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whencyclopedia · 5 months ago

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Nuremberg Trials

The Nuremberg trials (1945-6), held in Nürnberg (Nuremberg), Germany, were a series of trials involving the senior surviving Nazis to hold them accountable for waging war and committing war crimes and crimes against humanity during the Second World War (1939-45). 22 Nazis were tried, with 19 found guilty and sentenced to either death by hanging or lengthy prison terms.

The first Nuremberg trials were conducted from November 1945 to October 1946, and then, a second phase, which involved a much larger number of defendants, was conducted from November 1946 to April 1949. The Nuremberg trials were the first in history where the victors in a war sought to make senior figures from the losing side accountable for their actions. The trials were filmed and contributed greatly to our understanding of how WWII was conducted and revealed both the irrefutable evidence for and enormous scale of such atrocities as the Holocaust. The first month of the trials, the initial proceedings only, were hosted in the Supreme Court Building in Berlin, but they moved on 20 November to the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg. The Palace of Justice was selected because it had been the heart of Nazi show trials against enemies of the Third Reich, the city was the home of the Nuremberg Rally, the infamous annual Nazi Party congress, and the complex had the practical advantage of an adjoining prison where the defendants were detained.

The International Military Tribunal

At the close of WWII, the victorious Allies of France, Britain, the United States, and the USSR, as agreed by their respective leaders at a conference in Moscow back in October 1943, jointly formed an International Military Tribunal (IMT) to bring German Nazi war criminals to justice. There were some calls to have judges from neutral nations head the IMT, but the allied leaders were determined to be directly involved in getting their pound of flesh. The idea of the trials was supported by a number of other nations besides the four main powers.

The panel that would decide the fate of the defendants brought before the IMT consisted of one judge and one prosecutor from each of the four nations mentioned above. The judging panel was presided over by the British judge Lord Justice Geoffrey Lawrence, described by one American lawyer as "like God...Hollywood would have cast him" (MacDonald, 23). The chief Soviet judge was I. T. Nikitchenko, the French lead judge was Henri Donnedieu de Vabres, and the US judge was Francis B. Biddle. The legal proceedings followed the common law practice applied in the United States and Britain. Translators worked in the courtroom, and everyone present had access to a set of headphones. There was a large screen to show the court relevant film clips and statistical information. 250 journalists attended the court sessions, and the whole proceedings were filmed and sound recorded.

Nuremberg Trials Judges

U.S. Army (CC BY-NC-SA)

In the closing stages of the war, Adolf Hitler (1889-1945), Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945), and Heinrich Himmler (1900-1945) had all committed suicide, but there remained 24 senior Nazi figures whom the Allies were determined to bring to justice. The group was selected not only for their individual roles but also as representatives of particular Nazi institutions. Before the trials could begin, Robert Ley (1890-1945), head of the German Labour Front, committed suicide, and Gustav Krupp (1870-1950), an industrialist who had used forced labour, was considered too physically frail to stand trial. The 22 remaining defendants faced four charges, as expressed in the Oxford Companion to World War II, they were:

Count 1: Contributing to a common plan or conspiracy to wage war

Count 2: Crimes against peace

Count 3: War crimes (e.g. violations of the Geneva Convention such as the abuse and murder of prisoners of war, use of prisoners for labour, destruction of private property, and devastation of property and places with no military justification)

Count 4: Crimes against humanity (e.g. the murder of civilian populations, use of slave labour, the forced deportation of civilians, and the persecution of specific social, political, religious, and racial groups)

Counts 1 and 2 proved problematic to define, and therefore it was difficult to find the defendants either innocent or guilty of them. This is hardly surprising considering the debate amongst historians ever since as to why and how WWII started and how far one should go back exactly in order to discover the causes of WWII, causes which could be attributed in some cases to both the victors and losers. The court essentially considered counts 1 and 2 as involving actions such as breaking international treaties and invading and occupying free countries. Much easier to establish were cases of counts 3 and 4, although even here there was the added complication that the victors had themselves been guilty of what would today be called war crimes, for example, the Allied bombing of Germany, submarine attacks on unarmed vessels, and the Katyn Forest massacre of Polish prisoners of war by USSR forces. Certain facts were taken as given, such as that Hitler had fully intended to start a world war. In addition, such Nazi organisations as the Gestapo (secret police), the SS (Schutzstaffel), and SA (Sturmabteilung) were condemned as criminal organisations.

Palace of Justice, Nuremberg

US Army (Public Domain)

The judges not only benefitted from the cross-examination of the defendants but also the testimony of around 360 witnesses (including both victims of and members of the Nazi regime) and a huge quantity of incriminating documents, official and otherwise, including indisputable photographs, sound recordings, and films, such as those taken at concentration and death camps. As noted by Dr Robert Kempner, a lawyer who had fled the Nazi regime:

One of the biggest helps to us was the German bureaucratic sense – they kept everything and they even made publications and films and lot of material had been discovered by our Allied search teams. Some of the people like General Governor Frank of Poland was so anxious to show his friend Hitler after the war what he has done that he kept diaries, volumes and volumes and volumes. In fact he had written his own indictment.

(Holmes, 593)

It is important to note, however, that the documentation for Nuremberg was compiled in order to support the legal case that the defendants were guilty of one or more of the four counts (and not to create a comprehensive reconstruction of past events as, say, a historian would do). There was, too, a degree of negotiation between the various national judges regarding particular defendants – the USSR judge, for example, wanted Rudolf Hess hanged while his fellow judges preferred a prison sentence – but there was a conscious effort on all parties to deliberate with as much fairness as possible given the seriousness of the trials and the world's scrutiny of them. To this end, the defendants were collectively represented by a legal counsel, Otto Kranzenbühler, and permitted individual lawyers to present their defence.

Camp Guard Giving Evidence at Nuremberg

Imperial War Museums (CC BY-NC-SA)

#History #NurembergTrials #NaziGermany #SecondWorldWar

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aimeedaisies · 5 months ago

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The Princess Royals Official Engagements in January 2025

09/01 As Honorary President, attended the Oxford Farming Conference at the Examination Schools in Oxford. 👩‍🌾📊🚜

As Warden of Gordonstoun School, held a Dinner at Windsor Castle. 🍽️🏫🏰

14/01 As Patron of the National Association of Citizens Advice Bureaux, opened Citizens Advice Norwich. ⚖️💷📞

As Royal Patron of the National Coastwatch Institution, visited Brancaster Station in Brancaster near Kings Lynn. 🌊🔭

As Patron of the Cranfield Trust, attended a 35th Anniversary Reception at Mercers’ Hall in London. 📜🍽️

15/01 On behalf of The King, held morning and afternoon Investitures at Windsor Castle. 🎖️

16/01 Visited the Fire Service College to mark its Fiftieth Anniversary in Moreton-in-Marsh

Visited Wings for Warriors at Gloucestershire Airport Training Facility.

As Patron of English Rural Housing Association, opened a new development at the Sunground in Avening.

17/01 Opened the new Improve Veterinary Education Training Facility at Delta 1200 in Swindon

As President of the Royal Yachting Association, visited West Wiltshire Youth Sailing Association in Westbury.

