section J.5.16, such a movement of mutual aid has a long history in the working class and, as it is under our control, it cannot be withdrawn from us to enrich and empower the ruling class as state run systems have been. Thus the decline of state run social services could, potentially, see the rise of a network of self-managed, working class alternatives (equally, of course, it could see the end of all services to the weakest sections of our society — which possibility comes about depends on what we do in the here and now. See section J.5.15 for an anarchist analysis of the welfare state).

Food Not Bombs! (FNB) is an excellent example of practical libertarian alternatives being generated by the economic crisis we are facing. FNB is a community-based group which helps the homeless through the direct action of its members. It also involves the homeless in helping themselves. It serves free food in public places to expose the plight of the homeless, the callousness of the system and our capacity to solve social problems through our own actions without government or capitalism. The constant harassment of FNB by the police, middle classes and the government illustrates their callousness to the plight of the poor and the failure of their institutions to build a society which cares for people more than money and property (and the police and prisons to protect them). The fact is that in the US many working and unemployed people have no feeling that they are entitled to basic human needs such as medicine, clothes, shelter, and food. FNB encourages poor people to make these demands, provides a space in which these demands can be voiced, and helps to breakdown the wall between hungry and not-hungry. The repression directed towards FNB by local police forces and governments also demonstrates the effectiveness of their activity and the possibility that it may radicalise those who get involved with the organisation. Charity is obviously one thing, mutual aid is something else. FNB is a politicised movement from below, based on solidarity, not charity as, in Kropotkin’s words, charity “bears a character of inspiration from above, and, accordingly, implies a certain superiority of the giver upon the receiver.” [Mutual Aid, p. 222]

The last example of how economic stagnation can generate libertarian tendencies can be seen from the fact that, ”[h]istorically, at times of severe inflation or capital shortages, communities have been forced to rely on their own resources. During the Great Depression, many cities printed their own currency; this works to the extent that a community is able to maintain a viable internal economy which provides the necessities of life, independent of transactions with the outside.” [Benello, Op. Cit., p. 150]

These local currencies could be the basis of a mutual bank (see section J.5.5), providing interest-free loans to workers to form co-operatives and so build libertarian alternatives to capitalist firms, so eliminating the profits of capitalists by allowing workers to exchange the product of their labour with other workers. Moreover, “local exchange systems strength local communities by increasing their self-reliance, empowering community members, and helping to protect them from the excesses of the global market.” [Frank Lindenfield, “Economics for Anarchists,” Social Anarchism, no. 23, p. 24] In this way self-managing communes could be created, communes that replace hierarchical, top-down, government with collective decision making of community affairs based on directly democratic community assemblies. These self-governing communities and economies could federate together to co-operate on a wider scale and so create a counter-power to that of state and capitalism.

This confederal system of self-managing communities could also protect jobs as the “globalisation of capital threatens local industries. A way has to be found to keep capital at home and so preserve the jobs and the communities that depend upon them. Protectionism is both undesirable and unworkable. But worker-ownership or workers’ co-operatives are alternatives.” [Gambone, Op. Cit., pp. 12–13] Local communities could provide the necessary support structures which could protect co-operatives from the corrupting effects of working in the capitalist market (see section J.5.11). They could also demand that rather than nationalise or bailout failing companies (or, for that matter, privatise state services or public works), they should be turned over (as Proudhon constantly argued) to workers co-operatives by aiding “the Labour Unions to enter into a temporary possession of the industrial concerns”, anarchists would provide “an effective means to check the State Nationalisation” in the period before a social revolution when “State phases which we are traversing now seems to be unavoidable.” [quoted by Ruth Kinna, “Fields of Vision: Kropotkin and Revolutionary Change”, pp. 67–86, SubStance, Vol. 36, No. 2, p. 77] In this way, economic liberty (self-management) could replace capitalism (wage slavery) and show that anarchism is a practical alternative to the chaos and authoritarianism of capitalism, even if these examples are initially fragmentally and limited in nature.

However, these developments should not be taken in isolation of collective struggle in the workplace or community. It is in the class struggle that the real potential for anarchy is created. The work of such organisations as Food Not Bombs! and the creation of local currencies and co-operatives are supplementary to the important task of creating workplace and community organisations that can create effective resistance to both state and capitalists, resistance that can overthrow both (see sections J.5.2 and J.5.1 respectively). “Volunteer and service credit systems and alternative currencies by themselves may not be enough to replace the corporate capitalist system. Nevertheless, they can help build the economic strength of local currencies, empower local residents, and mitigate some of the consequences of poverty and unemployment … By the time a majority [of a community are involved it] will be well on its way to becoming a living embodiment of many anarchist ideals.” [Lindenfield, Op. Cit., p. 28] And such a community would be a great aid in any strike or other social struggle which is going on!

