#Assam Accord.

[competitionpedia]

CAA: Issues in the legal challenge to the law

The CAA - 2019 amends India's Citizenship Act of 1955. Explore recently notified rules under the CAA by Ministry of Home Affairs, sparking further debate and scrutiny.

[civilmentor1]

Current Affairs - 7 September 2024

1. Assam Accord Context:The Assam government has decided to implement most of the recommendations made by a high-powered committee appointed by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs to enforce Clause 6 of the Assam Accord (1985). What is the Assam Accord?The Assam Accord was signed in 1985 between the Government of India, the Government of Assam, the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), and the All…

[youknowthis]

How Tea Came To India? | cha to chai | china to India Tea by British

[nohkalikai]

More areas and populations have been affected in Assam, which is the most populous state in the country’s northeast. So far, 11 people have lost their lives and 600,000 people including over 78,000 children across 11 districts have been affected. An estimated 68,600 people have sought refuge in 187 relief camps.

The southern districts of the state, including the Barak Valley, have suffered more than the other regions. Landslides, floods and erosion have been reported from here and nearly 250,000 people are affected. Several trains have been canceled due to the rising water level in the rivers across the state. Additional personnel from the NDRF have been airlifted to the Barak Valley region to bolster the rescue and rehabilitation operation.

Mizoram has been affected more by landslides and storms than flooding. At least 29 people have been killed there with the highest toll reported from the capital city of Aizawl. Local NGOs such as the Melthum Local Council and Young Mizo Association have joined hands with the State Disaster Response Force (SDRF) for rescue and rehabilitation measures.

Chief Minister Lalduhoma has announced an allocation of 150 million Indian rupees ($1.8 million approximately) to the SDRF. Families that have lost kin in the disaster are being paid $4,792 each.

Meghalaya and Tripura have suffered less devastation compared to the other states in the northeastern region. Meghalaya reported five deaths and close to 5,000 people have been affected by storms and landslides.  A portion of National Highway-6 that connects the state to Assam has collapsed near Lumshnong as storms and rains caused landslides. Transportation in the region has been severely disrupted.  Vehicles were seen stranded in videos on social media.

In Tripura, around 2,500 people were rendered homeless and more than 550 houses were damaged due to the incessant rainfall, flooding and thunderstorms. Those rendered homeless have been lodged at 30 relief camps in different districts of the state. Sepahijala, Gomati, Dhalai and Khowai districts were affected the most by the cyclone.   According to an official estimate, about 397 hectares of cultivable land belonging to 1,764 farmers were submerged by the flood in different districts.

[whoopseydaisy]

The Overflowing Heart

I will tell you how I made this witch’s token, but you will have to find a way of your own. It is as Grandmother Wren told us,

“Remember always that some portion of magic is yours to wield, and that the world contains many, many truths.”

the recipe:

3/4 oz Kazuki gin

1 1/2 oz. Sake + tea mixture

1 oz. fresh squeezed grapefruit

3/4 oz. Strega

shake over ice, and serve in your finest or favourite tea cup

garnish with dried rose petals

notes:

Sherringham Kazuki gin— a collaboration of one of my favourite distilleries and my favourite local tea shop, Westholme Tea Farm. Made from Japanese cherry blossoms, and locally grown tea leaves with notes of yuzu, grapefruit, and juniper. I first visited Sherringham in a trio of my own, on a day long adventure, visiting a beach someway up the island. Westholme is run by an old coworker of my Aunt’s, and his partner who makes gorgeous pottery. I could not put words to my excitement when I first heard whispers of their collaboration.

Sake + Tea Mixture— I can never fully recreate this just the same. There is magic in that, I think. I have little left. I made it by taking a sprinkling of the following teas from Westholme, and cold steeping them in a mason jar with a large ice cube, topped with sake and a splash of moon bathed witch water.

featuring:

Blossom: (jasmine green, floral), for the cottage’s calendar

Bi Luo Chun: (green, delicate and earthy), for i thought it was grown here, over seven long years (I rolled a nat 1 on my perception check)

Pur-eh: (fermented, earthy), for its mushroominess and it’s connection therin

Dog: (black assam, vanilla and cardamon, from the Chinese Zodic series), the cardamom pod and a few leaves, for our beloved Fox

Witch Water: the witch water used in this potion was bathed in the Friday, October 13th New Moon (a day so witchy I thought for sure the class would be released that day!) in an empty kazuki gin vessel

~

Grapefruit— because it was pink and in season and a citrus I love dearly

Strega— the witch liqueur! According to legend, Giuseppe Alberti was given the recipe for this elixir after saving a witch falling out of the sacred walnut tree, under which witches would convene to dance and perform their rituals.

for the cocktail chapter of the @worldsbeyondpod unofficial cookbook

[acepalindrome]

According to google translate on the teas from the Dungeon Meshi cafe, Mithrun’s tea is Darjeeling, Marcille is Earl Grey, and Thistle is Assam.