20/01 Unofficial Departed from Heathrow Airport for South Africa. Commander Anne Sullivan RN and Captain Fergus Lupton in attendance. 🇬🇧✈️🇿🇦

21/01 Unofficial Arrived at Cape Town International Airport and was received by the British High Commissioner of South Africa. 🇿🇦

As President of the Riding for the Disabled Association, visited the South African Riding for the Disabled Association in Cape Town. 🐎

Visited a photography exhibition in the Garden of the Residence in Cape Town. 📸

Attended a Reception and Dinner given by the British High Commissioner to the Republic of South Africa at the Residence. 🍽️

22/01 As President of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, opened the Cape Town Labour Corps Memorial and laid a wreath. 🪦🫡

Visited the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation Museum at Desmond and Leah Tutu House. 🏠

Visited Royal Cape Yacht Club. 🛥️

Visited the South African Astronomical Observatory. 🔭🪐

Visited Thuthuzela Care Centre at Victoria Hospital in Wynberg. 🩺

Unofficial Departed from Cape Town International Airport for the United Kingdom. Commander Anne Sullivan RN and Captain Fergus Lupton in attendance. 🇿🇦✈️🇬🇧

23/01 Unofficial Arrived at Heathrow Airport, London, from South Africa. Commander Anne Sullivan RN and Captain Fergus Lupton were in attendance. 🇿🇦🛬🇬🇧

24/01 As Patron of the Grand Military Race Committee, attended the Grand Military Gold Cup Day at Sandown Park Racecourse. 🏆

28/01 As Perpetual Master of the Worshipful Company of Saddlers, chaired the Quarter Court Meeting, chaired the Livery Court Meeting, and attended a Luncheon at Saddlers’ Hall in London. 💼🍽️

29/01 As Colonel-in-Chief of the Royal Australian Corps of Signals, held a Meeting with Brigadier Deane Limmer (Head of Corps) via video link. 🇦🇺📹

Departed from Heathrow Airport, London, for Switzerland and was received upon arrival this evening at Geneva Airport. 🇬🇧🛫🇨🇭

30/01 As Member of the International Olympic Committee, and Chairman of the International Olympic Committee Members Election Commission, attended the International Olympic Committee Session at Olympic House in Lausanne, Switzerland. 💼🇨🇭

31/01 Visited and presented The King’s Award for Enterprise: Innovation to Thermoteknix Systems Limited in Cambridge. 🏆

As Patron of the Butler Trust, visited HMP Littlehey. 👮‍♀️

Total official engagements for Anne in January: 27

2025 total: 27

Total official engagements accompanied/ represented by Tim in January: 0

2025 total: 0

#aimee’s unofficial engagement count 2025 #january 2025 #princess anne #princess royal #tim laurence #timothy laurence #court circular

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justforbooks · 13 days ago

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Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o

Distinguished Kenyan novelist, poet and academic who championed writing in African languages rather than in English

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, who has died aged 87, was long regarded as east Africa’s most eminent writer and, along with Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka, a founding father of African literature in English.

Like Achebe, his novels showed the social, psychological and economic impact of the colonial encounter in Africa, as well as the disillusion that followed independence. In later years Ngũgĩ championed writing in African languages and published fiction, drama and poetry in Gikuyu, his mother tongue.

His first novel, Weep Not Child (1964), told the story of brothers who respond in different ways to the struggle in the 1950s for independence from British rule by the Land and Freedom Army (also known as the Mau Mau) in his native Kenya, and depicted the brutality of the British in their attempts to quell the rebellion.

After Ngũgĩ showed the manuscript to Achebe at an African writers’ conference in Makere, Uganda, in 1962, Achebe secured its publication (under the name James Ngũgĩ) in the Heinemann African Writers series. It was awarded Unesco’s first prize at the World Festival of Black Arts in Senegal in 1966.

Thereafter, many more of Ngũgĩ’s novels and short stories were published in that series. A Grain of Wheat (1967), considered by some critics his best work of fiction, is set during celebrations for Kenya’s independence day and deals with issues of single-minded heroism and betrayal, as well as the sufferings of detainees and women during the struggle for freedom.

An earlier novel, The River Between (1965), featured an unhappy romance and divisions between Christians and non-Christians. It was written while Ngũgĩ was studying for a master’s degree in the UK, at the University of Leeds.

Ngũgĩ also wrote plays, including The Black Hermit (1962), which dramatises a conflict between the desire to stay with the traditional world of a rural village and the wish to benefit from modern improvements and wealth, and The Trial of Dedan Kimathi, written in 1976 with Micere Githae Mugo, focusing on the deeds and aims of a leader of the Mau Mau.

Appointed professor of English literature and fellow of creative writing at the University of Nairobi in 1967, Ngũgĩ argued successfully for the re-formation of the department to place African literatures, including oral literatures and writing in African languages, at its centre. At this time he changed his name from James Thiong’o Ngũgĩ to Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. He also published a series of influential essays gathered later in Homecoming: Essays on African and Caribbean Literature, Culture, and Politics (1972).

Increasingly alienated by the corruption and authoritarian policies that characterised Kenya’s government under Jomo Kenyatta and his successor, Daniel Arap Moi, Ngũgĩ was influenced in his later writing by Frantz Fanon and Marxist ideology. Petals of Blood (1977), the last of his novels composed in English, was completed while he stayed in Yalta in Crimea, as a guest of the Soviet Union. Its central character, Wanja, a barmaid and prostitute, becomes a symbol of Kenya and the capitalist exploitation of labour, raped and damaged by corrupt businessmen and politicians.

In the same year that Petals of Blood was published, Ngũgĩ became involved in creating community theatre along the lines advocated by Fanon. Together with the Kenyan playwright Ngũgĩ wa Mirii he composed a play in Gikuyu, Ngaahika Ndeenda (I Will Marry When I Want), which included members of village audiences as actors and vocal responders.

Its success, allied to its outspoken criticism of the Kenyan establishment, led to Ngũgĩ’s arrest in 1977. He was detained in Kamiti maximum security prison in Nairobi for almost a year, until released partly through the intervention of Amnesty International. Finding that he had been stripped of his professorship and facing threats to his family, he left Kenya for Britain in 1982.

While in prison Ngũgĩ had used sheets of toilet paper to write Caitaani Mutharaba-ini (The Devil on the Cross), his first novel in Gikuyu. Drawing on styles and forms reminiscent of traditional ballad singers, the novel mingles fantasy and realism to satirise wealthy Kenyans who exploit the poor.

In Britain between 1982 and 1985 he worked with the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners in Kenya and was writer-in-residence for the London borough of Islington. He was also in demand as a speaker at conferences promoting the reading and study of African and other Commonwealth literatures, often explaining his conviction that African and other indigenous writers should cease writing fiction in English, “the language of the oppressor”.

His arguments were later published in several collections of essays, including Barrel of a Pen (1982) and Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (1986).