The general economic crisis which we are facing has implications for social struggle and anarchist activism. It could be the basic of libertarian alternatives in our workplaces and communities, alternatives based on direct action, solidarity and self-management. These alternatives could include workplace and community unionism, co-operatives, mutual banks and other forms of anarchistic resistance to capitalism and the state.

Finally, we must stress that we are not arguing that working class people need an economic crisis to force them into struggle. Such “objectivism” (i.e. the placing of tendencies towards socialism in the development of capitalism, of objective factors, rather than in the class struggle, i.e. subjective factors) is best left to orthodox Marxists and Leninists as it has authoritarian implications. Rather we are aware that the class struggle, the subjective pressure on capitalism, is not independent of the conditions within which it takes place (and helps to create, we must add). Subjective revolt is always present under capitalism and, in the case of the 1970s, played a role in creating crisis. Faced with an economic crisis we are indicating what we can do in response to it and how it could, potentially, generate libertarian tendencies within society. Economic crisis could, in other words, provoke social struggle, collective action and generate anarchic tendencies in society. Equally, it could cause apathy, rejection of collective struggle and, perhaps, the embracing of false “solutions” such as right-wing populism, Leninism, or Fascism. We cannot predict how the future will develop, but it is true that if we do nothing then, obviously, libertarian tendencies will not grow and develop.

[kidofthewest]

Greider Lake // Morning Star Wilderness, WA

[griotsaidwhat]

Neoliberalism, Militarism, and Armed Conflict

by Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey

Social Justice magazine, Vol. 27, No. 4 (2000)

p2

The trend toward a neoliberal economy and the prevalence of militaries and militarism worldwide are often treated as separate, unrelated phenomena. Many activists and scholars who critique and challenge the negative effects of increasing global integration emphasize economic factors (e.g., Bales, 1999; Chossudovsky, 1997; Greider, 1997; Mander and Goldsmith, 1996; Sassen, 1998; Teeple, 1995). These include the fact that workers in one country are pitted against those of another as corporate managers seek to maximize profits, that systems of inequality based on gender, race, class, and nation are inherent in the international division of labor, that nation-states are cutting social welfare supports, that women and children experience superexploitation especially in countries of the global South, and that there is increasing polarization of material wealth between rich and poor countries, as well as within richer countries. Critics also point to the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization (WTO), which require structural changes to make economies more profitable for private investors and to open markets for so-called free trade.

... Around 50% of U.S. federal discretionary spending is directed toward the military, amounting to $309 billion in FY 2001-more than the military budgets of the next 12 countries combined. Military budgets, bases, and operations have negative effects on communities in many parts of the world, as well as in the United States. Military spending has been kept at very high levels while socially useful spending on education, health, job training, social services, and welfare supports have been cut. This disinvestment, which disproportionately affects poor communities, together with automation and the movement of manufacturing jobs overseas, has led to high unemployment for young working-class and poor African Americans and Latinos. Their main "choices" are to join the military or to work in the informal economy, often ending up in jails and prisons. In the United States, military recruitment and the criminalization of people of color are two aspects of increasing global economic integration.

Outline of this Issue

Worldwide military spending totaled a massive $785 billion in 1998, of which the United States accounted for 30% (National Campaign for a Peace Tax Fund, 2000). Indeed, the U.S. has had what Seymour Melman (1970; 1974) termed a permanent war economy since World War II. A Department of Defense website currently describes the Pentagon as "not only America's largest company, but its busiest and most successful," and boasts a budget considerably larger than that of ExxonMobil, Ford, or General Motors. Addressing CEOs of major U.S. corporations in October 1998, William Cohen, then the U.S. Secretary of Defense, expressed the relationship between economic investment and military activity in the most basic terms:

Business follows the flag.... We provide the kind of security and stability. You provide the kind of profits that guarantee investment and profit for the local communities who in turn will buy our products.... We need to continue to have this relationship where we provide the security and you provide the investment.

As Friedman (1999: 40) put it, McDonald's cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas.

The current integration of the world economy into a neocolonial system of capitalist production, consumption, and reproduction requires access to and control of resources-including labor-so that transnational corporations can maximize profits. Corporations need the assurance of political stability and protection of their investments. As part of the nation-state apparatus, the military is on hand whenever necessary to intimidate and repress popular resistance to exploitative working conditions, to structural adjustment programs, or the privatization of resources in aid of profit accumulation.

***

p4

Steven Staples argues:

The relationship between globalization and militarism should be seen as two sides of the same coin. On one side, globalization promotes the conditions that lead to unrest, inequality, conflict, and, ultimately, war. On the other side, globalization fuels the means to wage war by protecting and promoting the military industries needed to produce sophisticated weaponry. This weaponry, in turn, is used or is threatened to be used to protect the investments of transnational corporations and their shareholders.