I like that Thistle’s tea is the one with the highest caffeine content, especially with how much the anime is emphasizing the permanent bags under his eyes. I wanna try to find reasons Marcille and Mithrun’s teas fit them, but I am tired and not a tea expert, alas.

[talonabraxas]

Shiva and Shakti - The Divine Union of Consciousness and Energy

Shiva Shakti Story

The legend of the marriage of Shiva and Shakti is one the most important legends related to the festival of Mahashivaratri. The story tells us how Lord Shiva got married for the second time to Shakti, his divine consort. According to legend of Shiva and Shakti, the day Lord Shiva got married to Parvati is celebrated as Shivaratri – the Night of Lord Shiva.

The Legend goes that once Lord Shiva and his wife Sati or Shakti were returning from sage Agastya’s ashram after listening to Ram Katha or story of Ram. On their way through a forest, Shiva saw Lord Rama searching for his wife Sita who had been kidnapped by Ravana, the King of Lanka. Lord Shiva bowed his head in reverence to Lord Rama. Sati was surprised by Lord Shiva’s behavior and inquired why he was paying obeisance to a mere mortal. Shiva informed Sati that Rama was an incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Sati, however, was not satisfied with the reply and Lord asked her to go and verify the truth for herself.

Using her power to change forms, Sati took the form of Sita appeared before Rama. Lord Rama immediately recognized the true identity of the Goddess and asked, “Devi, why are you alone, where′s Shiva?” At this, Sati realized the truth about Lord Ram. But, Sita was like a mother to Lord Shiva and since Sati took the form of Sita her status had changed. From that time, Shiva detached himself from her as a wife. Sati was sad with the change of attitude of Lord Shiva but she stayed on at Mount Kailash, the abode of Lord Shiva.

Later, Sati’s father Daksha organised a yagna, but did not invite Sati or Shiva as he had an altercation with Shiva in the court of Brahma. But, Sati who wanted to attend the Yagna, went there even though Lord Shiva did not appreciate the idea. To her great anguish, Daksha ignored her presence and did not even offer Prasad for Shiva. Sati felt humiliated and was struck with profound grief. She jumped into the yagna fire and immolated herself.

Lord Shiva became extremely furious when he heard the news of Sati’s immolation. Carrying the body of Sati, Shiva began to perform Rudra Tandava or the dance of destruction and wiped out the kingdom of Daksha. Everybody was terrified as Shiva’s Tandava had the power to destroy the entire universe. In order to calm Lord Shiva, Vishnu severed Sati′s body into 12 pieces and threw them on earth. It is said that wherever the pieces of Shakti’s body fell, there emerged a Shakti Peetha, including the Kamaroopa Kamakhya in Assam and the Vindhyavasini in UP.

Lord Shiva who was now alone, undertook rigorous penance and retired to the Himalayas. Shakti took a re-birth as Parvati in the family of God Himalaya. She performed penance to break Shiva’s meditation and win his attention. It is said that Goddess Parvati found it hard to break Shiva’s meditation but through her devotion and the persuasion by sages and devas, Parvati, also known as Uma, was finally able to lure Shiva into marriage and away from asceticism. Their marriage was solemnized a day before Amavasya in the month of Phalgun. This day of union of God Shiva and Shakti is celebrated as Mahashivratri every year.

There is no Shiva without Shakti and yoga is a realization of the unity of all things. That is not to say that everything in tantrik texts is figurative; many describe practices which are said to bring about this realization.

Shiva Shakti Mantras

Separator - Divider - Red

Shiva Shakti Panchakshari Mantra

“Om Hrim Namah Shivaya”

Important Shiva Shakti Mantra

(i) “Om Shiva Om Shakti” (ii) “Namah Shiva Namah Shakti” (iii) “Om Sarva Mangal Mangaley Shivay Sarvarth Sadhike Sharanye Trambhake Gauri Narayani Namostutey”

Therefore, Shakti is the dynamic power of Siva through which he manifests the worlds and their myriad objects and beings. He brings forth the worlds and their beings through his will and his dynamic energy, Shakti.

