“The gender system in which Margaret (of Anjou) lived theoretically denied that a woman could ever hold political authority. At the same time, however, it permitted and even encouraged women to act in ways that had political consequences; this was most true for the queen. This uneasy duality made transgression possible and even provided Margaret with a loyal following, while it demanded that she continue to present herself as no more than the king’s wife and intermediary to his subjects. By invoking the king’s authority, or the latent authority of her young son, Prince Edward, Margaret was able to exercise considerable power. It was power, nonetheless, that had to be constantly renegotiated and reaffirmed by further appeals to and displays of male authority. Thus, this exercise involved a pretense, while the need to maintain the pretense automatically limited its reach.”
Helen Maurer, “Margaret of Anjou: Queenship and Power in Late Medieval England” / “Margaret of Anjou and the Loveday of 1458: A Reconsideration” in “Traditions and Transformations in Late Medieval England”
“Although late medieval queenship provided access to power, it did not give the queen institutionally recognized authority. Operating from a position outside the formal government, her political influence was presumed to lie in her acts of mediation or intercession, at all times subsumed by her husband's authority. In fact, her role, though unofficial, complemented his. When the king was expected to be strong and wise and stern, it was helpful to have a balancing influence that allowed him to bend without appearing weak, to change his mind without looking foolish, and to moderate harshness without forfeiting credibility. The queen 's intercession allowed him to do these things while confirming his authority through her own subordination as appellant. For the queen, of course, such acts strengthened impressions of her own influence, as someone who could be approached for favour with the hope and expectation that her favour would bring results.
... The nature of the queen's accepted role, which was both limiting and empowering, has a bearing on Margaret's broader exercise of power in the later 1450s. In early 1454, during Henry's illness, her bid for a formally recognized regency failed. Thereafter, when she again reached for power at the end of the second protectorate, she did so through traditional means. For the remainder of the reign she continued to represent herself as subordinate and adjunct while asserting the king's-and sometimes her son's-authority. But, in fact, she wielded increased power herself. It is difficult to say to what extent this amounted to a deliberately thought out policy on her part, but it was a natural one, for it built on understood relationships and, superficially at least, appeared not to violate the accepted order.
Three examples demonstrate how this worked. In autumn of 1456, some months after the duke of York's second protectorate ended, court and king moved from London to Coventry at Margaret's instigation, and the chief officers of state were replaced by persons whose loyalty carried no Yorkist taint. One of the new officers was the queen's chancellor, Lawrence Booth, who became keeper of the privy seal, thus giving Margaret access to what R.L. Storey called "the mainspring of all government action". Although John Watts has found a single instance when Margaret and Booth were apparently sealing writs in the king's absence, this is not an accurate measure of her power, which remained informal rather than institutional. Around the same time as Booth's appointment, Margaret' s grand reception into Coventry was a highly gendered production that praised her, foremost, for her motherhood. Secondary references to Henry as her liege lord explicitly underlined her subordinate role as wife. Even the appearance of a dragon-slaying namesake St. Margaret in the last pageant, which might seem to be a nod towards a kind of masculine agency, avoided anomaly by turning out to be strictly an intercessor on the queen's behalf.
Margaret's influence over the prince's council also constituted an expansion of her power to govern, although the formal representation of her role is similarly opaque. The patent creating the council refers to its mem bers as "the most honorable, excellent, diligent and experienced men" - the word used is "viros" - which becomes more evocative once it is announced that they are to act "with the approval and agreement of ... the queen". " What this amounted to was the insertion of Margaret's influence, by the king's authorization, into the normal functioning of an otherwise normal institution. Her role was noted in subsequent council warrants issued in the prince's name with the advice of the council and the assent of his mother the queen.
The formula is significant: the prince's name provided authorization and legitimacy for whatever was done, although his actual participation was fictive since he was only 3 or 4 years old. In practice, the council's deliberations together with the queen 's assent made the relevant decisions. Yet there is a second fictive layer, contained in the nature of the documents themselves. Although the queen's assent appears to be nominal only - a form of rubber-stamping - it should be noted that the power to assent can become the power to deny, and that both together can amount to the power to initiate or to give direction. From a commonsense point of view, the extent of Margaret's power seems obvious. Nevertheless, in its formal representation it appears as if at one remove, its edges and its impact blurred by the more conventional phrases in which it is embedded.
As a last example, a pair of letters written by the king and queen in 1457 in support of John Hals for the deanery of Exeter explicitly reveal the way that Margaret's power worked. There must have been some foot-dragging, for on 31 October the king wrote to the chapter to remind them of his recommendation, "wherein we trust for certain that you have done and will do your part ... to the accomplishment of our desire", and to assure them that his will was "immutable". It was, on the whole, a mild letter." Margaret's letter, written a week later, was not. Expressing surprise and dismay that the king's wishes could be disregarded, she exhorted the chapter to "be inclined and yield to the accomplishment of my lord's invariable intention and ours in this matter" in order to remain within the king's, and her, good grace." Although Margaret's power was then waxing, Henry never once mentioned her or that this was a joint recommendation. But, then, he was the king. By contrast, Margaret referred to him repeatedly, being careful to associate her wishes with his and to present her case in a manner that mad e her indignation and stern words no more than the supporters of his rights and intentions. These letters show how Margaret's power depended upon her invoking the king's authority, but they also hint at a shift in their relationship, with Margaret appearing as the more active party.