[christinamac1]

Trump’s new ���gold standard’ rule will destroy American science as we know it

Guardian, Colette Delawalla, Victor Ambros, Carl Bergstrom, Carol Greider, Michael Mann and Brian Nosek, 29 May 25 The new executive order allows political appointees to undermine research they oppose, paving the way for state-controlled science. Science is under siege. On Friday evening, the White House released an executive order called Restoring Gold Standard Science. At face value, this…

[stanfave3-72217]

Trump’s new ‘gold standard’ rule will destroy American science as we know it | Colette Delawalla, Victor Ambros, Carl Bergstrom, Carol Greider, Michael Mann and Brian Nosek | The Guardian

[kieraplume]

Sam Riley as Greider in The Dark Valley (Das Finstere Tal).❤️

All moments are beauty, just with his eyes.❤️

He's really masterful.❤️

[rustpuppy]

spada lake + little greider lake

[fadingsunsjvj]

The Nation: Why Attack 'Vulture Capitalism'? : NPR

[deepdwellingsteamboat]

10 FANDOMS, 10 CHARACTERS List ten favorite characters from 10 different fandoms and tag 10 people

Tagged by @corffiser, thank you 🥰

Helmut Zemo (MCU)

Ernst Schmidt (The Cloverfield Paradox)

Delilah Copperspoon (Dishonored)

Celebrimbor (The Rings of Power) ❗NEW FAVORITE GUY ALERT❗

Laszlo Kreizler (The Alienist)

Rosalind Lutece (Bioshock Infinite)

Esther Finch (Dead Boy Detectives)

Jesse Faden (Control)

Sophia Monad (Lies of P)

Greider (Das Finstere Tal)

Tagging (no pressure, as always): @six-demon-bag, @zemos-bathrobe, @hiddenxplaces-blog, @eternalergo, @andromedaholic

@guroseinsei, @cottagecorezemo, @ithilien-wolf, @cass-without-the-andra, @evilwinterfruit

[hercla]

#178

En gång i tiden hade Göran Greider och Gustaf Noren en podd ihop. Tror den hette Brännässlor och jag lyssnade några avsnitt för några år sedan. Mysig och flummig. Ett avsnitt var dom ute på en äng och spelade in, Göran pratade om alla blommor och berättade vad de hette. Dom pratade om smällglim kommer jag ihåg. Fick upp en massa blommor på min pinterest idag och kände våren i ögonen.

Låten idag blir "Balaclavaboogie - Movits!, Timbuktu" för den är så bra och jag blir pigg av den

[newmusicradionetwork]

Pop-rock artist Erin Greider releases her latest single, “Heartbreak Hangover,” a soulful anthem capturing the liberating chaos of a night spent trying to forget heartbreak. With vibrant production that pairs emotional vulnerability with an infectious beat, Greider delivers a powerful story of moving on. “Heartbreak Hangover” is available now to stream on all platforms. “Heartbreak Hangover” opens with a glimpse into Erin Greider’s breakup ritual, calling up her friends and embracing the night to forget the pains of the past. Combining punchy beats with catchy, confessional lyrics, the song explores the empowering journey of embracing freedom – even if it means waking up regretful the next day. With humor and refreshing vulnerability, Greider captivates listeners with her storytelling of the highs and lows of modern love, loss, and self-discovery. The track features lyricism that blends introspection with lighthearted escapism, creating a relatable and welcoming environment for listeners that is both cathartic and fun, perfect for a scenic drive down the coast of Malibu or through the Hollywood Hills. “This is the story of how when you’re going through heartbreak, you’ll take any distraction you can get for the night even if it isn’t always the healthiest. The pain always comes back in the morning,” Greider shares. The single was produced by Topher Mohr, who also plays guitar and bass, with Stephen Haaker on drums and Greider as the songwriter. With Haaker on drums, the track pulses with a dynamic and driving rhythm, mirroring the urgency of moving on, while the guitar and bass lines by Mohr add a gritty and melodic layer, creating a rich pop-rock soundscape. This interplay of the beat and melody makes “Heartbreak Hangover” an unforgettable experience, displaying both the messy joy and poignant ache of letting go. Erin Greider’s musical journey blossomed at a young age, writing songs with friends and learning the guitar when she was eight. Her unapologetically bold style and pop-rock influences have garnered her over 500,000 streams on Spotify, reaching 14k monthly listeners. In support of the release of her first full-length album in 2021, she performed at iconic Los Angeles venues like The Mint and Whisky a Go Go. Greider has also received praise from notable outlets like Wonderland Magazine and Guitar Girl Magazine. In 2023, she earned a coveted spot on Music Connection’s Hot 100 live and Unsigned Artists and Bands list. With “Heartbreak Hangover,” Erin Greider invites listeners to lose themselves in the song’s fearless spirit. Beneath the humor and fun of the track, there is a sense of reflection and resilience, capturing the universal experience of trying to move forward, even when the past isn’t easy to shake. “Heartbreak Hangover” is available to stream and download on all major platforms. For more updates and a look into Greider’s exciting musical journey, follow her on Instagram and TikTok @ErinGreiderMusic and check out her website. Read the full article