Born in the village of Kamiriithu, near Limuru in Kenya, Ngũgĩ was the son of Ngũgĩ wa Ndūcū, a landowner, and his third wife, Wanjiku, in a family consisting of four wives and 28 children. After primary education in the village school he was sent as a boarder to the Alliance high school near Nairobi. There students were made to speak in English only, and beaten if caught speaking Gikuyu or other indigenous languages.

On his return home after his first term, he found that his village had been razed by British forces opposing the Mau Mau insurrection. His family were divided in their attitudes to the Mau Mau; some members opposed it, and one became an informer to the British government, while a half-brother joined the movement, another was detained, and a third, who was deaf, was shot in the back when he failed to stop in response to a command he did not hear. His mother had been detained and also abused.

Ngũgĩ went on to complete a degree in English at Makerere University College in Uganda in 1963, and in 1964 won a scholarship to Leeds. That same year he married his first wife, Nyambura, a teacher, farmer and small trader. He taught English and African literatures at the University of Nairobi from 1967 to 1977, while also serving as a fellow in creative writing at Makerere University.

Following his release from detention in December 1978 and subsequent move to the UK, he remained an exile from Kenya. His one attempt to return, in 2004, resulted in a brutal robbery and a sexual assault on his second wife, Njeeri, an incident that Ngũgĩ strongly suspected was encouraged by people close to the government.

While teaching in the UK and the US, Ngũgĩ wrote several memoirs, including Detained: a Writer’s Prison Diary (1982, updated as Wrestling With the Devil, 2018), Dreams in a Time of War: a Childhood Memoir (2010), and Birth of a Dream Weaver: A Memoir of a Writer’s Awakening (2016). He also continued to write fiction in Gikuyu. His verse epic retelling the Gikuyu myth of origin, Kenda Mũiyũru: Rũgano rwa Gĩkũyũ na Mũmbi (2019), translated by Ngũgĩ as The Perfect Nine, was the first work written in an indigenous African language to be longlisted for the International Booker prize.

He was the recipient of numerous awards and honorary degrees across the world, and was often seen as a leading candidate for the Nobel prize for literature; so much so that in 2010 many reporters gathered outside his home on the day of its announcement. When it became clear that the award had gone to Mario Vargas Llosa, Ngũgĩ seemed much less disappointed than the reporters, whom he had to console.

Having separated from Nyambura, who did not accompany him into exile, Ngũgĩ married Njeeri, a counsellor and therapist at the University of California, in 1992; they separated in 2023. He is survived by 10 children and seven grandchildren.

🔔 Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (James Thiong’o Ngũgĩ), writer and activist, born 5 January 1938; died 28 May 2025

Daily inspiration. Discover more photos at Just for Books…?

#just for books #Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o #James Thiong’o Ngũgĩ #in memoriam

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if-you-fan-a-fire · 1 month ago

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"Just as the CPC [Communist Party of Canada] was undergoing internal changes, so was the structure of the Industrial Workers of the World [IWW]. Sometime between July and August 1932, members in Canada had chosen Port Arthur as the home for its newly formed Canadian Administration. A pro tempore Canadian Executive Branch (CEB) was established under the leadership of Finnish Wobbly H.J. Lindholm. The pro tem CEB quickly launched a Canadian IWW publication, the Organizer, and began a series of attacks on capitalism in general and on trade unions and Communists in particular. It also blamed the inability of the unemployed to receive relief on Canadian Communists, “Labour Parties, Unions, Liberals, Conservatives, Churches, and many other organizations.” It claimed that the only way the situation could be changed was for one industrial union to be formed in such a way that “all its members in any one industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department.” As the Organizer proclaimed in its inaugural issue, “we of the IWW, who have tasted of both victory and defeat, know of old that our tactics and our principles are sooner or later to be recognized by the great mass of workers, both employed and unemployed.”

As the IWW undertook its own organizing activities, it also began to lend moral support to all activities of other organizations attempting to undermine conventional trade unionism. An example of this emphasis was the formation of the Amalgamated Mine Workers of Nova Scotia (AMW of NS) under the leadership of Michael McNeil in 1932. The CEB viewed the AMW of NS campaign as inspirational: it had “all the ear marks of the kind of tactics used by the IWW.” Such support for the formation of the AMW of NS provided some indication of the IWW’s plan for Canada. The CEB was quick to assert that the formation of the AMW of NS demonstrated that “the day is not far distant when the coal miners of Nova Scotia and all Canada are organized into the same Union with our brother miners in the United States, who are fast signifying their choice of organization by joining the IWW.” The Organizer called on Nova Scotia miners “to study the structure of the IWW and how it is so built that out of its industrial units is built the model ONE BIG UNION.”

On 12 September 1932, members of the IWW met in the Finnish Labour Temple in Port Arthur to officially establish the Canadian Administration. H.J. Lindholm presided over the meeting of seventeen delegates representing branches and industrial unions from across Canada. Besides delegates from the Port Arthur Branch and General Recruiting Union (GRU), representatives from Kingston, Ontario and the Vancouver and Merritt branches of British Columbia attended the conference. Several other localities also sent resolutions, minutes, and correspondence even though their delegates could not attend. The goal of the meeting, according to the Organizer, was to “put the Industrial Workers of the World on the map in Canada,” and to lay the foundation for the First Annual Convention of the Canadian Administration, which was to be held in June 1933.

Although the minutes of the September 1932 convention lack any reference to the Canadian IWW’s struggle against Communists, the pages of the IWW’s official organ reveal a deep mistrust of CPC activities in Northwestern Ontario and of their alleged “dirty lies.” The CEB contended, for instance, that “the Definition of a Bigot ... [was] the Canadian Communist.” Often going beyond the Canadian experience for fodder, it attempted to create a rift between the Finnish members and the leaders of the CPC. It sought to draw in some of those lumber workers who had elected to join the recently renamed Communist Lumber Workers Industrial Union of Canada (LWIUC). Frequently, contemporary and historical events in Europe were invoked to suggest that Communists in Canada were now colluding in the camps with the hated nationalist “White Finns” who had killed thousands of Finnish socialists during the Finnish civil war in 1918. The perceived failure of the American Communist party in Michigan was also used as an example of the growing lack of revolutionary policies and tactics within the North American Communist movement. How, the CEB wondered, could Communists consider themselves revolutionary, when it was in fact the Wobblies, not the Communists, who were demanding that workers possess the complete value of their labour, whereas the Communists were content to fiddle with such reforms as unemployment insurance?

Despite attempts to portray itself as moderate, principled, and revolutionary, the CEB, like its prewar manifestation, still advocated the general strike. “Nothing less than the thunder-bolt of the General Strike,” argued the CEB, “can uproot the profit system and destroy it, branch and limb.” Using the short-lived socialist republic in Chile during the summer of 1932 as inspiration, in October that year the CEB renewed calls for a general strike and industrial unionism. It argued that the events in Chile were just another example showing that “the dream of a Socialist Commonwealth is – but a dream, without the strength of Industrial organization.” Moreover, the CEB argued, “no armed insurrection or revolution has yet changed the social system.”

