#Henderson rehabilitation center

[aguirrefitnesseo]

Henderson Rehab Facility: Expert Care & Rehabilitation

Mental health and physical fitness are interlinked factors that decide the well-being of a person. When you are injured or harmed, the medicines and drugs you take may cause you substance disorder. This affects the functioning of the brain and behavior. Henderson rehabilitation center, Aguirre Fitness trains you to recover from any of your pain, injury, or ailment which holds you back.

Book Your Free Transformation Call: https://aguirrefitness.uplaunch.com/join/6030

[chris-martinez]

Hiring a personal trainer is always the right option if you want to advance your fitness. A certified fitness personal trainer has received training to develop and practice safe and efficient exercise regimens for their clients. Listen to this podcast carefully & know the reasons to work out with a personal trainer for your fitness and health. You can rely on Aguirre Fitness if you are looking for a personal trainer in Las Vegas. For more information, visit the website or call us at (702) 308-7816 to discuss your fitness needs & diet plans.

[muse-gathering]

“Please, no--” Klaus missed Ben so profoundly. He’d faced the spirits before, but he’d not done so entirely alone since childhood. Worse, they’d never been like this before: more predatory than merely loud and creepy. Once a spirit realized he could be possessed, it became obsessed.

His fingers clutched at the pentagram relatively newly tattooed over his left pectoral. Klaus only vaguely remembered getting it because he was very drunk at the time, desperate for anything that might aid this issue after Luther hung up on him when he called for help. In his brother’s defense, Klaus had been quite noticeably high on the phone and did a poor job of explaining the circumstances. From there, his addiction kept the souls away but spiraled out of control until he overdosed. He’d been in this center for almost two days now, refusing to sleep since arrival. They kept coming closer. Their unfinished business was not his responsibility. It couldn’t be. He couldn’t handle it. He would rather flay off his own skin than experience that again, “I said no. The venue is closed.”

When Ben possessed him, the action felt spooky and somewhat violating but at least familiar. Others doing so was entirely different. It happened three times before Klaus managed to initially rip himself from the cycle with alcohol. 

He never meant to leave his family this time.

~~~~~

Their telephone rang once and then twice before clicking to voicemail, “Good morning, this is the Francis C. Henderson Rehabilitation Center in Albany, New York. I am calling today to inquire whether there is a friend of or relative to a Mr. Klaus Hargreeves at this residence? If so, please come by or give us a call during normal business hours at 877-733-HELP. Thank you for your time.”

@thenightmareofyourdrems

[laraslandlockedblues]

Lara’s Master Writing Post

My Master Writing List can be found as a page here, and writing prompts only found on Tumblr can be found by searching my tag “writing prompt.”

But I realized I’ve never shared an easily mobile/rebloggable version before so here goes. Was just going to share again because I’ve updated it but also because I’ve gotten a lot of new followers since the last time I shared this. I suppose though since it’s Fanfiction Appreciation Day, though, I may as well share!

Dragon Age Inquisition - Lightning Struck Series - Cullen Rutherford and Evelyn Trevelyan

1. Eye of the Storm - Work in Progress

Evelyn is far too naive, young, and overwhelmed by everything asked of her after the Conclave. She tries to put on a brave face, but she’s slowly falling apart. Cullen is far too weary, self-loathing, and searching for redemption in his role as the Commander of the Inquisition’s forces, but he doesn’t think he’s worth finding any. They both feel broken, but maybe they can find a way to feel whole again.

Main canon fic for my Cullen/Evelyn pairing.

2. Moments Passed - Work in Progress

What if Cullen was sent to the Ostwick Circle instead of Kirkwall after the Fifth Blight was ended? An AU exploring the relationship between he and Evelyn Trevelyan after they meet following his relocation to Ostwick.

3. Miss Grey - Work in Progress

Commander Cullen came to Haven from Kirkwall to join the Inquisition, but he didn’t come alone. And no one quite knows what to make of the small Tranquil who follows him wherever he goes, never out of his sight.

4. Rehabilitation - Completed Work

Modern AU that focuses on Cullen’s lyrium withdrawal and recovery after he is sent to a rehabilitation center under the care of Dr. Evelyn Trevelyan. Follows his recovery and their blossoming relationship as he makes it through his addiction and eventually sets out to help others who wish to follow in his footsteps. Little to do with DA:I.

5. Even Doves Have Pride - Completed Work

An arranged betrothal leads to a rebellious, wild Evelyn, and her father enlists a certain former Templar-turned-bodyguard to keep her in line until the big day.

Modern Bodyguard AU with eventual smut and romance featuring lots of references to popular songs, including Prince, Led Zeppelin, and Tom Petty. Features little to do with DA or DA:I.

6. Bound to Burn - Work In Progress, Co-written with WindySuspirations.

A trip to Redcliffe to make reparations for the Mage Rebellion brings more complications that expected when rooms run short and the naive Inquisitor finds herself in close quarters with the man she can’t possibly ever have - her smirking Commander.

7. What Are the Odds - Completed Work

A chance encounter at the Hanged Man for some stress relief leaves Knight-Commander Cullen with a few questions, and an insatiable desire for the mystery woman he met.

DA2 & DA:I AU that places Evelyn in Kirkwall following the rebellion at the Gallows, where she meets and becomes involved with Cullen before he joins the Inquisition.

8. Dream a Little Dream of Me - One Shot

Evelyn’s usual wanderings of the Fade take an unusual turn when it starts to recreate the desires she has for the Commander, becoming more vivid each time she dreams. And Cullen finds himself waking from dreams that seem so real he swears he can still feel and taste her on him.

There’s no harm in indulging in fantasies, right? Unless there’s more going on than simple imagination.

9. The Deal - One Shot

Evelyn wishes she could more easily soothe all of Cullen’s issues, and help him sleep better at night. But after yet another bad night’s sleep, she gets an idea that just may work.

10. Discretion - Tumblr Prompt One Shot

A brief flare of jealousy in Evelyn makes Cullen wonder why he tries so hard to keep things private.

11. An Awkward Start - Tumblr Prompt One Shot

The Commander gets caught in an intimate moment, but it turns out better than he could have expected. Based on the Tumblr prompt, “You weren’t supposed to hear that,” requested for Cullen.

12. Just One Dance - Tumblr Prompt One Shot

Cullen asks for help from the last person he’d usually seek out, but an evening he dreads turns into confusion as it reveals things they both didn’t realize they wanted. Modern AU. Based on the Tumblr prompt, “Just pretend to be my date.”

13. The Dance of Love - Prompted One Shot

A first date on Valentine’s Day takes a turn when Cullen accidentally takes Evelyn to a dance club. Modern AU.

14. The Sun and The Moon - Marian Hawke/Fenris, Work in Progress/Very Slow to Update

Chronicles the important moments in the romance of the fem!Hawke/Fenris pairing that features in Eye of the Storm and other works in the Lightning Struck series. Inside are some spoilers for Eye of the Storm, as well as some background/headcanon Cullen moments.

Dragon Age Inquisition - Just Say Lass Series - Knight-Captain Rylen and MGIT Abigail Henderson

1. After Rain - Work in Progress

Abigail Henderson just wanted more out of life as everything began to fall apart - a chance to start over, a chance to be herself again.

When she ends up in Thedas, she finds more than she bargained for - as does the former Templar who finds himself fascinated by the woman from a place called Earth. Also features Inquisitor Evelyn Trevelyan from the Lightning Struck series.

2. Just Like Heaven - Work in Progress

Knight-Captain Rylen just wanted to do what he could to help defend the innocent people of Thedas - especially when the sky split ope and demons started falling out of the Fade.

When he somehow ends up in a place called Earth, instead, he has to come to terms with every part of his strange new reality - including the fascinating woman, Abigail, who finds him and helps save his life.

3. Wicked Game - OC/OC WIP

He’ll break your heart, Abigail. A man like that is used to having the world cater to his every whim, and you’ll never be enough. Be careful.

Companion piece to Just Like Heaven, a collection of semi-one shots from the perspective of Abigail Henderson’s soon-to-be ex-husband, John Baker. Gives insight into how they met, how their relationship began, how it fell apart, and later on will include insight into scenes from its parent fic.

4. Knight-Captain Rylen Appreciation Week 2018 - Completed Work

Collection of drabbles and one shots to celebrate Knight-Captain Rylen Appreciation Week!

5. Of All the Things to Fangirl Over… - Gift One Shot inspired by this art piece by Sloth-Race

MGiT Abigail Henderson has one of her first - very common - experiences in Thedas, and Rylen can’t quite figure out why she’s so excited about it. Set within After Rain canon.

6. Burning Up - Tumblr Prompted One Shot

Abigail meets a dashing Starkhaven stranger one night at the bar she works at, but one drunken decision turns into more when he comes back the next day. Modern Thedas AU. From the Tumblr prompt “You make adorable sounds.”

7. Stud - Tumblr Prompted One Shot

After a long day’s work at Skyhold, Abigail helps Rylen work through his stress. From the Tumblr prompt “Your skin is so soft.”

8. Never Enough - Tumblr Prompted One Shot

Rylen finds a few moments along with Abigail. From the Tumblr prompt, “Try to keep quiet…we wouldn’t want to get caught.”

9. His Lass - Tumblr Prompted One Shot

From a Tumblr prompt to see Rylen take care of things for himself when he’s away from Abigail.

10. Anniversary - Tumblr Prompted One Shot

From a Tumblr prompt for Rylen to see Abigail in a pretty dress and all dolled up for the first time.

11. Stolen Moments - Giveaway fic prize for Kawakaeguri

Each time, every time, just a smirk and the words “my lass,” and she caves. But why bother resisting if she doesn’t want to? Set within After Rain canon.

Dragon Age - And the Sky Will Burn Series - Modern Kirkwall AU Co-Written with Dismalzelenka

Part One: Your Arms Feel Like Home - Work in Progress

Two women with no connection to each other. A chance meeting and a quick goodbye. Neither of them expected everything to change.

Abigail Henderson was enduring a blind date turned cautionary Tinder tale. Solona Amell was just doing her job bounty hunting for a local bail bonds office. When Abby’s date and Solona’s target turn out to be one and the same, neither of them expects how quickly their lives will turn upside down.

When an altercation with local law enforcement is caught on video and begins to circulate the Internet, they both find themselves thrown headfirst into the lingering mage-templar conflict still gripping the Free Marches twenty years after the violent destruction of the Kirkwall Chantry. Their personal lives aren’t left unscathed either, as both women find themselves grappling with strange new acquaintances and relatively unwanted attractions to two former Templars now working as detectives with the Kirkwall City Police Department.

Tensions rise as past transgressions begin to surface, but everyone has secrets to hide.

Part Two Coming Soon!

Dragon Age Stand Alones

Beautiful Disaster - MGiT Cecilia Moore and Cullen Rutherford - Work in Progress

When she thought about how much she wanted to get away, she never realized just how far she would end up.