Shiva and Shakti by Talon Abraxas

[bongboyblog]

A walk through Bengal's architecture

Bengali architecture has a long and rich history, fusing indigenous elements from the Indian subcontinent with influences from other areas of the world. Present-day Bengal architecture includes the nation of Bangladesh as well as the Indian states of West Bengal, Tripura, and Assam's Barak Valley. West Bengal’s architecture is an amalgamation of ancient urban architecture, religious architecture, rural vernacular architecture, colonial townhouses and country houses, and modern urban styles. Bengal architecture is the architecture of Wind, Water, and Clay. The Pala Empire (750–1120), which was founded in Bengal and was the final Buddhist imperial force on the Indian subcontinent, saw the apex of ancient Bengali architecture. The majority of donations went to Buddhist stupas, temples, and viharas. Southeast Asian and Tibetan architecture was influenced by Pala architecture. The Grand Vihara of Somapura, which is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site, was the most well-known structure erected by the Pala rulers.

The Grand Vihara of Somapura

According to historians, the builders of Angkor Wat in Cambodia may have taken inspiration from Somapura. Bengal architecture became known for its use of terracotta due to the scarcity of stone in the area. Clay from the Bengal Delta was used to make bricks.

The temple architecture has distinct features like the rich wall decoration, often known as the terracotta temples, which was one of the remarkable elements of Bengali temple architecture. The double-roofed architecture of thatched huts was replicated by Bengali temples. Square platforms were used to construct the temples. Burnt brick panels with figures in geometric patterns or substantial sculptural compositions served as the temples' adornment.

Dochala style

These served as models for many temples that were built in undivided Bengal. Construction materials used in ancient times included wood and bamboo. Bengal has alluvial soil, so there isn't a lot of stone there. The bricks that were utilized to build the architectural components were made from stone, wood, black salt, and granite. Bengal has two different types of temples: the Rekha type, which is smooth or ridged curvilinear, and the Bhadra form, which has horizontal tiers that gradually get smaller and is made up of the amalaka sila. Mughal architecture, including forts, havelis, gardens, caravanserais, hammams, and fountains, spread throughout the area during the Mughal era in Bengal. Mosques built by the Mughals in Bengal also took on a distinctive regional look. The two major centers of Mughal architecture were Dhaka and Murshidabad. The do-chala roof custom from North India was imitated by the Mughals.

Jorasako thakurbari

The Rasmancha is a heritage building located at Bishnupur, Bankura district, West Bengal.

Influence of the world on Bengal architecture: Although the Indo-Saracenic architectural style predominated in the area, Neo-Classical buildings from Europe were also present, particularly in or close to trading centers. While the majority of country estates had a stately country house, Calcutta, Dacca, Panam, and Chittagong all had extensive 19th and early 20th-century urban architecture that was equivalent to that of London, Sydney, or other British Empire towns. Calcutta experienced the onset of art deco in the 1930s. Indo-Saracenic architecture can be seen in Ahsan Manzil and Curzon Hall in Dhaka, Chittagong Court Building in Chittagong, and Hazarduari Palace in Murshidabad.

Hazarduari Palace in Murshidabad

The Victoria Memorial in Kolkata, designed by Vincent Esch also has Indo-Saracenic features, possibly inspired by the Taj Mahal. Additionally, Kolkata's bungalows, which are being demolished to make way for high-rise structures, have elements of art deco. The 1950s in Chittagong saw a continuation of Art Deco influences. The Bengali modernist movement, spearheaded by Muzharul Islam, was centered in East Pakistan. In the 1960s, many well-known international architects, such as Louis Kahn, Richard Neutra, Stanley Tigerman, Paul Rudolph, Robert Boughey, and Konstantinos Doxiadis, worked in the area.

The Jatiyo Sangshad Bhaban

This iconic piece of contemporary Bangladeshi architecture, was created by Louis Kahn. Midsized skyscrapers dominate the cityscapes of contemporary Bengali cities, which are frequently referred to as "concrete jungles." With well-known architects like Rafiq Azam, architecture services play a key role in the urban economies of the area. Overall Bengal architecture was influenced by various contemporaries of their time and continues to evolve.

Gothic architectural style seen in St. Paul's Cathedral in Kolkata.

Zamindar era buildings in ruin.

Belur Math in Howrah

[fatehbaz]

[C]elebrated Victorian travel writer[s] [...] recounted the wilful behaviour of these captive animals [...] [in] a growing corpus of travel writings attempting to capture and relay the sites and scenes of the colony for a wider British audience. [...] [A] range of colonial-era writings - including veterinary texts, memoirs, diaries, fiction and travel writings - [...] [demonstrates] the entangled histories of elephants working in Burma's timber trade [...] [and] trace[s] the development of imperial knowledge about the Asian elephant [...]. The specific configuration of animal agency within the [British imperial] timber trade was a prerequisite factor for the generation of scientific knowledge about elephants. [...]