Although the CEB acknowledged that both the Paris Commune and the Russian Revolution had changed material conditions, it considered that “both of them were failures insofar as freedom from slavery was the objective.” The French, the article continued, were “still slaves of capitalism” and the Russians were “slaves of State Capitalism.” Revolutionary Industrialism, “with its well developed plan for control of the state through control of industries, is the only logical answer to our prayers or salvation. Make your laws in the Union Hall.” The CEB also took issue with what it perceived to be the CPC’s manipulation of the plight of the unemployed, especially recent immigrants. When the unemployed in Hearst, Ontario, facing starvation, took action into their own hands and “served several ultimatums” to local authorities, the CPC took credit despite its lack of involvement. Outraged, Wobblies claimed that this was merely another example of Communists throughout Northern Ontario taking credit for the successes of others. The CEB also attacked the Communists for their lack of internationalism. “Real revolutionary labour movements,” the Organizer wrote, “are international, but really Communism is falling in line with the R.B. Bennett regime in Canada: ‘Run those dam [sic] foreign agitators out of the country.’"

- Michel S. Beaulieu, Labour at the Lakehead: Ethnicity, Socialism, and Politics, 1900-35. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011. p. 183-185.

#thunder bay #fort william #port arthur #communist party of canada #industrial workers of the world #union organizing #general strike #working class politics #canadian socialism #northwestern ontario #reading 2024 #academic quote #labour at the lakehead #working class history #anticommunism #finnish canadians #leftist infighting #great depression in canada

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sourcreammachine · 7 months ago

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holy shit

THE UK HOUSE OF COMMONS HAS ADVANCED A BILL TO ENACT PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION — seemingly by accident

the opposition liberal democrats’ bill passed the first reading by 138 votes to 136… there are 650 total members of the commons

the governing labour party, despite its internal conference binding it to support PR, does not support PR, due to the recent election delivering them a landslide of seats when they had not proportionally won enough support

the bill will almost definitely not succeed in the coming stages, but this is nonetheless a huge day for PR and will bump the issue of reform way up the agenda

the likelihood of the labour party supporting PR into the next election increases

#196 #ukpol #uk politics

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beardedmrbean · 8 months ago

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Members of a Malaysian religious group accused of human trafficking and child sexual abuse continued committing crimes even after a large-scale police crackdown, according to authorities.

The Islamic Global Ikhwan Group (GISB) made international headlines in September after police rescued 402 minors suspected of being abused across 20 care homes.

Authorities arrested 171 suspects at the time, including teachers and caretakers - but hundreds more have been arrested since, as further details emerge of the group's alleged crimes.

Among those are allegations that, until 1 October, five GISB members trafficked people for the purpose of exploitation by forced labour through threats.

Warning: This story contains descriptions of sexual and physical violence.

Two of the accused were managers of a GISB-owned resort in the southern state of Johor. They were charged on Sunday with four counts of human trafficking involving three women and a man aged between 30 and 57. The third, a worker at the same resort, was charged with two counts of sexually abusing a 16-year-old.

At least two other suspects in the incident, which took place between August 2023 and 1 October 2024, are still at large.

Hundreds of other victims, aged between one and 17, are said to have endured various forms of abuse at care homes linked to GISB, with some allegedly sodomised by their guardians and forced to perform sexual acts on other children, according to police.

In a press conference on Monday, lawyers representing GISB denied allegations of illegal business activities and organised crime, asking for a "fair investigation" as police investigations continue.

However, its CEO, Nasiruddin Mohd Ali, had earlier admitted there were "one or two cases of sodomy" at the care homes.

"Indeed, there were one or two cases of sodomy, but why lump them (the cases) all together?" Nasiruddin said in a video posted to the company's Facebook page.

GISB has hundreds of businesses across 20 countries, operating across sectors including hospitality, food and education. It has also been linked to Al-Arqam, a religious sect that was banned by the Malaysian government in 1994 due to concerns about deviant Islamic teachings.

Khaulah Ashaari, the daughter of Al-Arqam founder Ashaari Muhammad, is a member of GISB, and has denied that the group still follows her late father's teachings.

The lower house of Malaysia’s parliament on Tuesday held a special motion discussing issues relating to GISB, where government ministers flagged a number of findings made since the children were rescued from the care homes last month.

The Home Minister, Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, told the hearing that some children from as young as two years old were separated from their families and instructed to work under the pretence of "practical training".

He also said they were occasionally forced to perform hundreds of squats as punishment for "disciplinary breaches".

"If they did any wrongdoings, for something as simple as not queuing up properly, they would be punished with not 100 but 500 ketuk ketampi (squats)," Saifuddin said, according to a report by local outlet The Star.

"According to assessments by psychologists – either through the police’s D11 unit or the Welfare Department – these children missed their parents," he added. "Some don’t even know them."

To date, the police operation against GISB has resulted in 415 arrests and the rescue of 625 children, according to Saifuddin.

The Malaysian authorities have also expanded their investigations into GISB internationally, seeking the assistance of Interpol.

#nunyas news

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allthecanadianpolitics · 2 years ago

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Nova Scotia is expanding a fast-tracked immigration program to include international students who want to become paramedics and pharmacy technicians, in its latest move to address health worker shortages.

Health Minister Michelle Thompson and Advanced Education Minister Brian Wong announced Friday the government is adding students in those two fields to its "international graduates in demand" stream.

"It fills critical labour needs and provides international students with a streamlined pathway to obtain their permanent residency," Wong said during the news conference at a Halifax pharmacy.

"We want them to stay here after they graduate." [...]

Tagging: @politicsofcanada

#cdnpoli #Nova Scotia #immigration #post secondary education #healthcare workers

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rjzimmerman · 8 months ago

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Excerpt from this story from Inside Climate News:

Over the past two weeks, leaders from more than 175 countries have gathered in Cali, Colombia, for the 16th gathering of parties to the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. The topic at hand? Preventing the utter collapse of nature, which is well underway, according to a wide body of research.

A suite of strategies could help prevent this, but they cost money—and lots of it. Experts estimate that we will need roughly $700 billion each year to fund the scale of conservation necessary to combat widespread biodiversity loss, on top of what countries already spend.

One of the main agenda items at the UN biodiversity talks is figuring out where this money will come from. The meeting is set to end today, but talks are ongoing. While there was some progress on this front, countries are still at odds about who will bear the brunt of these costs—and how.

Closing the Gap: Members that signed on to the UN’s Convention on Biological Diversity (a treaty from which the U.S. is notably absent) agreed in 2022 on a historic plan to “halt and reverse nature loss.” This global biodiversity framework outlines more than 20 targets and goals for countries to meet by the end of the decade, including protecting 30 percent of land and seas.

To do that, the plan says we must close the $700 billion financing gap. This may sound like a lot but, as Vox’s Benji Jones points out, it pales in comparison to global gross domestic product, which adds up to more than $100 trillion. Increased funding would be used to help nations, especially in developing countries and Indigenous lands, conserve nature within their borders by establishing protected areas, completing restoration projects and increasing sustainability on farms.

Countries agreed to submit their individual plans to meet biodiversity targets by the start of this year’s UN talks. However, more than 80 percent of member parties missed the deadline. A few more governments have put forth plans in the past two weeks, but progress is still lagging, according to Tanya Sanerib, international legal director at the Center for Biological Diversity, a conservation nonprofit.