Just another Modern Girl in Thedas story.

Hero Worship - Mara Trevelyan and Garrett Hawke - Work in Progress

The Inquisitor can’t seem to think straight around the heroic and devilishly handsome Champion of Kirkwall. And he doesn’t make it any easier on her when he unexpectedly invites her to his room one night.

And what starts off as a fling turns into a whirlwind romance neither one of them is prepared for.

Out of the Ashes - Nemaine Tabris and Alistair WIP (on indefinite hiatus)

Nemaine Tabris’ life just seems to go from bad to worse after the traumatic interruption of her wedding causes her to be conscripted by the Grey Warden Duncan. But in the midst of the Blight, she finds herself thrown together with someone who just may help her survive and thrive.

In the Grotto - Knight-Captain Rylen and Cassandra Pentaghast - One Shot

Knight-Captain Rylen discovers what makes Seeker Pentaghast happy, and does his best to help her find some stress relief.

Inspired by this piece by SangoSweetz (NSFW Art)

The Hope of the Desert Bloom - Adoribull Giveaway fic prize for SoulRebel

Too much to hope, too much to dream that maybe - just maybe - this time it could be something more.

Mass Effect - Stress Relief Series - Fiona Shepard and Garrus Vakarian

Part One: Goose Bumps - Completed Work

Fiona Shepard woke up on a Cerberus operating table, apparently after being dead for two years. She wants nothing more than to see a familiar face, someone who will have her back as she works with her former enemies and tries to save the galaxy. Again.

And then after one trip to Omega, she’s reunited with her best friend in the galaxy.

But he looks at her differently, now - and she can’t seem to shake this new feeling. Especially not once she realizes it’s not really a new feeling.

Part Two: Ride or Die - Work in Progress (on hiatus)

It had been one hundred and eighty-four days when they finally sent for her.

Commander Fiona Shepard had spent six months relieved of duty, essentially on house arrest.

She had spent her time distracting herself, preparing herself, and resisting the urge to write to *him* for a prison break.

But now the Reapers have arrived, and all she can think about is getting back to him, and keeping the promise she made.

[ofrisks]

 this is the other  moody loml DALLAS HENDERSON. pls like this or just hmu if you wanna plot a thing with him ! below i’m gonna drop some info about him because i have not been able to write his full bio yet so if you wanna see a few things about him and maybe some possible connections click the read more  !!

‣「 NIALL HORAN 」 —  have you heard from 「 DALLAS HENDERSON 」 lately? the 「 TWENTY TWO 」 year old has been living in greystone for 「 ONE YEAR 」, and 「HE’S」 known as 「 THE POLYMATH 」. i heard that they identify as 「 BISEXUAL 」 and 「 CISGENDERED 」. if you ask anyone around town, they’d say 「 DALLAS HENDERSON」 reminds them of 「PULLING ALL NIGHTERS TO STUDY FOR FINALS, CRUMPLED PAPER BARELY MISSING THE TRASH CAN & EMPTY COFFEE CUPS 」. they live in 「 GREYSTONE CREST 」, currently 「 GOES TO UNIVERSITY OF GREYSTONE WITH AN MAJOR IN PRE-LAW ( CORPORATE LAW)  」, and 「 WORKS PART-TIME」 at 「 AXL RECORDS 」. a fact about them that not many people know is 「 HE’S BEEN IN FOSTER CARE SINCE HE WAS SIX AND HAS NEVER HAD A STABLE HOME UNTIL NOW.  」. 

 he’s bounced back and forth between multiple different foster homes his whole life.

his parents had never really been around to take care of him.  his mother being constantly put in and out of rehab for her drug addiction ( though when he was younger they had a decent relationship despite that ) and his father wanted nothing to do with either of them when he first found out his baby momma was pregnant

his family and how he was raised is a v touchy topic for him that he wont discuss unless your close to him. 

his mother was the only reason he actually ended up moving to california once he was legally old enough to live by himself. he knew she was currently at a rehabilitation center near greystone and though he’d rather have gone to Harvard or Penn State he chose UOG because it was near her and he could visit often. 

  he basically spent his whole life focusing on anything but what was right in front of him so that’s pretty much  why he’s so smart and has quiet a few talents under his belt

he was able to grab a full ride to the university making almost perfect grades all through high school

 when you first meet him he’s not he’s pretty guarded but never really rude unless he’s provoked though if you get to know him well enough he’s just a lovable smart bean that has been through some things.

he’s got a bit of a southern accent that’s a bit strong when he first wakes up or when he’s about to go to bed ( lol but his sleep schedule is so messed up bc of all the time he spends studying late at night. )

also he’s pretty loyal if you’ve shown that he can fully trust you.

connections??

enemies : someone who just constantly rubs him the wrong way 

best bud : give my son a best friend that he can actually be open with and just himself without have all those walls up please and thanks

drinking buddy 

drug dealer ( i’ll go in more details if your interested! ) 

unrequited thing 

old friend 

bad influence 

current or ex fling

coworkers at axl 

confident 

 i’m legit down for anything just hmu!

[sgisdinclusion]

Dr. James Soldner co-facilitated ACES Conference Presentation on Anti-Racist Professional Disposition Evaluation

Dr. James Soldner, Associate Professor and Graduate Program Director of SGISD’s

Rehabilitation Counseling Program co-facilitated a conference presentation at the biennial Association for Counselor Education and Supervision (ACES) conference, A Chance for Advocacy.

Dr. Soldner, in collaboration with certified rehabilitation counselors and colleagues, Drs. Allison Levine, Ramar Henderson, Elizabeth Boland, and Kate Bakhuizen, presented The Ethical Imperative of Anti-Racist Professional Disposition Evaluation.

In counselor education, professional dispositions are counselors’ professional attitudes, values, and beliefs. Counselors show professional disposition with verbal and nonverbal behaviors and interactions with their consumers, as well as with their instructors and each other. Professional disposition evaluation is the evaluation of an individuals’ non-academic, personal characteristics.

How can educators and supervisors be anti-racist while engaging in professional disposition evaluation? James Soldner and co-facilitators discussed this ethical imperative of anti-racist professional dispositions evaluation, including racial identity development, theoretical frameworks, and resources for implementing such practices.

ACES is a membership organization of counselors, supervisors, graduate students, and faculty members dedicated to quality counselor education and supervision across the US. This year, ACES members met in Atlanta and virtually to discuss topics centered around developing a workforce of professional counselors who can cultivate culturally responsive and healing relationships while simultaneously advocating for safety, wellbeing, and access to services. 2021 is the first year ACES hosted an Antiracist Practices in Counselor Education track.

Learn more about the 2021 ACES conference!

[aguirrefitnesseo]

Henderson Rehabilitation Center Empowering Recovery and Restoring Lives

The aim of this disceptation is to critically analyze the Henderson Rehabilitation Center's effectiveness in supporting individuals in their journey towards recovery. Rehabilitation centers play a crucial role in helping people overcome various physical, mental, and emotional challenges. By examining the services, programs, and outcomes provided by Henderson Rehabilitation Center, we can assess its overall impact and determine its effectiveness in promoting successful recoveries

[chris-martinez]

Do Workout With A Personal Trainer

People should always exercise under a certified personal trainer. Personal trainer design workout routines & diet plans as per client fitness goals. Plus they make sure that clients do the right exercise with the right form. Read the given blog & know the reasons to work out with a personal trainer for your fitness and health. If you are looking for personal trainers in Las Vegas then you can rely on Aguirre Fitness.

[askderekluna]

Sunshine Health Insurance, Memorial Regional Hospital of Broward County, Larkin Mental Rehabilitation Institute, Colorado Springs Peak View and Peak Vista Psychiatric Rehabilitation Centers and Clinics, Henderson Mental Services, and University of Miami U-Health female health service administrators send hit jobs, hit job orders, threats, and other scare tactics at old ladies, female and male disabled adults, and the retired elderly with scary phone calls, threatening to censor Free Speech by blocking healthcare coverages, while hiring criminals, serial killers, robbers, burglars, thieves, pedophiles, cannibals, and kult leaders as new nurses and new medical doctors with fake college and fake university degrees from colleges and universities, sending-in Broward Sherrif’s Office police officers with machine guns to break into apartments of the disabled and retired elderly to cause heart attacks and panic attacks on healthcare patients, to then remove the disabled from helpful stabilizing psychiatric medications to cause the disabled to prematurely ejaculate near other patients and in front of nurses to further arrest the disabled.

[damiencordle]

Joshua Damien Cordle. I Found This Interesting

BrainGate: High-bandwidth wireless brain-computer interface for humans

Brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) are an emerging assistive technology, enabling people with paralysis to type on computer screens or manipulate robotic prostheses just by thinking about moving their own bodies. For years, investigational BCIs used in clinical trials have required cables to connect the sensing array in the brain to computers that decode the signals and use them to drive external devices.

Now, for the first time, BrainGate clinical trial participants with tetraplegia have demonstrated use of an intracortical wireless BCI with an external wireless transmitter. The system is capable of transmitting brain signals at single-neuron resolution and in full broadband fidelity without physically tethering the user to a decoding system. The traditional cables are replaced by a small transmitter about 2 inches in its largest dimension and weighing a little over 1.5 ounces. The unit sits on top of a user's head and connects to an electrode array within the brain's motor cortex using the same port used by wired systems.

For a study published in IEEE Transactions on Biomedical Engineering, two clinical trial participants with paralysis used the BrainGate system with a wireless transmitter to point, click and type on a standard tablet computer. The study showed that the wireless system transmitted signals with virtually the same fidelity as wired systems, and participants achieved similar point-and-click accuracy and typing speeds.

"We've demonstrated that this wireless system is functionally equivalent to the wired systems that have been the gold standard in BCI performance for years," said John Simeral, an assistant professor of engineering (research) at Brown University, a member of the BrainGate research consortium and the study's lead author. "The signals are recorded and transmitted with appropriately similar fidelity, which means we can use the same decoding algorithms we used with wired equipment. The only difference is that people no longer need to be physically tethered to our equipment, which opens up new possibilities in terms of how the system can be used."

The researchers say the study represents an early but important step toward a major objective in BCI research: a fully implantable intracortical system that aids in restoring independence for people who have lost the ability to move. While wireless devices with lower bandwidth have been reported previously, this is the first device to transmit the full spectrum of signals recorded by an intracortical sensor. That high-broadband wireless signal enables clinical research and basic human neuroscience that is much more difficult to perform with wired BCIs.

The new study demonstrated some of those new possibilities. The trial participants -- a 35-year-old man and a 63-year-old man, both paralyzed by spinal cord injuries -- were able to use the system in their homes, as opposed to the lab setting where most BCI research takes place. Unencumbered by cables, the participants were able to use the BCI continuously for up to 24 hours, giving the researchers long-duration data including while participants slept.