Margaret's activities, however well masked, did attract some attention. Thomas Gascoigne, twice chancellor of Oxford and an assiduous compiler of notes about things that irked him, complained, probably in 1457 when Margaret's power had become more evident, that the queen ruled so that everything was done, for better or worse, according to her will. Gascoigne favoured the Yorkists and already bore a grudge against the queen for coming to England without a proper dowry and for the loss of Maine and Anjou. The point of this complaint, however, seems to be simply that she had taken an inappropriately active role.
This theme appears again in the gossipy-and treasonous-remarks of one Robert Burnet, who was indicted in November 1457. Specifically, Burnet criticized the queen for waging men to go overseas (presumably to fight) and Henry for losing France and for sleeping too much since St. Albans. There is no evidence that Margaret was raising troops to go overseas or anywhere else at this time, and no one knows where Burnet got his information about Henry's sleeping habits. But these allegations need not be literally true, to illustrate a perceived imbalance in the activities of the king and queen, with the queen doing what the king should have done while the king failed to live up to expectations of his role. Thus, it appears that while Margaret continued to represent herself as intermediary and subordinate to Henry, an informal and unplanned role reversal had been taking place. Although it was occasionally noted and criticized, it could never openly declare itself and, hence, could never be complete.
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peach's personality very much revolves around being a princess and she takes pride in her femininity and being dainty and neat. thats not to say she WON'T rise to an occassion when needed and she does talk back sometimes as seen in games like M&L and pm but thats not her default!!
even IN games where she's more forward and talks back more, it's still DISTINCTLY peach. my main games have Always been paper mario, and yeah, she has her more snippy moments because of the fact that she's given more dialogue and her circumstances are different than most of her "normal" appearances, you can still recognize her as peach. i even feel like those games Should've been their main basis off of movie peach, because the more snippy peach is clearly what they were going for. but instead they just?? replaced her with the fucking girl character from the emoji movie.
if you gave me some lines, mannerisms, and key traits of a paper mario peach, without giving me her name, i'm sure i'd still be able to Understand you were talking about peach, because at her core, she's still the same character. even when she's more witty, it still Feels like peach, because the way she retaliates is in a very princess-like manner, if that makes sense. she still has a high and proper regal way of talking back. if you did the same thing with movie peach, i would never guess you were talking about princess peach in one million years, because there is nothing that's remained. she talks like she's a riverdale character. she's not allowed to feel any emotion other than girlboss and Maybe some longing/soul-searching for two seconds but ONLY THAT we don't want people to think she's not emotionally strong. how is the audience supposed to think she's capable if she's not 100% girlbossing it up 100% of the time?
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Iron is something that is actively harmful and poisonous to Amaryllis. Coming into physical contact with iron quite literally burns her skin, and it would even cause damage to her prosthetics due to her receiving them from Xerneas.
Even without touching iron directly, being near it is enough to make her feel ill. She will break out into a cold sweat, shiver uncontrollably, feel nauseous/dizzy, and feel incredibly run down and fatigued. Its as if iron itself drains her vitality. Amaryllis will still need time to recover even if the iron is removed at any point, the sickness and fatigue seeming to linger.
Though other metals are not harmful to her, she is allergic to some such as nickel, steel, and silver. These metals make her break out into hives should they touch her skin for too long. As a result, Amaryllis tends to wear and prefer items made of gold.
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MEET: The Veilguard [source]
"RECRUIT DISTINCT COMPANIONS
Rally a team of seven companions, each with rich lives and deep backstories. These are characters to befriend, and even fall in love with. Among them, an assassin, a necromancer, a detective, each and all bringing their own expertise and unique abilities to the fight.
Harding
This dwarven scout has a big heart, a positive outlook, and a ready bow – as well as unexpected magical powers.
Davrin
Bold and charming, this Grey Warden has made a name for himself as a monster hunter. Now, he cares for a young griffon.
Bellara
A Veil Jumper obsessed with uncovering the secrets of ancient Elvhenan. Bellara is focused, creative, and romantic.
Taash
A dragon hunter allied with the Lords of Fortune, Taash lives for adventure and doesn’t mind taking risks.
Lucanis
An expert assassin for whom the Antivan Crows are a family business. He is poisted & pragmatic, but lacks social skills.
Emmrich
A necromancer of Nevarra’s Mourn Watch, this well-meaning scholar comes complete with a skeletal assistant; Manfred.
Neve
A cynic fighting for a better future, both as a private detective and a member of Tevinter’s rebellious Shadow Dragons."
[source]
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