“It doesn’t signal that we’re taking this next step very seriously, and it gives a really sound indicator that we maybe are going to be in deep trouble in terms of actually trying to meet the framework that the party set at the last [UN biodiversity talks],” she told me. “We’re way behind the ball.”

Experts say the majority of the funding gap could be addressed by reducing subsidies that fuel the destruction of nature. By some estimates, wealthy countries and businesses provide around $1.7 trillion in subsidies and tax incentives for agriculture, fishing, fossil fuel development and other industries. This week, several world leaders and nonprofits called for a rapid phaseout of these incentives, Justin Catanoso reports for Mongabay.

“We use nature because it is valuable. We abuse nature because it is free,” Barry Gardiner, a long-time Labour Party member of the British Parliament, said Sunday at COP16. “The failure to properly value nature leads to shortsighted decision making, and perverse subsidies that damage the global ecosystem.”

Deliberations over finances are ongoing.

#biodiversity summit #biodiversity #Convention on Biological Diversity

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anti-deerling · 2 months ago

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the road to margaret thatcher - vietnam, the october 6th war, and the betrayals of the labour movement in the 1970s

The world economy immediately post WW2 had not entered a sharp decline, as the fourth international had predicted. in fact, the prospects for capitalism had never looked rosier. the destruction of large swathes of both productive forces and commodity stockpiles effectively put a halt to the crisis of overproduction, and the breaking up of old empires in service of recombining the world into new spheres of influence, and conquering of new markets for exploitation had given an overripe system a new lease of life.

the yalta and potsdam conferences had divided the world into these spheres of influence: the soviet union presiding over the eastern bloc in europe, the west wriggling their way into Berlin, the partition of korea along the 38th parallel and vietnam along the 16th to name but a few.

the united states entered its hegemonic ascendency, and the wave of national independence movements in the late 1940s would see the end of britain's domination over the globe.

productivity of labour was on the up-and-up on an average of 2.6% per year in the west, and european governments as well as japan found themselves the recipients of large US subsidies in accordance with the marshall plan to help stave off the spread of communism.

other places in the world were not so lucky as to receive bribery, however, and there workers movements were put down at the barrel of a gun. the redivision of the former colonies among new powers and along new national boundaries caused more tensions than it dispelled, as you might anticipate, and as you might have expected to have been learnt by the major world powers given the disastrous fallout of the sykes-picot agreement following ww1 for example.

the korean war of 1950-53 devastated the newly divided peninsula and the ROK in the south served and continues to this day to serve as a glorified military base for NATO in east asia.

and vietnam (then french indochina) in 1945 was divided between chinese warlords in the north and british forces in the south, who with no complaint from attlee and his so-called labour party began a brutal campaign of reinstating french rule, rearming the recently defeated imperial japanese army, and crushing the vietnamese revolution which was in its nascency among the people with a largely trotskyist base.

vietnam, as with many other examples through history, was betrayed by the leadership. the vietminh welcomed the return of colonial rule in line with the stalinist two-stage theory, which states first you get national liberation, then you can fight for liberation of the proletariat from the bourgeoisie.

ho chi minh addressed hanoi in 1946 that they had signed an agreement promising "independence in the french union", bizarrely, in exchange for allowing french troops to occupy the north.

in total between 1945 and 1960, three dozen new states in Asia and Africa achieved autonomy or outright independence from their European colonial rulers. china in 49, indonesia in 50, iran in 51, egypt in 52 and cuba in 59 to name but a few.

the balance of economic powers hung on a tightrope thread and containment of soviet influence among the fledgeling states was The dominating factor in us foreign policy in this period.

it was feared that if vietnam "fell" to communism that other countries in southeast asia would follow in a domino effect. for that reason the united states provided economic and military aid, then advisors, then combat troops to south vietnam as the situation worsened. by 1965 it was completely embroiled in the war.

the uk was tied to this post as well. the british economy was indebted to america following attlee's loan of 3.8bn (206bn£ in todays money) from the united states to keep the british economy afloat after ww2. the us was also undoubtedly the world premier imperial power and it was preferable to maintain that "special relationship" while it lasted.

declassified files reveal that, although the public and parliament were lied to, the UK government flew SAS teams into the conflict in 1962, provided weapons to the US to be used in vietnam, and backed US war crimes in the region.

26 000 british soldiers were deployed in the vietnam war, despite harold wilsons claim that the UK would refuse to deploy troops and the general hush-hush around the labour government support for washington. the truth is that in a global and dominated economy, imperialist policy is not a choice but a necessity.

the formation of the UN in 1945 (for the nebulous aim of peacekeeping) and NATO in 1949 (this one as an explicitly anti-soviet pact) mandated that the uk and other adherent countries toe the western line.

the vietnam war i think can tend to be glossed over a bit too much in general. in actual fact it was a cruel and protracted brutality that cost the lives of some 3 million vietnamese, 50 000 americans, deforested 10% of the country, and became deeply unpopular in the belligerant nations toward the end of its 28 year course. generations were born and lived and died and were murdered in its shadow.

the late 60s saw a leftward turn in consciousness. it saw the formation of the black panther party, the stonewall riots, and an ever-growing anti war movement. the Tet Offensive in 1968 especially caused a crisis in the johnson administration, which was unable to convince the american public that the operation constituted any kind of major defeat to the communists.

and the infamous image of General Nguyễn Ngọc Loan shooting a handcuffed vietcong captain during the offensive provoked outcry, and support for johnson had fallen to just 30% by the end of his term, a trend which would only continue and by 1973 would cripple the US army.

union opposition to the war began as early as 1965. the usa autoworkers union left the afl-cio in 1969 and started the alliance for labor action with the teamsters transport workers union, which supported the demand for the immediate end of the war. by 1971 unions organising four out of 21 million american workers were officially against the war.

the same trend was true at home. while manouevering around involvement in vietnam was obscured by wilson from the public, his capitulation to bank of england blackmail, bending the knee to threatened strikes of capital, and instating wage freezes were more than apparent betrayals.

in 1965 the government moved to reduce spending through orthodox cuts and the introduction of a ‘prices and incomes’ policy, which included a programme of ‘voluntary wage restraint’ as its first stage. labour would act as the agent of the capitalists in order to boost corporate profits, but of course this would not satisfy them alone.

the backfoot continued upon his reelection in 1966 with him agreeing to a much severer package this time and abandoning all talk of a national plan or any kind of socialist policy.

of course you can't plan what you can't control and the anarchic free market economy is no exception. in this instance of attempted reform as well as every other the tail wags the dog.

but if capital could strike and make their demands heard then so too could the workers. in 1967 self described marxist hugh scanlon succeeded the right wing incumbent of the engineering workers union. left-wing radical jack jones was elected leader of the GWU, and as early as 1966 the national union of seamen, a union that didn't even participate in the 1926 general strike, had struck against poor wages and conditions.