"We want to understand how neural signals evolve over time," said Leigh Hochberg, an engineering professor at Brown, a researcher at Brown's Carney Institute for Brain Science and leader of the BrainGate clinical trial. "With this system, we're able to look at brain activity, at home, over long periods in a way that was nearly impossible before. This will help us to design decoding algorithms that provide for the seamless, intuitive, reliable restoration of communication and mobility for people with paralysis."

The device used in the study was first developed at Brown in the lab of Arto Nurmikko, a professor in Brown's School of Engineering. Dubbed the Brown Wireless Device (BWD), it was designed to transmit high-fidelity signals while drawing minimal power. In the current study, two devices used together recorded neural signals at 48 megabits per second from 200 electrodes with a battery life of over 36 hours.

While the BWD has been used successfully for several years in basic neuroscience research, additional testing and regulatory permission were required prior to using the system in the BrainGate trial. Nurmikko says the step to human use marks a key moment in the development of BCI technology.

"I am privileged to be part of a team pushing the frontiers of brain-machine interfaces for human use," Nurmikko said. "Importantly, the wireless technology described in our paper has helped us to gain crucial insight for the road ahead in pursuit of next generation of neurotechnologies, such as fully implanted high-density wireless electronic interfaces for the brain."

The new study marks another significant advance by researchers with the BrainGate consortium, an interdisciplinary group of researchers from Brown, Stanford and Case Western Reserve universities, as well as the Providence Veterans Affairs Medical Center and Massachusetts General Hospital. In 2012, the team published landmark research in which clinical trial participants were able, for the first time, to operate multidimensional robotic prosthetics using a BCI. That work has been followed by a steady stream of refinements to the system, as well as new clinical breakthroughs that have enabled people to type on computers, use tablet apps and even move their own paralyzed limbs.

"The evolution of intracortical BCIs from requiring a wire cable to instead using a miniature wireless transmitter is a major step toward functional use of fully implanted, high-performance neural interfaces," said study co-author Sharlene Flesher, who was a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford and is now a hardware engineer at Apple. "As the field heads toward reducing transmitted bandwidth while preserving the accuracy of assistive device control, this study may be one of few that captures the full breadth of cortical signals for extended periods of time, including during practical BCI use."

The new wireless technology is already paying dividends in unexpected ways, the researchers say. Because participants are able to use the wireless device in their homes without a technician on hand to maintain the wired connection, the BrainGate team has been able to continue their work during the COVID-19 pandemic.

"In March 2020, it became clear that we would not be able to visit our research participants' homes," said Hochberg, who is also a critical care neurologist at Massachusetts General Hospital and director of the V.A. Rehabilitation Research and Development Center for Neurorestoration and Neurotechnology. "But by training caregivers how to establish the wireless connection, a trial participant was able to use the BCI without members of our team physically being there. So not only were we able to continue our research, this technology allowed us to continue with the full bandwidth and fidelity that we had before."

Simeral noted that, "Multiple companies have wonderfully entered the BCI field, and some have already demonstrated human use of low-bandwidth wireless systems, including some that are fully implanted. In this report, we're excited to have used a high-bandwidth wireless system that advances the scientific and clinical capabilities for future systems."

Story Source:

Materials provided by Brown University. Note: Content may be edited for style and length.

Journal Reference:

John D Simeral, Thomas Hosman, Jad Saab, Sharlene N Flesher, Marco Vilela, Brian Franco, Jessica Kelemen, David M Brandman, John G Ciancibello, Paymon G Rezaii, Emad N. Eskandar, David M Rosler, Krishna V Shenoy, Jaimie M. Henderson, Arto V Nurmikko, Leigh R. Hochberg. Home Use of a Percutaneous Wireless Intracortical Brain-Computer Interface by Individuals With Tetraplegia. IEEE Transactions on Biomedical Engineering, 2021; 1 DOI: 10.1109/TBME.2021.3069119

[pangram3]

Lovren says she doesn't regret goodbye to Anfield - more than just a swan.

Dejan Lovren, former Liverpool defender Open minded himself, never regretted having to move away from Anfield last summer. I received a message from Jürgen Klopp to say "We miss you" after the European champions faced a shortage of support since Virgil van Dijk and Joe Gomez were injured earlier this season.

After failures began to become a surplus of the team. The croats decide Ending his six-year career at Anfield and moving to Zenit St. Petersburg in Russia for £ 11m.

But after that Liverpool faced a shortage of center-back when Virgil van Dijk and Joe Gomez had long injuries left Joel Matip as the last major players to suffer further injuries. As a result, the team had to resolve the problem by taking low back Jordan Henderson and Fabinho to act as a temporary interruption.

Lovren insists he does not regret the decision to move to find a chance to start. And it's the Reds side who have struggled ever since he walked out.

"Never, I don't regret it. (Moving out) The decision to leave Liverpool in the summer was right. And I have never looked back, ”Lovren told Russian media Sport Express.

“I was disappointed last season that I didn't play. But now it's different I think it is Liverpool to miss me and Jürgen Klopp knows this feeling. Because we are in touch He sent a message not long ago that "We miss you" "

"I talked to Klopp. (After moving out) but I won't go into details. Jurgen speaks only good things. He wishes me good luck. "  สูตรรวย

Lovren had just met an old friend Findijk in Dubai this past weekend. During the trip to a physical rehabilitation program They still have a good relationship with each other. And the veteran center-back tweeted encouragement from the Dutch defender to quickly return.

[bluewatsons]

Tonya D. Lindsey, “It’ll Never Happen”: Racial Integration in California Men’s Prisons, 11 Justice Research & Pol 77 (2009)

Abstract

For much of its history, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has segregated inmates upon their arrival to a prison reception center according to race category. Inmates also participate in this segregation by maintaining their own and other inmates’ adherence to rules known as “politics.” Presently, as a result of a mediated legal agreement, the CDCR agreed to implement the Integrated Housing Program to racially integrate their adult, male inmates in two-man cells. Using logistic regression analysis, this study reveals patterns in the willingness of inmates to racially integrate. Contrary to inmates’ and officers’ beliefs, results suggest that race category is not a significant predictor of inmates’ willingness to integrate. Instead results show that inmates with safety concerns and those who are older are more willing to participate in integration and gang members are less willing to do so. A discussion of the results points to the importance of analyses that include those processed in the criminal justice system. Doing so provides important evidence that can inform criminal justice policy and practice.

For years the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has segregated adult, male inmates in cells according to four race categories: Black, White, Hispanic, and Other. In 2005, the department agreed to racially integrate its two-man cells in response to an inmate-initiated law suit and to avoid adjudication. In an environment rife with racial divisions, implementing such a program promises to be challenging. The CDCR has redesigned its intake paperwork, known as the 1882, to include criteria other than race category that may be more useful in predicting the violence expected by housing inmates from different races together. New questions on intake paperwork assist officers in using information, such as inmates’ histories of violence, in housing placements; race is no longer the most important criterion for housing placement. This study evaluates the relationship between inmates’ willingness to integrate and department predictors included on the revised 1882.1

Background

In 1995, Garrison Johnson  led suit against the state of California claiming the racial segregation policy in California prisons violated his right of equal protection under the law. He had been racially segregated five times in the California prison system during the course of his incarceration. Five years later his case was dismissed by a federal judge and then reinstated by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. At present, per a mediated agreement between Johnson’s lawyers and the CDCR’s lawyers, California prison reception centers and prisons will racially integrate inmates deemed eligible for integration.

Prior to Johnson’s lawsuit, the practice in all California prisons for men was to segregate inmates for 60 to 90 days before they were moved to permanent housing. Segregation was accomplished through dividing inmates by their race and/or gang affiliation. Though race was the primary criterion employed to segregate inmates, on rare occasions gang affiliation would trump race in the placement of an inmate; thus, a White inmate affiliated with a Black gang would be placed with Black inmates instead of with other White inmates. Once inmates were moved to permanent housing, they would again be categorically placed in cells with someone from their own race. The rationale behind such segregation was to ensure maximum safety of both inmates and officers, presuming an otherwise violent prison environment were cells to be integrated.

Where once the CDCR had no official policy concerning the issue of employing race in the housing process, there is now the following:

It is the policy of the CDCR that an offender’s race will not be used as the sole determining factor in housing its offender population. This policy will ensure housing practices, including racial integration, are made in such a manner as to ensure to the maximum extent possible that the safety, security, treatment, and rehabilitative needs of offenders are being met, as well as the safety and security of staff and the institution are maintained. All offender housing assignments shall be made on the basis of rational, objective criteria, taking into consideration each individual offender’s safety, security, and rehabilitative needs.... (CDCR In-Cell Racial Integration Plan, 2005)

Those “objective” criteria are codified in the 1882. As a result of the mediation, seven questions were added to the 1882 to guide housing assignments, with an additional six intake questions included for those inmates with previous incarcerations. All the questions are aimed specifically at determining the eligibility of inmates to be placed in racially integrated housing. The new questions seek to identify inmates who have a documented history of race violence. For example, based on information gleaned from attending integration training sessions provided to officers, a White inmate who has participated in a prison riot between White and Black inmates would be considered partially eligible to be housed with the only other two available race categories, Hispanics and Others. If inmates have no documented history of violence against a person from a race category other than their own, then they are considered eligible. Though the training officers specified how an inmate should be classified, it is unclear whether the officers that the author observed processing inmates were indeed assigning eligibility codes to them. If they were, it was also unclear as to how an inmate’s eligibility was decided.

In addition to being asked questions about their history of violence and other classification information such as race category, gang affiliation, previous incarceration, level, safety concerns, and age, during Phase I of integration inmates were also asked, “We are going to begin integrating cells. Do you mind celling with someone from a different race?” While inmates’ answers imply a choice in where they are housed, those who refuse to racially integrate during later phases of the Integrated Housing Project (IHP) will be placed in a Special Housing Unit until they agree to integrate.

California is not the first state prison system to have litigation brought against it because of the racial segregation of inmates, nor is this the only study of racial integration or racialization done in prisons. Texas, Georgia, Alabama, Kansas, and Ohio had to desegregate as a result of lawsuits (Trulson, Marquart, Hemmens, & Carroll, 2008). Empirical research about racial integration in prisons varies in its findings concerning how race impacts desegregation. Some studies indicate that integration results in violent outbreaks (Chilton, 1991; Henderson, Cullen, Carroll, & Feinberg, 2000; Taylor, 1999), while other research shows that integration decreases violence (Trulson & Marquart, 2002) or that inmates support integration (Ekland-Olson, 1986, as cited in Trulson et al., 2008; Hemmens & Marquart, 1999). Trulson and Marquart (2002) examined the impact of desegregation on inmate-to-inmate violence levels using inmate-to-inmate assault data. While they found that inter- and intra-racial violence rates decreased after racial desegregation, they concluded that the long-term decreases in the rate of violence likely resulted from more careful attention on the part of Texas correctional staff to the appropriate classification of inmates. Ekland-Olson’s (1986) and Hemmens and Marquart’s (1999) studies show that inmates’ and exmates’ (inmates released from prison) attitudes toward integration are fairly positive, and most inmates either have no objections to integration or think that integration is a good idea. More proximate to this study about racial integration is Goodman’s (2008) recent observational research conducted in two California prisons for men, from which he concludes that interactions between officers and inmates during initial intake create and maintain a racialized prison culture.