while wilson's labour offered social policies that would give it a progressive veneer such as decriminalising homosexuality and abortion, at the end of the day these things did not threaten capital, and it would even attempt to introduce anti union legislation under the bill "in place of strife", which would implement measures such as compulsory ballots and "cooling off" periods to "improve industrial relations".

on 1 May 1969, 1.25m workers took strike action to ‘kill the bill’, combined with mass demonstrations across the country. 55 labour mps voted against, 40 abstained, but there was a split in the party as the government passed the bill anyway. it was only forced to abandon it by concentrated movement on the street.

by 1970 the 2.6% year-on-year growth of the previous period had declined to 1.5% and would decline further to just 1.1% by 1972. the post-war boom was reaching a decline, though the US and Japan did maintain their higher levels of productivity growth for some years.

but the johnson administration had been ousted in 1969 due to its unpopularity and the successor nixon regime was forced to change its hand. and with the achievement of nuclear parity, the usa in 1973 entered into talks with the soviet union that resulted in the paris peace conference and the signing of SALT I, which stipulated cooperation between the two major powers to avert future crises, and thus begun the era of detente.

of course it goes without saying that this was not the end to the cold war. the united states still sought to expand its spheres of influence, but with the travesty of vietnam an open bleeding wound still ongoing and thus fresh in its mind it was forced to change tactics.

secretary of state henry kissinger said "détente was not a favor we did the Soviets. It was partly necessity; partly a tranquilizer for Moscow as we sought to draw the Middle East into closer relations with us at the Soviets’ expense; partly the moral imperative of the nuclear age."

the keyword here is oil.

the soviet union also wished to expand into the levant. they had an ally in syria which had been a proletarian bonapartist state since the ba'athist coup in 1963, but they wished also to solve the arab-israeli conflict as such an achievement would elevate their prestige in the eyes of important trading partners and client states. 63% of the world's confirmed fossil fuel sources are in the levant region.

from this the usa only sources 10% of its own supply, but arab oil is infinitely more important to its competitors in japan, europe, and the ussr, whom of course the united states sought to cripple. competition in such a circumstance breeds only sabotage and excess.

the yom kippur war of october 6th 1973 was essentially provoked by the united states to its threefold advantage: one, to establish egypt as a local policeman for the united states in the region, given the unpopularity of direct us military intervention post vietnam;

two, to see israel "bleed just enough to soften it up for the post-war diplomacy he was planning", in the words of kissinger, and with the combination of these two advantages to start the Pax Americana process, "with the Arabs on the proposition that we had stopped the Israeli advance and with the Israelis on the basis that we had been steadfastly at their side in the crisis";

and three, to a certain extent to distract the international community from the us-backed coup of the left wing allende government in chile just a month prior.

egyptian president anwar al-sadat became disillusioned with the soviet union's ability to solve the crisis in the region, and kicked out soviet military advisors and technicians and turned towards the usa. and, well, i can't say he was particularly wrong with that one.

there is evidence in fact to suggest that, during the war, the ussr restrained the syrian army from achieving a full victory in taking back the golan hills, syrian land which had been occupied by israel since the six day war in 1967 as it did not want to intrude on western spheres of influence and break detente.

brezhnev's ussr could not have helped egypt regain the the occupied lands (which were actually palestinian lands, occupied by egypt, occupied by israel, But.)

this tepid impotence is an extension of the bureaucratic interests at play in soviet foreign policy that lead to such betrayals as here in syria, of china and germany in the 1920s, of vietnam and korea, bowing their heads to foreign bourgeois interests because the alternative-- of spreading the revolution, strengthening the working class anywhere, would also strengthen the working class in russia which might then lead to genuine workers control that would threaten their bonapartist degeneration.

in response to the war, however, the arab states would trigger an OPEC oil embargo on any country which had supported israel during the war. including the us, including britain.

If in 1972, the per-barrel price of Saudi light crude was $2.41, with the oil embargo it quickly rose to $10.73.

by 1974, with the increasing costs in manufacturing and production, the embargo had triggered a recession and lead to a period of "stagflation" in the united kingdom. inflation rose to 16%, then 24.2% in 1975. by 1976 there was a full blown sterling crisis and james callaghan's government had to ask the IMF for a 3.9bn£ loan- the largest ever at the time- just to keep the currency afloat.

the oil embargo was not the only cause of the crisis, however. manufacturing exports in britain had dropped from 25% of the world total in 1945 to just 10% in 1970. the capitalists were becoming ever more parasitic, refusing to reinvest in industry and foisting off their falling rates of profit onto the working class through cuts and attacks.

the tory heath government attempted to repeat recent history with the industrial relations act in 1971, blaming strike action for the crisis. tory minister anthony barber blamed inflation on "wage-cost spirals" and the budget he delivered in 1972 had meant to return the tories to power in 74, but harold wilson took the stage again.

meanwhile, in labour movement, the real struggle for power was taking place. the battle of saltley in birmingham had delivered a massive victory to the working class. and, only driven forward by the whip of reaction, the arrest of the pentonville five for supposed violations of the industrial relations act had not cowed but outraged the workers, who were learning that they held the real power of society within their grasp.

the five were released under pressue of a one day general strike, which in such conditions had the potential to unfold into something much longer and possibly overturn the entire order. the arrest of the shrewsbury 24 was also intended to teach a lesson to the flying pickets that had won so decisively in saltley, but again the working class did not bow.

1973 experienced another lull, but in 1974 the struggle picked up once again and miners began to build towards another strike. the "three day week" (a reference to the rationing of electricity) was introduced by the tories to sway public opinion against the trade unionists but was unsuccessful.

bourgeois papers in the leadup to the election asked the british public "who do you want ruling the country, us or the trade unions?" and the british public gave a resounding response: "not you".

meanwhile, internationally, the path forward was being laid bare for all to see: 1974 saw the carnation revolution in portugal, the ethiopian revolution, the collapse of the junta in greece, and the twilight years of franco in spain.

but all of the instability abroad provided ample ground for conspiracy to bloom within the ruling class, and the uk military occupied heathrow airport in a not-so covert threat to the civilian government, such were the conditions that any attempted reform by labour would meet, not that they did attempt to move against their capitalist masters.

wilson's second government again promised radical change but in actuality only continued the betrayal-- the imprisoned shrewsbury strikers were forced to complete their three year sentences. and in general the labour government of the day repeated the same dynamic as the one 1964-70.

the labour party in the 70s continued the same cuts to wages and attacks on behalf of big businesses as the tories did. 1974-77, despite the massive inflation, saw the greatest fall in real wages of any comparative period prior to that. Despite this, the trade union leaders refused to stand up to the government on behalf of their members.