This study differs from previous studies in three ways. First, the author did not have access to prison data that indicate changes in violence rates post-integration; the author collected data during Phase I of California’s integration plan—prior to the physical integration of cells. Second, rather than survey responses, these data include inmate answers to officers about whether or not they agree to integrate as they were processed during reception. Finally, where Goodman (2008) did an observational study in two prison reception centers, the author spent time in three prisons collecting ethnographic, qualitative interview, and quantitative data. The findings presented here may potentially be useful for a state prison system faced with integrating inmates who are long accustomed to racial segregation.

Racial Politics

During the 1882 interviews observed at one prison, when the sergeant asked inmates, “We are starting integrated housing. Do you mind celling with someone from a different race?” many inmates leaned forward in the small, plastic interview chair and exclaimed, “You know the politics here!” The sergeant would then either repeat the question, be understanding, or accept the inmate’s exclamation as an answer. Whatever the sergeant’s reaction, he seemed to know what inmates meant. Subsequent face-to-face interviews by the author with officer and inmates found that “politics” directly refers to racial divisions among inmates, the physical boundaries and behavioral expectations associated with those divisions, and the gangs that enforce the political rules. The particulars of prison “politics” and race are important, because these informal rules of behavior, as described by inmates inside of the prison, organize prison culture and circumscribe everything that inmates and officers do in the prisons that were visited.

Specifically, mainline or general population inmates consistently said that the politics governing their daily activities rely heavily on inmates from different race categories remaining separate in their living quarters. In addition, these rules extend beyond living quarter restrictions and apply to where and with whom incarcerated men eat, where they play sports or go to the bathroom and shower, which exercise equipment they use, and in general to all spaces they can occupy. One inmate described his experience of prison life as follows:

Well, everything is racially oriented from who you eat with to who you talk to. I mean everything from A to Z. (White, 43, NRC, Mainline Inmate, May 24, 2007)2

Inmates also pointed out that race and gang categories are one and the same thing in their daily experiences and dictate racial politics because of gang leaders’ central locations in each race category. An inmate clarified the connection between gang and race category in the following way:

Okay now, it’s ... always a shot caller in each group. There’s always some- body who’s gonna be a shot caller for the Blacks, Whites, and Mexicans. (Black, 25, SRC, SNY Inmate, September 24, 2007)

The leaders of each race category are intimately tied to gangs because it is the seasoned gang members who have the power and clout to tell other inmates what to do and who act as shot callers. Seasoned gang members work their way up their gangs’ ranks by showing loyalty and adhering to the goals of their gangs (see Trammell, 2007). They may come from higher level prisons and yards where racial politics are stricter and the punishments for deviation from political rules can be more severe than on lower level prisons and yards.3

Separating inmates according to race categories associated with gangs makes sense from the perspective of those who officially maintain the safety and security of each facility. With the deep connection between race and gangs reported by inmates, it its understandable why officers use race category as a proxy for gang membership as they process inmates (Trulson et al., 2008). Since officers do not always know if an inmate belongs to a gang, the CDCR attempts to curb gang violence by using race category associated with a gang.

Conceptual Considerations

Since sociologists studying interaction first started theorizing how agents of people-processing organizations (see Hasenfeld, 1972) make decisions (Emerson, 1983; 1991; Emerson & Paley, 1992; Emerson & Pollner, 1976; 1978; Sudnow, 1965), a literature developed that addresses how race category affects decision making in criminal justice settings. Current research suggests that people accused of violating criminal law are filtered through a series of sieves from arrest to adjudication (Chen, 1991). Investigations of variables contributing to whether a defendant progresses from one part of the criminal justice system to the next points to the race and ethnicity of a defendant as a significant factor in how legal actors make decisions regarding arrest (Gross & Barnes, 2002), granting pre-trial releases (Demuth, 2003: Schlesinger, 2005), incarceration and sentence length (Johnson, 2003; Klein, Petersilia, & Turner, 1990; Steen, Engen, & Gainey, 2005), and departures from sentencing guidelines (Johnson, 2003).

In spite of the plethora of studies identifying how race affects official criminal justice decision making prior to incarceration, there is a paucity of information about how race categories affect decision making inside of the prison beyond how officers make disciplinary decisions (Poole & Regoli, 1980), how officers and inmates negotiate to which race category an inmate belongs (Goodman, 2008), and parole decisions (West-Smith, Pogrebin, & Poole, 2000; Metchik, 1992). Missing are studies that focus on inmate decision making. The lack of attention to inmate decision making is not surprising, because it is difficult to gain access to prisons for any kind of research (Wacquant, 2002). Though it is difficult to gain direct access to inmates, it is important to study the decisions they make in order to understand how their experiences of incarceration might influence how they make decisions.

This study employs logistic regression to reveal variables that are significant in predicting the likelihood of inmates answering “yes” or “no” to the integrated housing question. Based on reports of the salience of race and gang category in everyday prison life, and on the CDCR’s new practice of relying on inmates’ histories of violence to decide where they house them, the hypotheses are as follows:

The race category of inmates will be significantly related to their willingness to participate in the IHP.

Gang members will be significantly less willing than non-gang members to participate in the IHP.

Inmates who have a history of violence will be significantly less willing to participate in the IHP than those who do not.

Inmate Decision Making: Is Race Category Important?

This research employs a multi-methodological approach: ethnographic observation, qualitative interviews, and quantitative analysis. In particular, this article focuses on quantitative findings derived from inmate answers to the new questions posed on the 1882 at three California prisons: Southern Prison (SP), Southern Reception Center (SRC), and Northern Reception Center (NRC).4 The choice of prisons reflects expected differences in Northern and Southern California race relations.

The Prisons

The prisons vary according to how old they are, what level inmates they house, reception or non-reception status, and where they are located (see Table 1). Southern Prison, built in the 1990s, is a newer facility housing mainline5 inmates classified as level I, III, or IV and it has an Administrative Segregation Unit (AdSeg or ASU).6 Both NRC and SRC, built in the mid-twentieth century, have a reception center and both house mainline inmates who are level I or II. The difference in ages of the prisons is most obvious in their control mechanisms. The newer the prison is, the more likely it is to have automatic security gates and doors versus doors operated by keys, and older prisons have classic bars while newer ones have solid doors.

Table 1. Age, Size, and Type of Prison

Non-reception prisons are distinct from prisons with reception centers in that the latter is the temporary place an inmate begins his prison journey once he violates parole or is tried, convicted, and sentenced, and the former is where he goes once he leaves reception. Inmates entering the prison system must first be classified at a reception center with a stay of up to 90 days. During this time correctional staff observe their behaviors, and a counselor’s review of an inmate’s criminal record and life, medical, and social history determines that inmate’s custody level, and, ultimately, the prison in which he will be placed for the duration of his sentence.7 The custody level also assists in the specification of jobs and privileges inmates are afforded once they leave reception. During reception, visits, phone calls, and prison store privileges are suspended or severely limited until an inmate arrives at his destination prison.

Northern and Southern locations were chosen to uncover any differences between Northern and Southern California inmates in regard to race and ethnic relations. Differences were expected because rival Hispanic gangs, Norteños and Surreños, identify with Northern or Southern California, respectively, and Norteños ally with Black inmates and gangs while Surreños side with White inmates and gangs. Norteños are almost always housed in Northern prisons, while Surreños are found in both Southern and Northern prisons.8 The crossover and alliances are fertile ground for the experience of racial and ethnic politics to differ between Northern to Southern California facilities.

Data Collection and Sample

The author’s role alternated between that of the silent observer of everyday interactions between officers and inmates during the Receiving and Release (R and R) interview where officers deployed the 1882, and observer as participant, where brief interaction occurred at a subject’s request (Lo and & Lo and, 1995; Layder & Davidson, 1994). The data are detailed accounts of the interactions between officer and inmate as officers asked inmates the new 1882 questions. Specifically, questions of officers asked inmates from the 1882 were reproduced on sheets of paper for the researcher to record inmates’ responses to each question as they answered the officer interviewing them. Ethnographic notes about what else was going on in R and R during each 1882 interview were also jotted in the margins. Later these notes were converted into ethnographic data.

Data were gathered about inmates as they arrived at each prison’s reception area. Although data were collected from 291 inmate interviews with officers, missing data resulted in 203 usable 1882 interviews for this analysis (see Table 2). While it is ideal to generate a random sample derived from a list of the entire population under study, the author did not have permission from the CDCR to choose which inmates were seen during the 1882 interview. It is assumed that the inmates arrived in no particular order and that missing data were unrelated to any one variable used in this analysis. As such, the sample could be considered a random sample.9

Table 2. Inmate Racial/Ethnic Distribution by Prison

To compare the sample (n = 203) to the overall population, known characteristics of the larger adult male prison population from December 2007 were compared to these same characteristics in the sample along three variables—race and ethnicity, previous incarceration, and age (see Table 3). The researcher com- pared the sample and population along just three of the measured variables because official, aggregated data from the CDCR about other variables are unavailable.

The data reported in Table 3 show that the sample is different than the larger population represented in the aggregated CDCR data. However, as Jenness, Maxson, Matsuda, and Sumner (2007) point out, statistically significant differences between small samples and large populations such as the CDCR’s are likely to emerge, and thus “it is more informative to examine the magnitude of differences between the total CDCR population and the randomly selected sample,” (p. 23). Along two variables—age and race/ethnicity—the magnitude of difference is small. For example, there is only a three-year difference between the mean age of the population and the sample. However, this three-year difference may indicate that the sample includes younger inmates than the population it represents does.

Further, there is only a 1.2%, .1%, .7%, and 2.0% difference between the population and the sample for White, Hispanic, Black, and Other, respectively. Again, the magnitude of difference between the sample and the population is small. However, this difference may again indicate that the sample does not represent the larger population.

Table 3. A Comparison of Characteristics of the CDCR Adult Male Prison Population and the Sample Total Adult Male Usable Prison Population 2007 Random Sample

The largest difference occurs when comparing the population to the sample based on the previous incarceration variable; there is roughly a 10% difference between this sample and the population.10 Thus, the results presented in the logistic regression analysis over-sample new admissions and under-sample those who have been previously incarcerated.

Data, Measures, Methods, and Results

This analysis uses logistic regression analysis to predict the dichotomous mea- sure of the integrated housing question. Logistic regression is preferable to a linear regression because it corrects for homoscedasticity and normality of disturbance in linear regression models employing a binary, dependant variable (Allison, 1999).

The variables included in the models reflect the inmate-reported importance of race and gang membership in prison, history of violence (because it is used by the CDCR to determine eligibility for the IHP), and other information taken from the 1882.

A concern in any regression is that multicollinearity may be occurring among the independent variables. In this study, there was a concern that specific race categories and gang membership may co-vary. This could be especially true for Hispanic and White inmates because interviews revealed that members from these two race categories reported having stricter politics related to gang activity. To address this possibility, crosstabs were generated for each of the race categories and gang membership. It was found that Hispanic and White inmates are significantly associated with gang membership. However, associations do not mean that the models will suffer from multicollinearity once the relationships between all of the independent variables are measured. To test for multicollinearity, a linear regression was performed to check the variance inflation factor (VIF) for each of the independent variables. It is recommended that for logistic regression the VIF should be a number lower than 2.5 (Allison, 1999) if multicollinearity is not an issue.11 VIFs for each of the independent variables in this study are less than 2.5; multicollinearity is not an issue, though the variable “Hispanic” has a VIF of 2 and is approaching the threshold for concern.12 Thus, because of the VIF for “Hispanic” and the results from the cross tabulations, the final model includes interaction terms for each race category and gang membership.

Dependent Variable. The binary, dependant variable reflects how inmates answer the question, “We are starting in-cell integration. Will you cell with someone from a different race?” taken from the R and R interview where the implementation of the new 1882 was observed. The measure “integrated housing” captures inmates’ willingness to live in a cell with someone from a different race category than their own. The variable is coded 0 if an inmate refused to integrate and 1 if he agreed. Sixty-three inmates answered “yes” (31%) and 140 (69%) answered “no.”

There was little uniformity in how inmates received knowledge about the IHP prior to being asked the question described above. None of the inmates observed during the housing interview had been previously asked the integrated housing question described above either because it was their first time in prison or because it is a wholly new question included on the revised 1882. As such, many inmates were unaware of the IHP, despite the fact that inmates are supposed to view an IHP video.13 Further, in face-to-face interviews, when inmates were asked what they knew about racial integration, only one claimed knowledge of it based on pamphlets the CDCR distributed; all other inmates either claimed ignorance of the IHP, expressed shock that it would be a plan that the CDCR would want to implement, asked the author to explain to them what it is, or said that it was during the intake interview where they first learned of the program. Inmates’ knowledge of IHP was uneven at best during the time data were collected, and their answers recorded here as the outcome variable likely represent their initial responses to finding out about the program.

Results from this analysis may lack reliability because these same inmates’ answers to the integrated housing question could be different once the IHP becomes more well-known and talked about among inmates and officers. As it is, the results reported here are based on a snapshot in time prior to any establishment or knowledge of a routinized answer. If inmates had had more knowledge of IHP prior to intake and the 1882 interview, then a political rule may have developed (and still might) in response to the CDCR’s change in practice; inmates may have had a different answer prepared than the one they reported during the time data were collected. To collect this same data today, years later, from these same inmates might render a different result. Nonetheless, the data presented here may also be considered more robust because “normal” practices (see Sudnow, 1965) such as those described above had yet to be established.

Independent Variables. The independent variables are derived from questions asked on the 1882 and inmates’ responses to them: race categories, gang member- ship, previous incarceration, level of inmate, safety concerns, history of violence, and age (see Table 4). Inmates’ race categories are derived from CDCR racial designations found on travel manifests.14 Gang membership, safety concerns, and history of violent behavior are constructed from inmates’ self-reported answers to officers’ questions.15 Age, previous incarceration, and level of inmate are derived

Table 4. Summary of Independent Variables

“Level” of inmates is operationalized as a series of dummy variables split into “higher level,” “lower level,” or “other level,” where an inmate is coded 1 if he belongs to one of the categories and 0 if he does not. Higher level is the reference category. Inmates were divided into two categories, “higher” and “lower,” for two reasons: 1) Not one inmate in the sample was Level II, and, 2) to examine whether there was a difference between higher and lower level inmates in how they answered officers. An inmate’s level is determined by the number of points he has. The CDCR determines inmates’ levels by adding points indicating how violent their crimes are to points they garner for bad behavior once inside of a prison; more points equal placement in higher level prisons and prison yards. Thus, a lower level inmate is assumed to have a lower propensity for violence than a higher level inmate.

If an inmate told officers that he has an enemy, is a Special Needs Yard (SNY) inmate, or has any other “safety concerns,” his answer is coded 1, and if he re- ported no enemy or safety issues, it is coded 0. “History of violence” is a combination of inmates’ answers to questions officers ask about riot participation, in-cell violence, aggression toward inmates or officers, and single-celling.16 The variable is coded 1 if the answer to any one of the previous questions was “yes” and 0 if the subject answered “no” to all of them. While “history of violence” does capture what it reports to, no specific information was available to determine if the history of violence is race related. “Age” is a continuous variable from 18 to 65.

Models and Results. Inmate descriptives for each of the variables included in the models are as follows (see Table 5): The mean age of the inmates from the sample is 34 years with a standard deviation of 10, and the median is 32. There are 81 (39.9%) lower level inmates, 91 (44.8%) higher level inmates, and 31 (15.3%) other level inmates. One hundred and twenty-seven (62.6%) inmates claimed a gang affiliation, 27 (13.3% ) expressed safety concerns, 132 (65%) had been incarcerated before, and 70 (34.5%) reported a history of violent behavior.

The large number of inmates claiming gang membership in this study is in contrast to smaller numbers reported by past researchers with a robust research design

Table 5. Descriptives

(Jenness, Maxson, Sumner, & Matsuda, 2009). According to Jenness et al., the CDCR classifies 13.1% of its inmate population as gang members.17 Compared to the 62.6% reported here, one must wonder how to account for the variation. This variation is likely because of how “gang membership” is de ned in each study. In the of cial CDCR records that Jenness et al. (2007) based their percentage on, inmates are considered gang members if they are of cially validated as such in records. Thus, the gang members in their study are categorized as such because the CDCR has documented their gang membership. In this study, an inmate is a gang member based on his self-report to of cers when asked to identify his gang affiliation, if any, during the 1882 interview. If an inmate answered “Surreño” or “Crip,” etc., then he was marked as a gang member. The self-reporting of gang affiliation is arguably a more accurate measure of the number of gang members in prison than only counting officially validated gang members. There are likely many more gang members than the CDCR has officially validated.

Tables 6 and 7 report give logistic regression models of the independent measures. Model 1 is a logistic regression of racial/ethnic classification on the integrated housing question. The second model builds on the first by adding gang membership.

Table 6. Logistic Regressions of Race, Gang, and History of Violence

Model 3 includes history of violence, followed by Model 4, which contains previous incarceration, inmate level, history of violence, safety concerns, and age. The final model tests for interaction effects of race and gang membership.

Model 1 shows that none of the independent variables for the race categories is significant (see Table 6). The Omnibus Tests of Model Coefficients results in a chi-square of 2.42 that is nonsignificant at the p < .05 level; adding the dummy variables for race category does not significantly increase the ability of the model to predict inmates’ answers to the integrated housing question, and 2% of the variance is explained by including only race categories in the model (R2 = .02).18 The Hosmer and Lemeshow Test indicates that the data  t the model well (chi-square is nonsignificant). The model only correctly classifies 69% of the inmates. Despite the observation that the variables  t the model well and contrary to officers’ and inmates’ assumptions, race category is not a determinant variable in how willing an inmate is to integrate. The hypothesis that race category is a significant variable associated with inmates’ willingness to integrate is unsupported.

Model 2 demonstrates the effect of adding gang membership to the model. The chi-square (8.75) calculated from the Omnibus Tests of Model Coefficients once again shows that adding the variables to the model does not significantly increase the ability of the model to predict inmates’ answers. However, the difference be- tween the first and second models’ -2 log likelihood statistic is moderate (6.32), and indicates that the expanded model is doing a better job. The increase in R2 (.06) tells us that this model explains three times the variance than the previous model. The percentage of inmates classified by the model remains the same (69%). The data continue to  t Model 2 well, and gang membership emerges as a significant predictor variable (p < .05). When controlling for race category, a gang member is half as likely as a non-gang member to answer “yes” to the integrated housing question. The first hypothesis continues to be unsupported, while the second—that a gang member will be significantly less likely than a non-gang member to agree to integrate—is supported.

Adding history of violence to Model 3 explains no more of the variance in in- mates’ answers (R2 = .06) than Model 3, and Omnibus Tests find that adding this variable to the model does not significantly increase its ability to predict the dependant variable (chi-square = 8.79). The difference between the second and third model’s -2 log likelihood is very small (.04) and the number of inmates correctly classified remains the same (69%). The third hypothesis, that inmates who have a history of violence will be significantly less willing to participate in the IHP than those who do not, is unsupported. Gang membership remains the only significant predictor variable.

Adding levels, previous incarceration, safety concerns, and age to Model 4 (see Table 7) significantly increases the model’s ability to predict the dependant variable. Twenty percent of the variance is explained (R2= .20), and the data continue to  t the model well. The decrease in the -2 log likelihood statistic is large (22.31), indicating that this model does a much better job of predicting outcomes. Seventy-six percent of the cases are correctly predicted, and safety concerns and age emerge as significant figures. Again, only the second hypothesis is supported.

Table 7. Logistic Regressions of Additional Demographic Variables and Interaction Terms

Model 5 includes the interaction terms for each race category and gang membership included in the model. Including the interaction terms explains little more of the variance (R2 = .02). The new variables, however, do significantly increase the model’s ability to predict inmates’ answers (Omnibus Tests chi-square = 35.81), and the data continue to  t the model well. The difference between the fourth and fifth models -2 log likelihood is moderate (4.71) and indicates that adding the interaction terms to the model assists in indicating how an inmate will answer the question; 76% of inmates’ answers continue to be correctly classified by the model. Hispanic gang members are more than nine times more likely than the reference group, White gang members, to answer “yes” to integrated housing.

Discussion

In most studies that seek to understand how agents of the criminal justice system process people inducted into it, the polestar is often how race category relates to processing outcomes. While there are some studies describing these processing outcomes inside of prison from the perspective of official decision makers, little is known about the relationship between incarcerated men’s decision making and their race category. Officers and inmates participating in this study believe that race category is related to an inmate’s willingness to integrate because, in their experience, there are rampant racial divisions with serious repercussions for inmates who deviate from them. The CDCR new policy requires that its two-man cells be racially integrated and that the practice of using race category as the primary criterion for housing placement be discontinued. Instead, inmates’ histories of violence are now supposed to decenter the prominence of race in housing placements. Results from this study indicate that despite the expectation that race is the most important factor affecting inmates’ attitudes toward integration (and possible potential for violence if integrated) and that history of violence may be a better means to evaluate inmates’ potential to disrupt the IHP, it is more important to consider inmates’ gang membership, safety concerns, and age as related to housing placement. This is not to suggest that histories of violence should be ignored or that race category will be. Rather, it is to suggest that based on the evidence, inmates’ gang memberships, ages, and safety concerns may play more important roles in the success of the IHP.