Even Jones and Scanlon supported the wage restraint policy. They didn’t like it, but they couldn’t see any way forward except supporting a Labour government.

wilson would be replaced by james callaghan in 76 to no significant change. the economic downturn was in full effect. but the crisis, for all that parliament tried to pin the blame on strike action, could not be boiled down to such a "wage-cost spiral". the crisis was global, and due to geopolitical causes, and thus any proposed symptomatic solutions would remain just that-- paracetamol to bring the fever down while the world suffered economic septic shock. the economic bailout by the imf came with strings attached, to noones surprise - and those strings were cuts to public services.

finally the TUC leadership were forced by action from the rank and file to come out against the government's wage restraint policies. in the winter of discontent 1978-79, between october and march, more than 10 million working days were lost to industrial action.

the problem would only be exacerbated by another crisis in oil, this time triggered by the 1979 iranian revolution which overthrew the imperial state of iran.

i did write this about margaret thatcher. this is about margaret thatcher, despite the fact that I have now gone some 3000 words without once yet mentioning her by name. i thought, a couple of times throughout the process of writing this, that maybe i should divert away from vietnam, or the Arab oil crisis, or skip ahead to 1979 and beyond, to the milk snatching and section 28, and the falklands war and ireland.

but i realised very quickly that i cant talk about thatcher without talking about why she got into power, what laid the groundwork, who rolled out the red carpet. she was a divisive figure even at the time and in a period of instability you might expect that the ruling class would deliver a politician less liable to stoke the flames of class hatred even more.

ultimately it was disillusionment with the labour party due to the betrayals of their "programme" while in office that lead to thatcher coming to power in 1979, and the split of the labour party into the social democratic party in 1981 that split the left vote and contributed to her staying in power after her premiership.

i mean the 1983 labour party manifesto got called the "longest suicide note in history" due to its "socialist character" and lengthy promises of reform, but the working class weren't wrong for turning away from the labour party -- they had lost trust. this is essentially its role in politics ever since it was formed in 1900.

as early as 1920 lenin called it a "thoroughly bourgeois party". labour is the b-team of capitalism, called in to manage its crises and, in the process, discredit itself and lay the ground for the tories to take back power. we can see this same process playing out with keir starmer today; and this time it may well be farage's reform party that will see an upswing off the back of this.

and while struggle in the rank and file can cause leftward shifts, the perspective of even those "left" labour mps is that socialism can be achieved by a thriving capitalist economy which would then be able to "afford" reforms. but look at the last 200 years of boom and bust and tell me if that's a realistic perspective.

yknow, it didnt particularly surprise me to find parallels in labour of the preceding period to all the most anti-trade union policies of the thatcher administration. i said earlier than imperialist policy isnt a choice but a necessity for survival; the same goes for austerity and militarism.

and i dont say any of this to exonerate thatcher. her management of the crisis was particularly cruel and successful, at least in bourgeois terms. the fact of the matter is that the power of the trade unions had to be broken to ensure capitalism's survival.

and while legislation that made most organising illegal certainly played a role, understated perhaps are the effects of the budget cuts that lead to so many plant closures. during this period you had "work-in" strikes, where rather than withholding labour, workers would keep the factories open - proving not only that these firms were productive, but that the working class can organise production by itself. nevertheless, 150 of the nationalised mines were closed.

By 1983 Thatcher had carried out cuts equivalent to 6% of GDP, and many public sector employees (like in education and the NHS) lost their jobs as well. unemployment peaked at 3.3 million under thatchers government, or at least this would have been the number reflected in the official statistics if the way of counting it had stayed the same - which she changed, 29 different times.

this all had the effect of devastating the working class. they were weaker just in pure numbers; many of the worst affected industries- like the miners- had been the most militant organisers. a treasury bureaucrat in 1983 remarked "What has emerged in shop-floor behaviour through fear and anxiety is much greater than I think could have been secured by more co-operative methods".

unemployment causes deflationary pressure in the long term, but the british economy was still tied by a thousand threads to american capitalism, which was stockpiling weapons for the cold war, which were not being used and thus had no real use-value to realise through exchange and release the surplus value tied up in their creation, and this was also one of the more major inflationary pressures globally at the time.

unemployment, in further impoverishing layers of the british public, only exacerbates crises of overproduction because you have a people with less disposable income with which to absorb the surplus of commodities in circulation causing the crisis in the first place. capitalism is an ourouboros which is incapable of regrowing its tail quicker than it cannibalises itself for a cheap fix.

did these methods solve the crisis? did they bring inflation, which the tories had identified as the cause, under control? as i mentioned before this was a global crisis, and could not have been solved within the confines of the national economy-- in fact, under globalisation, the national economy cant really be said to exist any more.

capitalism wouldnt come back into an upswing until the 1990s, when the soviet union fell and the world market saw an expansion with russian capitalism's integration, a proletariat and virgin consumer market ripe for exploitation. what we are seeing today in trump's tarriffs for example is a collapse of international trade, perhaps with the intention of manufacturing another boom at some point in the future by closing the door just for now, just for a little bit, but this is speculation.

but what will be needed today is the same militancy of industrial action as we saw in the 1970s-- this time with a leadership not in the pockets of keir starmer's class-collaborating labour, which will only lay the ground for further betrayal-- but tied to a truly revolutionary party. that is our perspective, comrades, that is why we need to grow. because our goals can be nothing less than changing the world.

#my polemics #historical materialism #imperialist wars #uk politics #trade unions #1970s #vietnam #thatcherism #industrial militancy #uk labour party #arab oil crisis #henry kissinger #detente

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humanrightsupdates · 17 days ago

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ILO: Adopt Binding Treaty to Protect ‘Gig’ Workers

Joint Declaration Calls for New UN Standards on Decent Work

(Geneva) – Governments and employers’ representatives at the International Labour Organization (ILO) conference should agree to a new treaty to protect “gig” workers, 33 civil society groups, trade unions, and human rights organizations said today. The groups released a joint declaration during the second day of the 113th session of the International Labour Conference in Geneva, which is meeting until June 12, 2025.

The groups highlighted the urgent need to address critical gaps in labor protections in the rapidly expanding platform economy, where companies recruit workers to perform jobs or “gigs” offered through apps or websites. Platform workers frequently experience employment misclassification, low and fluctuating income, lack of social security, and barriers to unionizing, while being surveilled and managed by unaccountable and untransparent algorithmic systems. Adopting an ILO convention and an accompanying nonbinding recommendation that provides guidance on the convention’s obligations is crucial for protecting platform workers’ rights.

“Platform companies profit enormously from a business model that strips workers of their rights,” said Lena Simet, senior economic justice researcher and advocate at Human Rights Watch. “The adoption of a Convention and Recommendation would send a powerful signal that technological change should not come at the cost of human rights.”

#human rights watch #human rights #ilo #international labor organisation

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ayeforscotland · 2 years ago

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Any thoughts ahead of the SNP independence conference? imo the more compelling case for independence lately feels like it’s coming more from grassroots stuff than the actual SNP

Yeah, I think there needs to be some form of understanding between grassroots independence supporters and the SNP that they both need to push at the same time. I'd like the movement to start getting a bit more 'philosophical' about independence. What type of country do we want to be? What should be in our written constitution? How do we want to contribute to the international community? I think it would be quite powerful to take a draft constitution to people, grounding and enshrining their rights in Scots Law. We also need to hit back on the current situation in the UK. Food costs, electricity prices, rents and mortgage rates are at an all-time high - people want change. The current *system* isn't working and change to a Labour government won't remedy that. I think we can do a lot of prep work for an eventual Labour government at the next general election, and we'll be able to capitalise on people's disappointment when Labour inevitably fail to deliver.