The results of this study do more than inform practical suggestions; they also pertain to theories of people-processing organizations and decision making. While this literature focuses on official decision making, it is important to measure incarcerated people’s not-so-official decision making as a means to inform policy and practice. Ignoring the experiences of incarcerated people and those being processed by the criminal justice system leaves a gap in the evidence that could inform ways to process people and preserve the safety and security of people in facilities.

Further, evidence presented here points to the incongruence between the ev- eryday importance of race in criminal justice processing and how people make decisions; race plays less of a role in how incarcerated men make decisions than expected. Racial politics do define how people experience prison. However, even in light of the expected dangers of integrating two-man cells by race, race categories do not bear on inmates’ attitudes as much as other variables.

That none of the race category coefficients is significant in predicting how inmates answer is interesting considering the racial politics described by inmates. One would believe from talking to inmates (and officers) that race would be highly significant in predicting a “no” answer to racially integrating in cells. Even more interesting is that up until the CDCR crafted the new racial integration policy in response to Johnson’s lawsuit, officers employed the race category of an inmate as the primary sorting criterion when making housing decisions because race serves as a proxy for gang membership. From the results reported here, race category, separated from gang membership, has little to do with predicting inmates’ attitudes toward racial integration. In contrast, once race category and gang membership are combined, the odds of Hispanic inmates who are gang members agreeing to integrate are 932% higher than for White gang members. This is a surprising  finding because one of Hispanic gang members’ normal practices is to avoid inmates from outside of their race category.

When new practices, such as the IHP, are introduced, people must make sense of them as they are incorporated into their daily activities (see Heimer, 2001). During this study, Hispanic inmates explained that another of the rules they must follow is to always accept a cellmate. Thus, when many of them answered the integrated housing question, they may have said “yes” because of this rule. The normal practices of Hispanics accepting a cellmate and of avoiding inmates from a different race category conflict in the light of the IHP. The author suspects that Hispanic gang members agreed to integrate more often than White gang members because their normal practices have yet to be modi ed to accommodate the IHP. If the CDCR continues with the IHP, Hispanic shot callers will likely modify their “politics” to accommodate the new practice. For instance, the new rule may be that Hispanics can decline to have a cellmate—something more likely to happen than the modi cation of Hispanic politics to allow their members to have a non-Hispanic cellmate. It is important to remember that His- panic gang members are more likely than White gang members—not all White inmates—to agree to integrate. Gang membership (not race category) remains the operative predictor of inmate willingness to participate in the IHP because it is significant in this analysis.

Overall, gang members from any race category are half as likely as a non-gang member to agree to racially integrate in their housing quarters.19 While it may be considered safer by the CDCR to segregate inmates by race to avoid violence perpetrated by gangs, the logistic regression in this study clearly indicates that race is not a significant predictor of inmates’ answers to the integrated housing question. The CDCR may want to separate gang members, not inmates from the races which they represent, from the general population before beginning integration.20 This may be especially important considering most inmates revealed in face-to-face interviews that gang members often serve as the shot callers who instigate violence by enforcing the racial divisions that serve their gangs.

The odds of an inmate with safety concerns agreeing to integrate are 535% higher than inmates’ without safety concerns. That this finding is a significant statistic according to the logistic regression is not surprising because officers place inmates with safety concerns on Special Needs Yards where the racial divisions of the mainline subside—they are already integrated. Thus, inmates who are gang drop-outs, snitches, child molesters, and rapists have little problem with the idea of racial integration because the alternative would be to return to a mainline yard or housing unit and risk death or serious bodily harm under the political protocol of whatever race they belong to.

Finally, age is a significant predictor of how an inmate answers the integrated housing question, and for each additional year an inmate lives, the odds of him agreeing to integrated housing are 3.6 higher than for someone who is one year younger. It is probable that as inmates get older they are more likely to want to stay out of trouble as they serve their time. This is supported by older inmates, who often described that it is the younger incarcerated men who participate heavily in “politics,” and by younger inmates, who sometimes described older inmates as wanting to be left alone to follow their personal daily program.

Conclusions and Implications

“Evidenced-based research” is a buzz phrase used by CDCR administrators that refers to informing institutional practices and policy with data-driven analyses and implementing programs that are supported by robust research. The data presented here do not support the practice of segregating inmates by race as a proxy for gang membership and thus violence. Instead, results point to employing criteria other than race category in decision making.

The primary assumption challenged by this evidence is officers’ and inmates’ expectations that race category is the most important reason inmates elect to racially segregate in their housing. Instead, results from this study point to gang membership, safety concerns, and age as significant predictors in how an inmate answers the integrated housing question. Gang members are less likely than non-gang members to agree to racially integrated housing. Consequently, it may be more practical for officers to separate known and self-reported gang members from the general population prior to the de facto integration of cells. Despite the fact that results from the logistic regression in this study do not reflect the relationship between gang membership and violence, the interview data gathered from inmates indicate that gang members foment most of the violence related to racial politics as they act as enforcers. Separating gang members from the general population before integrating cells may assist in avoiding gang-motivated violence that often appears as racially motivated violence because of racial divisions.

Where gang members in prison may have problems with racial integration, in- mates with safety concerns will likely have few issues with it. There is little wonder in this finding because inmates with safety concerns have limited choices: They can be returned to the general population mainline or locked up if they refuse to comply with the CDCR’s programs. If they return to the mainline, then they risk death or serious bodily injury. To avoid this possibility, they may choose to comply with the IHP. At each of the prisons visited, the SNY inmates were already sleeping on integrated bunks, and, of those interviewed, no one seemed to mind. In addition, the fact that more mainline housing units are being converted to SNYs indicates that dropping out of gangs and/or other safety concerns are on the rise (Quinones, 2005). It is likely that with more inmates living in SNYs, integrated housing will be less of a problem there.

Officers may want to watch younger inmates closely; the results from the logistic regression analysis indicate the odds increase that inmates will agree to integrated housing as they get older. This finding is complemented by inmates’ reports that younger inmates are more volatile and that older inmates often just want to “do their time” with few problems. Perhaps younger inmates are less likely to agree to integrated housing because they have something to prove and want to make a name for themselves; they are willing to “buck the system” to gain reputation. Conversely, older inmates may just want to follow the CDCR’s program, not cause any trouble by “bucking the system,” and be left alone.

Analytically, depending on what is at stake, it may be more useful to under- stand race and gangs as operating differently in practice. Officers do use race as a proxy for gang membership as they decide where an inmate should be placed for housing, and this can be useful since separating inmates by race captures most of the gang members. In contrast, inmates living in the present prison culture experience gangs and race as the same thing because gang members enforce strict rules of behavior on members of the race category to which they belong. However, when inmates make decisions about whom they will house with, race ceases to be significant, but gang membership remains important. While it may be argued that employing race as a proxy for gang membership should continue in practice because officers cannot tell who is a gang member and who is not upon intake, the lawsuit and mediated agreement support changing this practice, and there is little evidence provided by this study to support this practice. Further, placing all eligible inmates in integrated housing may encourage gang members to report their affiliations during intake so officers can legitimately separate them as gang members rather than by race category.

Whether the CDCR will focus more on separating inmates claiming a gang affiliation, as well as their validated gang members, remains to be seen. What is more obvious are the responses of experts and Public Information Officers (PIO) to a recent riot in the Chino Institute for Men (CIM). Some blame this riot on IHP (see Moore, 2009), overcrowding (Williams & Santa Cruz, 2009), maximum and minimum security inmates mingling (Williams & Santa Cruz, 2009), and idleness that is a result of the decrease in programming and inmates’ access to their families (Moore, 2009), among other factors. Whatever the reasons for the riot, most prison staff believe that it was in response to integrating cells at CIM.

It is unclear how the CDCR is currently implementing the IHP. A PIO at a Northern facility said that he thought it was being implemented first at lower level facilities such as Mule Creek and Sierra. Has integration happened at CIM? Did officers separate all inmates who refused to integrate into SHU programs as required by the IHP plan? If CIM is integrating, could officers there have separated gang members from the general population, as this study suggests they should, prior to integrating? Do the ubiquitous negative attitudes of officers toward IHP have anything to do with the seeming failure of the plan at CIM?21 What other outcomes are related to the de facto integration of cells? Answers to these questions and more should be investigated before any conclusions are drawn about the reason for the riot at CIM, before the IHP is suspended, and before further implementation of this program transpires.

Footnotes

While it would be interesting to understand the effects of racial integration and if these effects vary for different groups, the author does not have data rejecting such outcomes.

(Race category, Age, Prison, Mainline or Special Needs Yard Inmate, and Date of Interview)

One inmate on a level-one yard who was housed in an honor dorm explained that inside of his dorm he and other inmates from different races could play cards with each other, but if they went outside on the yard they could not play basketball together in case an inmate from another dorm saw them. If they were seen, they could eventually suffer retaliation from members of their own race. Thus, while rules regarding race and fraternization may be more lax on lower level yards or in honor dorms, there can still be far reaching consequences for violating political regulations. Penalties for deviating from “political” rules are left up to shot callers for each race. It is at the whim of shot callers which rules are enforced—no matter which yard, cell, or dorm an inmate inhabits.

All prison names are pseudonyms to protect the anonymity of research subjects.

Mainline refers to inmates who have no special needs (e.g., rapists, gang drop-outs, child molesters), are not behavior problems, and who have no serious mental health issues.

Inmates assigned to higher level housing are subject to stricter monitoring than those assigned to lower level housing.

Inmates are sometimes moved from the prison in which they are originally housed. As a part of people processing, those who are involved in race riots or other violent behavior are sometimes relocated to different prisons after serving a short time in the “hole” or administrative segregation (AdSeg). Their placement after leaving AdSeg is determined by an Institutional Review Committee headed up by the Warden of the prison and other high-ranking supervisors or managers.

The crossover is likely related to the increase in Surreño population in Northern California.

Despite these assumptions, it is possible that because of missing data and the chance that inmates arrived at the prisons in some particular order, the sample is less than generalizable.

The population percentage and number of previously incarcerated inmates are derived from available CDCR data regarding new admissions. Thus, the number of new admissions was subtracted from the total 2007 adult male population to find the overall number of inmates who were previously incarcerated. The number of previously incarcerated inmates was then divided by the total number of adult males incarcerated to calculate the percentage. (Data based on Carr & Atkinson, 2008.)

The variance inflation factor is the reciprocal of the tolerance level; thus, where Allison (1999) suggests a tolerance level above .4, the concurrent VIF threshold is below 2.5 if multicollinearity is not an issue (see page 141).

That previous incarceration, level, and history of violence are nonsignificant, and, according to tests for multicollinearity, the fact that they do not co-vary with gang membership or any of the other variables in this analysis is interesting. It would be easy to hypothesize, for instance, that previous incarceration and gang membership are related in that an inmate is more likely to be a gang member if he has been incarcerated before. However, at least as far as the data presented here reveal, there is not an interaction between gang membership and previous incarceration with respect to inmates’ willingness to integrate. Again, it may be that the data are skewed due to inmates’ lack of knowledge as well as to the fact that there are no established “normal” practices found in inmate politics regarding IHP.

It is debatable whether inmates watched the video at the one prison where the author saw it played.

CDCR classifications are not always the same as an inmate’s self-reported race or ethnicity. Eleven inmates reported different racial or ethnic classifications than the travel manifests. CDCR manifest classifications are included in this analysis because the CDCR’s classifications for inmates are more complete than inmates’ self-classifications. For an interesting analysis of how using reported and perceived racial/ethnic category differs, see Campbell and Troyer (2007).

Self-reported data are problematic because inmates could lie to officers. One way to verify inmates’ answers is to check their central files (C-files). Each C-file contains accumulated, detailed information about individual inmates. The C-files were inaccessible for this study, but officers at SP did have access and verified particulars on inmates’ 1882s before inmates answered intake questions. Officers at reception centers such as NRC and SRC do not receive C-files until weeks after inmates’ arrivals; thus, the veracity of all answers could be considered suspect as with any self-reported data—inmate derived or not.

Single-celling is an indication of violence because inmates who are behavior problems or are threats to others are sometimes single-celled.

This percentage is based on rosters from six prisons.

The Nagelkerke R-Square.

This likelihood may eventually be larger once Hispanic shot callers modify their politics to accommodate the IHP.

This suggestion assumes that gang members’ likelihood to refuse to integrate is an indication of violence once integrated.

See Glisson (2002) about the relationship between organizational context and implementation of programs.

References

Allison, P. (1999). Multiple regression: A primer. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press.

Campbell, M. E., & Troyer, L. (2007). Racial misclassification. American Socio- logical Review, 72(5), 750–765.

Carr, L. J., & Atkinson, J. R. (2008). California prisoners and parolees, 2007. Retrieved from http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Reports_Research/Offender_Informa-tion_Services_Branch/Annual/CalPris/CALPRISd2007.pdf.

CDCR In-Cell Integration Plan. (2005). Unpublished document. Sacramento: California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.

Chen, H. (1991). Dropping in and dropping out: Judicial decisionmaking in the disposition of felony arrests. Journal of Criminal Justice, 19(1), 1–17.

Chilton, B. (1991). Prisons under the gavel: The federal court takeover of Georgia prisons. Toronto, Canada: Lexington Books.

Demuth, S. (2003). Racial and ethnic differences in pretrial release decisions and outcomes: A comparison of Hispanic, black, and white felony arrests. Criminology, 41(3), 873–908.

Ekland-Olson, S. (1986). Crowding, social control, and prison violence: Evidence from the post Ruiz years in Texas. Law & Society Review, 20(3), 389–421 .

Emerson, R. M. (1983). Holistic effects in social control decision-making. Law & Society Review, 17(3), 425–456.

Emerson, R. M. (1991). Case processing and interorganizational knowledge: De- tecting the ‘real reasons’ for referrals. Social Problems, 38(2), 198–212.

Emerson, R. M., & Paley, B. (1992). Organizational horizons in complaint  ling. In K. Hawkins (Ed.), The uses of discretion. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Emerson, R. M., & Pollner, M. (1976). Dirty work designations: Their features and consequences in a psychiatric setting. Social Problems, 23(3), 243–254 .

Emerson, R. M., & Pollner, M. (1978). Policies and practices of psychiatric case selection. Sociology of Work and Occupations, 5(1), 75–96.

Glisson, C. (2002). The organizational context of children’s mental health services. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 5(4), 233–253.

Goodman, P. (2008). “It’s just black, white, or Hispanic”: An observational study of racializing moves in California’s prison reception centers. Law & Society Review, 42(4), 735–770.

Gross, S. R., & Barnes, K. Y. (2002). Road work: Racial pro ling and drug inter- diction on the highway. Michigan Law Review, 101(3), 651–754 .

Hasenfeld, Y. (1972). People processing organizations: An exchange approach. American Sociological Review, 37(3), 256–263.

Heimer, C. A. (2001). Cases and biographies: An essay on routinization and the nature of comparison. Annual Review of Sociology, 27, 47–76.

Hemmens, C., & Marquart, J. W. (1999). The impact of inmate characteristics on perceptions of race relations in prison. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 43, 230–247.

Henderson, M. L., Cullen, F. T., Carroll, L., & Feinberg, W. (2000). Race, rights, and order in prison: A national survey of wardens on the racial integration of prison cells. The Prison Journal, 80(3), 295–308.

Jenness, V., Maxson, C.L., Matsuda, K.N, & Sumner, J.M. (2007). Violence in California correctional facilities: An empirical examination of sexual assault. Report submitted to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.

Jenness, V., Maxson, C. L., Sumner, J. M., & Matsuda, K. N. (2009). Accomplish- ing the difficult but not the impossible: Collecting self-report data on inmate-on-inmate assault in prison. Manuscript submitted for publication.

Johnson, B. D. (2003). Racial and ethnic disparities in sentencing departures across modes of conviction. Criminology, 41(2), 449–490.

Klein, S., Petersilia, J., & Turner, S. (1990). Race and imprisonment decisions in California. Science, 247(4944), 812–816.

Layder, D., & Davidson, J. O. (1994). Methods, sex, and madness. New York: Taylor and Francis.

Lo and, J., & Lo and, L. (1995). Analyzing social settings. California: Wadsworth. Metchik, E. (1992). Judicial views of parole decision processes: A social science perspective. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 18(1-2), 335–357.

Moore, S. (2009, August 9). Hundreds hurt in California prison riot. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/10/us/10prison.html?emc=eta1.

Poole, E. D., & Regoli, R. M. (1980). Race, institutional rule breaking, and disci- plinary response: A study of discretionary decision making in prison. Law and Society Review, 14(4) 931–946.

Quinones, S. (2005, September 15). Easing the hard time. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from http://articles.latimes.com/2005/sep/16/local/me-prison16.

Schlesinger, T. (2005). Racial and ethnic disparity in pretrial criminal processing. Justice Quarterly, 22(2), 179–192.

Steen, S., Engen, R. L., & Gainey, R. R. (2005). Images of danger and culpability: Racial stereotyping, case processing, and criminal sentencing. Criminology, 43(2), 435–468.

Sudnow, D. (1965). Normal crimes: Sociological features of the penal code in a public defender office. Social Problems, 12(3), 255–276.

Taylor, W. B. (1999). Down on Parchman’s Farm: The great prison in the Mississippi delta. Ohio: Ohio State University Press.

Trammell, R. (2007). Accounts of violence and social control: Organized violence and negotiated control in California prisons. University of California, Irvine. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com.proxy.library.ucsb.edu:2048/pqdweb?index=1&did=1375540741&SrchMode=1&sid=2&Fmt=6&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1264014384&clientId=480512014&FMT=7&DID=1375540741&RQT=309&attempt=1&cfc=1.

Trulson, C, & Marquart, J.W. (2002). The caged melting pot: Toward an under- standing of the consequences of desegregation in prison. Law & Society Review, 36(4), 743–782.

Trulson, C., Marquart, J., Hemmens, C., & Carroll, L. (2008). Racial desegregation in prisons. The Prison Journal, 88(2), 270–299.

Wacquant, L. (2002). The curious eclipse of prison ethnography in the age of mass-incarceration. Ethnography, 3(4), 371–397.

West-Smith, M., Pogrebin, M. R., & Poole, E. D. (2000). Denial of parole: An inmate perspective. Federal Probation, 64(2), 3–10.

Williams, C., & Santa Cruz, N. (2009). Prison officials had warning that a disturbance was likely in Chino. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from http://articles.latimes.com/2009/aug/11/local/me-prison-riot11.

[perfectirishgifts]

A ‘K-Shaped’ Recovery? Here’s The Vegas Economic Report For December 2020

New Post has been published on https://perfectirishgifts.com/a-k-shaped-recovery-heres-the-vegas-economic-report-for-december-2020/

A ‘K-Shaped’ Recovery? Here’s The Vegas Economic Report For December 2020

LAS VEGAS, NEVADA – SEPTEMBER 16: Justin Lowers takes photos of Whitney Jacocks as she auditions … [] for a Dancing Dealers position for Circa Resort & Casino held at the Downtown Las Vegas Events Center on September 16, 2020 in Las Vegas, Nevada. Dancing Dealers will split their time between go-go dancing and dealing cards at Circa’s table game areas in its two-story casino. The 1.25 million-square-foot, 777-room property is scheduled to open in downtown Las Vegas at midnight on October 28, 2020. (Photo by Ethan Miller/Getty Images)

After an unprecedented, pandemic-caused shutdown during the spring of 2020, Las Vegas continues its slow recovery. Sin City aims to manage the coronavirus pandemic until vaccines begin arriving for the most vulnerable people, hopefully before New Year’s.

US overview. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the third quarter jumped an unprecedented 33.1%. This partly reflected a better-than-expected recovery from the pandemic – at least temporarily – but also how dramatically the economy shut down around the US during the second quarter from April through June – a historically worst drop of 31.4%. GDP still remained 3.5% below its peak in the final quarter of 2019.

The national unemployment rate in October fell to 6.9% unadjusted, down from 7.9% in October and 6.6% adjusted – higher than last year but still far lower than most dire pandemic forecasts. But unemployment jumped 20% higher in the first week of December, as coronavirus shutdowns increased around the US. Roughly half were freelance or gig workers.

Note: All data below comes from the Center for Business and Economic Research (CBER) monthly report at my alma mater the University of Nevada, Las Vegas unless noted.

Las Vegas, Nevada. “Although the U.S. economy has shown strong recovery boosted by fiscal and monetary stimulus,” CBER director Stephen Miller writes, “the sustainability of the recovery remains uncertain as supplemental unemployment benefits expired, which may raise the possibility of a ‘K-shaped’ recovery.” This is an economic recovery that, unlike V-shaped (short, sharp, rapid recovery) or U-shaped (long recovery) recovers at significantly different rates for different sectors.

This appears to be exactly what we are seeing in Las Vegas.

Diagram of a K-shaped economic recovery due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Nevada unemployment is running at 12.6% overall, but with a big difference between north and south. According to Nevada’s Department of Employment, Training and Rehabilitation’s (DETR) monthly report, northern Nevada – Reno’s Washoe County, more diversified with mining an often counter-cyclical industry – is running at 6.9% unemployment, similar to the US average.

But the situation is very different in tourism-dependent Clark County, which includes the entire Vegas Valley of Las Vegas, Henderson, and North Las Vegas. Unemployment peaked in April at an unprecedented 34.2%, higher than the Great Depression, Great Recession, or any other time in the city’s boom-and-bust history. It improved the next six months – dropping to 15.6% in August, 14.8% in September, and 12% in October. After adding 3600 jobs, Vegas was still down 117,000 jobs from October 2019, when unemployment sat at only 3.7%. Over 185,000 people remain looking for work, and many more are hustling any work they can find. About 58% of the jobs lost during the pandemic have been regained, at least for the time being.