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mariacallous · 10 months ago

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Sudan, already ravaged by a disastrous war, is now suffering from a failed, politicized humanitarian response.

The ongoing crisis there has reached catastrophic proportions, yet the international community’s response remains woefully inadequate. A series of missteps and political maneuvers have undermined efforts to provide meaningful assistance to those in desperate need, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary group responsible for much of the violence, has yet to be held accountable for actively destroying the country’s food reserves. The situation demands immediate attention and a drastic shift in approach from global leaders and institutions.

At the core of this failure is the United Nations Security Council’s persistent delays in addressing findings from its own Panel of Experts on Sudan. These findings document “credible” allegations of the United Arab Emirates’ involvement in violating Darfur’s arms embargo by supplying the RSF with weapons and ammunition. Furthermore, the Guardian reported that U.K. government officials have been blocking discussions of the UAE’s involvement in the Security Council for months—including after the Labour Party took power in July.

This procrastination not only undermines the urgency of the crisis, but also permits potential external interference to continue unchecked. The Security Council’s inaction sends a troubling message about the international community’s commitment to resolving the conflict and protecting Sudanese civilians.

While diplomatic efforts are crucial, these discussions offer no new mechanisms to enforce an end to attacks on civilians. The U.S. special envoy for Sudan, Tom Perriello, has failed to provide any concrete mechanisms for enforcing last year’s Jeddah declaration, which required the protection of civilians and specifically committed the RSF and rival Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) to vacating and refraining from occupying public and private facilities. Perriello simply noted in an interview on X earlier this month that the UAE and Egypt will attend the latest round of talks, held in Geneva in mid-August.

Yet there is no substantial pressure being applied on the UAE. Without concrete measures to protect the Sudanese people, such talks risk becoming little more than performative gestures, failing to address the immediate suffering on the ground. The Sudanese government boycotted the Geneva talks after the UAE was added as a mediator, despite its continued military support to the RSF. Additionally, U.S. rapper Macklemore canceled his October show in Dubai to protest the UAE’s destructive role in the Sudan conflict.

The international community’s financial response has been equally disheartening. Despite numerous humanitarian conferences, only a fraction of the $4.1 billion appeal made by the U.N. in February 2024 has been met. This severe underfunding leaves millions of Sudanese refugees and internally displaced persons without essential support, exacerbating an already dire situation. The stark contrast between the promises made at these conferences and the actual aid delivered reveals a troubling gap between rhetoric and action.

The lack of accountability for those perpetrating violence and weaponizing famine is exacerbating Sudan’s crisis. The RSF, responsible for much of the destruction, continues to operate with impunity, actively destroying the country’s food reserves. Since the RSF took control of the state of Jazirah, the country’s farming center, in December, the nation has been grappling with humanmade famine. Farmers in the state have reported a near-complete loss of cotton and wheat crops due to RSF control.

In contrast, areas that remain under SAF control saw normal crops. According to local reports in Jazirah, the RSF pushed local farmers to harvest crops only to confiscate them and transport the yields out of the state for their own benefit.

On June 26, the RSF advanced on the southeastern trading hub of Sennar, seeking to expand its territorial gains more than 14 months into its war with the Sudanese army. This move forced the displacement of more than 150,000 people living in the state, many of whom had fled from Jazirah during the RSF invasion in December 2023. The militia also targeted Sennar’s agricultural project and food reserves, further deepening the humanitarian crisis and undermining efforts toward stabilization and peace.

Doctors Without Borders (or Médecins Sans Frontières, the MSF) reports that the RSF is targeting local hospitals and blocking aid in Darfur. Outside the city of El Fasher, where more than 800,000 civilians are trapped by the RSF, MSF supply trucks have been held in the nearby town of Kabkabiya by the RSF for the past four weeks. This blockade threatens to leave the Saudi Hospital, one of the last working health facilities in El Fasher, without critical supplies.

This deliberate targeting of essential resources not only worsens the humanitarian crisis, but also underscores the urgent need for international intervention to implement the U.N. arms embargo in Darfur and stop the alleged UAE arms supply to the RSF through Chad.

Moreover, it is crucial to halt the alleged UAE arms supply to the RSF through Chad, particularly at Amdjarass’s airport, a small town in eastern Chad where UAE air cargo planes reportedly land and unload weapons that are then transported across the border to RSF strongholds in Darfur.

Political maneuvering has further complicated efforts to address the crisis effectively. Actions such as the United Kingdom’s reported intervention to alter the format of U.N. Security Council meetings have prevented Sudan from directly presenting its case, prioritizing commercial interests with the UAE over humanitarian concerns.

Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s permanent representative to the U.N., asked for an urgent Security Council meeting on April 26 in response to what he described as UAE “aggression” against his nation. However, the U.K., serving as the current penholder on Sudan in the Security Council, intervened to change the meeting’s agenda and format to closed consultations. As a result, Idriss was not allowed to attend the meeting, which ultimately took place on April 29.

During these secret discussions, U.N. Security Council members issued a statement urging the RSF to commit to refraining from attacking any cities and to end the violence surrounding El Fasher. On another occasion, the Guardian reported that the U.K. government has been actively discouraging African states from criticizing the UAE. Such actions erode trust in international institutions and their ability to respond impartially to crises.

The current approach to Sudan’s war is failing. The international community must prioritize the protection of civilians, punish perpetrators of violence, and deliver on financial commitments. The UAE and its proxy, the RSF, must be held accountable for their alleged crimes and, in the case of the latter, attacks on civilians in Sudan. The five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council should publicly address the UAE’s reported support of RSF crimes and the Emirati government’s violation of the international arms embargo in Darfur.

Furthermore, international human rights organizations should take Abu Dhabi to court for its alleged crimes against Sudanese civilians. The UAE’s ongoing arms supply has enabled the RSF to carry out ethnic cleansing in Darfur and commit massacres in Khartoum, Jazira, and Sennar.

Some actions have already been taken. The Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights is campaigning to hold the UAE accountable in the International Court of Justice or through other legal avenues, such as in Germany or the European Court of Human Rights. Additionally, the International Criminal Court should leverage its existing jurisdiction over Darfur to prosecute crimes against humanity in the region. But more must be done. A concerted, unified international effort to address the root causes of the conflict could pave the way for lasting peace and stability and alleviate the suffering of the Sudanese people.

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cindylouwho-2 · 10 months ago

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RECENT ECOMMERCE NEWS (INCLUDING ETSY), AUGUST 2024

Hello, and welcome to my very last Ecommerce News update here on Tumblr.

After today, these reports will now be found at least twice a week on my Patreon, available to all paid members. See more about this change here on my website blog: https://www.cindylouwho2.com/blog/2024/8/12/a-new-way-to-get-ecommerce-news-and-help-welcome-to-my-patreon-page

Don't worry! I will still be posting some short pieces here on Tumblr (as well as some free pieces on my Patreon, plus longer posts on my website blog). However, the news updates and some other posts will be moving to Patreon permanently.

Please follow me there! https://www.patreon.com/CindyLouWho2