Chart shows skyrocketed unemployment in the Vegas Valley of southern Nevada.

Public finances. The state unemployment fund is seeing more tax contributions and fewer claims, showing a positive balance of $89 million. Taxable sales statewide are down 9.9% – and that is with a big assist from the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act.

Airport traffic at Vegas’ McCarran Airport fell 60.6% year-over-year in September, from over 4.3 million to 1.7 million people, before rebounding slightly in October. Visitor volume was down 51%, from nearly 3.5 million to 1.7 million people.

Hotel occupancy. In October, the Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority reported weekend occupancy rates of 64 percent, while weekday rates plummeted to 39 percent. Citywide, September occupancy was 46.8%, down from 88.3% in 2019. On December 8th, Palazzo announced it is closing its hotel temporarily – casino, restaurants and bars remain open, while keeping Venetian open for overnight guests. Encore Las Vegas, Mandalay Bay, Mirage, and Park MGM have also closed weekdays, and other Strip resorts have limited openings as coronavirus restrictions combine with the traditionally slow holiday season between Thanksgiving and Christmas.

Gaming revenues in Clark County dropped 23.57% in Clark County and 30.22% on The Strip in October compared to 2019, according to the Nevada Gaming Control Board. Statewide, it dropped 19.5%. For the 2020 fiscal year so far (starting July 1, 2020), revenues are down 26.12% in Clark County, 36.97% on The Strip, and 22.54% statewide.

Vegas: a K-shaped recovery? “On the plus side,” writes Suzanne Clark, president of US Chamber of Commerce, “we’ll continue to see tech companies and some segments of the retail industry, for example, thrive as their products or services directly support work, education, health, or simply daily life in a pandemic.”

“Yet, the other side of the recovery is bleak,” Clark continues. “For countless companies in the travel, entertainment, leisure, hospitality, and food service industries, there is no end in sight to the economic malaise. As long as necessary social distancing and public health restrictions are in place, it will be difficult if not impossible to get back to strength. Though many are doggedly working, innovating, and adapting to stay open, there is only so long you can survive on razor thin margins with persistently diminished revenue.”

“The uneven recovery is even cutting across some sectors,” Clark writes, “which explains why some retailers are setting records while others are facing liquidation. Small businesses across industries are facing similar challenges.”

Unchecked, the K-shaped recovery can amplify the dangerous ‘rich get richer, poor get poorer’ dynamic at work in the larger economy. In Nevada, for example, Amazon is adding thousands of seasonal and permanent, part-time and full-time jobs. Meanwhile thousands of small businesses struggle to survive. For example, according to the National Restaurant Association, over 110,000 restaurants closed permanently around the US due to the pandemic. And according to Facebook’s Future of Business Survey, 15% of small businesses collapsed during the pandemic.

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[covid19worldnews]

District reports 100 new COVID-19 cases, including 27 in Henderson County, 11 in Webster

Kevin Patton   | Henderson Gleaner

HENDERSON, Ky. — Twenty-seven new confirmed cases of COVID-19 were reported Monday in Henderson County by the Green River District Health Department.

Elsewhere in the seven-county district, 100 new cases were reported on Monday, which also included totals from Sunday. Daviess County is reporting 42 new cases. Webster County has 11, Ohio County 10, Union County four, Hancock and McLean County three each.

Henderson County has reported 1,382 cases since March with 1,114 of those (81%) having recovered.

Henderson Nursing and Rehabilitation Center is reporting 26 active cases among 15 residents and 11 staff members. Seven deaths have been reported among residents of the facility, according to the state dashboard. HNRC has had a total of 97 cases among residents and staff with 64 having recovered.

Redbanks Skilled Nursing Facility, which has had a total of 222 cases between residents and staff, is now showing just eight active cases, according to the state’s long-term care facility report. Of the eight cases, five are patients and three are staff members. Of the Redbanks staff and residents who have tested positive, 189 of them have recovered.

The Henderson County Schools COVID-19 reporting dashboard shows a total of 17 active cases in the district, including eight staff and nine students. Four of of the nine students are listed as hybrid instruction. Five of the staff members are at Henderson County High School.

More: COVID Watch: Coronavirus vaccine could hit Kentucky as soon as next month, Dr. Stack says

More: Here’s what voters should — and shouldn’t — expect on Election Day in Kentucky

More: Parents of slain woman open advocacy center: ‘Her death can’t be for nothing’

The total number of cases in the Green River district is now 5,369.

Last week, the district saw an additional 439 reported COVID-19 cases and 11 COVID-related deaths. In October, the district reported 1,971 (36%) of the confirmed COVID-19

cases and 59 (61%) of the COVID-19 related deaths since the beginning of the

pandemic.

Of the current number of active cases, 30 people are currently hospitalized. About 7%, 380 of all patients, have required hospitalization. There have been 96 COVID-related deaths in the district and 4,456, or 83% of COVID patients, have recovered.

Union County has reported 526 cases since March with 469 of those (89%) having recovered.

The Union County Schools COVID-19 reporting dashboard shows a total of three active cases in the district, all among staff members at Union County High School.

Webster County has reported 339 cases since March with 272 of those (80%) having recovered.

The incidence rate, which measures the average daily cases per 100k population over the past seven days, was at 36.3 in Henderson County as of Sunday afternoon, which held it in the “red” or critical level. Webster County’s incidence rate was also critical at 48.6. Union County has returned to the “orange” or accelerated level at 22.8.

The state of Kentucky is currently reporting 108,642 confirmed cases of COVID-19 and 1,489 statewide deaths.

COVID-19: Pandemic is getting worse as new cases surge across the U.S.

Months into the COVID-19 pandemic states are setting records for the most new cases and deaths in a week since the pandemic began.

COVID-19 Testing & Flu Shots

The health department is offering free COVID-19 testing and encourages anyone who has been in crowds, had close contact with people in public, or traveled recently to get tested. To schedule an appointment visit the GRDHD website, healthdepartment.org, and follow the COVID-19 Test prompts. Flu shots, including the high dose vaccine for those 65 years of age and older, can also be scheduled on the website or by calling your county health department for an appointment.

Daviess County Health Center: Nov. 4, 10, 18 , & 24, 9 to 11:30 a.m.

Hancock County Health Center: Nov. 4, 10, 18, & 25, 9:30 to 11a.m.

Henderson County Health Center: Nov. 4, 9, 18, & 23, 8 a.m. to 11 a.m.

McLean County Health Center: Nov. 4, 10, 18, & 25, 2 to 3 p.m.

Ohio County Health Center: Nov. 2, 10, 17, & 24, 9 to 10:30 a.m.

Union County Health Center: Nov. 4, 10, 18, & 23, 10 to 11 a.m.

Webster County Health Center: Nov. 4, 9, 18, & 23, 9 to 10 a.m.

Demographics

The cases being reported from the Green River District Health Department are being investigated and confirmed locally. These cases are then reported to the Kentucky Department for Public Health.

As of Monday morning, the total reported cases in the Green River district by county, followed by the amount of recovered cases, current COVID-19 hospitalizations, the cases ever hospitalized and the number of deaths by county are:

Daviess: 2,079 1,778 10 142 32

Hancock: 160 106 2 9 3

Henderson: 1,382 1,114 7 105 36

McLean: 231 158 6 19 4

Ohio: 652 559 3 46 10

Union: 526 469 0 35 6

Webster: 339 272 2 24 5

Total: 5,369 4,456 30 380 96

Additional demographic information includes:

Average Age: 45

Age Range: 1 month to 100 years old

Male: 45%

Female: 55%

GRDHD COVID-19 Cases by Age Group

1-11: 150

12-19: 431

20-29: 929

30-39: 828

40-49: 824

50-59: 746

60-69: 675

70-79: 450

80+: 313

Total: 5,365

https://www.covid19snews.com/2020/11/02/district-reports-100-new-covid-19-cases-including-27-in-henderson-county-11-in-webster/

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SERVICE AREA: 10 Cities within 30 miles of Las Vegas, NV Blue Diamond, NV | Boulder City, NV | Henderson, NV | Indian Springs, NV | Jean, NV | Nellis AFB, NV | North Las Vegas, NV | Overton, NV | Sloan, NV | The Lakes, NV | Arden, Nevada | Calico Basin, Nevada | Callville Bay, Nevada | Citibank, Nevada | City Center, Nevada | Clark Co Courthouse, Nevada | Cold Creek, Nevada | Corn Creek, Nevada | Embarq Telphone, Nevada | Enterprise, Nevada | Las Vegas Brm, Nevada | Lv Valley Water Co, Nevada | McCarran Airport, Nevada | Mgm Properties, Nevada | Mount Charleston, Nevada | Mountain Sprg, Nevada | Mountain Springs, Nevada | Mt Charleston, Nevada | Nevada Power, Nevada | Old Nevada, Nevada | Sloan, Nevada | Sw Gas Co | The Lakes | Univ Nv Las Vegas

the zip codes in Clark County, NV and the city/neighborhood in which the zip code is in: 89002 (Henderson), 89005 (Boulder City), 89011 (Henderson), 89012 (Henderson), 89014 (Henderson), 89015 (Henderson), 89016 (Henderson), 89030 (North Las Vegas), 89031 (North Las Vegas), 89032 (North Las Vegas), 89044 (Henderson), 89052 (Boulder City), 89074 (Henderson), 89081 (North Las Vegas), 89084 (North Las Vegas), 89085 (North Las Vegas), 89086 (North Las Vegas), 89087 (North Las Vegas), 89101 (Las Vegas), 89102 (Las Vegas), 89103 (Las Vegas), 89104 (Las Vegas), 89106 (Las Vegas), 89107 (Las Vegas), 89108 (Las Vegas), 89109 (Las Vegas), 89110 (Las Vegas), 89113 (Las Vegas), 89115 (Las Vegas), 89117 (Las Vegas), 89118 (Las Vegas), 89119 (Las Vegas), 89120 (Las Vegas), 89121 (Las Vegas), 89122 (Las Vegas), 89123 (Las Vegas), 89124 (Las Vegas), 89128 (Las Vegas), 89129 (Las Vegas), 89130 (Las Vegas), 89131 (Las Vegas), 89134 (Las Vegas), 89135 (Las Vegas), 89138 (Las Vegas), 89139 (Las Vegas), 89141 (Las Vegas), 89142 (Las Vegas), 89143 (Las Vegas), 89144 (Las Vegas), 89145 (Las Vegas), 89146 (Las Vegas), 89147 (Las Vegas), 89148 (Las Vegas), 89149 (Las Vegas), 89156 (Las Vegas), 89158 (Las Vegas), 89161 (Las Vegas), 89166 (Las Vegas), 89169 (Las Vegas), 89178 (Las Vegas), 89179 (Las Vegas), 89183 (Las Vegas).

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