Teak operations in British Burma during the second half of the nineteenth century had resulted in the decimation of easily accessible forests. Timber firms now had to push their operations into more remote regions of the colony. This necessitated capital-intensive operations involving the purchase of elephants whose labour made possible the logging and transport of this harder-to-reach teak. By the period between 1919 and 1924, elephants represented the largest assets owned by the biggest timber firm operating in the colony [...]. This animal capital, of around three thousand creatures, represented between five and six million rupees annually, the equivalent of roughly a third of the corporation's liabilities. [...]

And these elephants must have been busy. This five-year period saw half a million tons of teak exported out of the colony, the overwhelming majority of which was exported by a handful of large British-owned firms. Their ownership of these beasts of burden gave imperial trading firms a considerable advantage over smaller-scale Burmese outfits and, according to some, over the government of Burma. [...] [T]his expanding and increasingly monopolized animal workforce, mostly employed in camps located in the colony's borders with Siam and Assam, brought unprecedented numbers of Asian elephants into the purview of the colonial scientific gaze. It made colonial Burma an important site for the study of elephants. [...]

---

Within the camps the ‘crush’ was the principal site for exacting discipline. The crush was a wooden structure [...]. Efforts to escape would tire and demoralize the animal, who would have been weakened through deliberate starvation. [...] Supplementing these physical impediments were pharmacological restraints. Opium was used to make elephants more amenable to human direction, particularly to tranquilize elephants for medical interventions. [...] These disciplinary techniques produced knowledge of individual elephants and their characters. Descriptive rolls were maintained providing the physical details of each elephant, giving information on its origins, listing any ailments and recording any misdemeanours, especially episodes of violence.

These documents were held by European supervisors employed by the timber firms to oversee operations. They were used to monitor the Burmese staff too, [...] reinforcing the imperial racial hierarchy in the everyday routines of the camps. The self-serving idea of the white officer protecting the elephants from indigenous cruelty was repeated throughout the early twentieth century. [...]

---

The contingent way that elephants’ bodies changed in the camps mattered for the generation of scientific knowledge. The question of how long elephants could live, and the difficulties of judging an elephant's age, demonstrate this point. [...] The sportsman Fitzwilliam Pollok claimed to have never found the remains of an elephant that had died of natural causes in all of his travels in the colony. This apocryphal but famed longevity stood in contrast to their lifespans in the camps, where elephants over the age of forty were considered elderly [...]. Imperial elephant knowledge was based upon these camp-conditioned bodies [...]. The elephant camps and timber yards were sites that enabled imperial authors to make their studies.

The development of a vaccine against anthrax in elephants illustrates the global significance of the colony's industry in contributing to scientific knowledge. [...] The outcome of these discussions, in 1928, was the employment of a veterinary research officer paid by both the state and the big timber firms. Revealing the wider imperial networks at play in this process, it was determined swiftly after establishing this agreement that the research officer should be a South African. This reflected the status that this settler colony had acquired for expertise in veterinary medicine within the British Empire by the interwar years, particularly for diseases affecting livestock, such as anthrax. [...]

---

Elephants in colonial Burma's teak industry were vital actors, in both senses of the word 'vital'. [...] The agency of imperial corporations to exploit Burma's resources was the effect of relationships between humans and elephants, and other animals. [...] Racial hierarchies and divisions of labour segmented the human workers. [...] Scientific knowledge of animals was not innocent of the structural position of a species in the empire. Certain creatures became available to imperial researchers through the specific relationships engendered by imperial expansion.

---

All text above by: Jonathan Saha. "Colonizing elephants: animal agency, undead capital and imperial science in British Burma". BJHS Themes, 2017 (2), 169-189. Published online: 24 April 2017. At: doi dot org slash 10.10016/bjt dot 2017.6. BJHS Themes is a companion journal of the British Journal for the History of Science. [Bold emphasis and some paragraph breaks/contractions added by me. Presented here for commentary, teaching, criticism purposes.]

[noxhawthorne]

Bak

Also known as Baak or Bák, the Bak is a malevolent creature from Assam folklore. They usually are found near still bodies of water, like ponds or even wells. Unlike many creatures in Assam folklore, the Bak is not delegated to one specific spot, but rather is seen in myths across the state.

The Bak can be deadly, drowning victims and either possessing their bodies, or simply taking their form after death. It will then go on to live with the victim’s family, and try to kill them, too. If you’re afraid of falling victim to a Bak, carrying a torn fishnet is said to scare them off. However, it should be noted that not all Bak are murderous. A more benign Bak will simply possess a living human, or play tricks on them, especially when it comes to children.

One can gain control over a Bak, according to some myths. This is done by stealing a bag they’re said to carry around, containing their powers.

There is one more interesting part about this creature: Baks love fish. So much so, in fact, that even in the current era, some people will take fish from the market or from one house to another with garlic and mirchi (red chilies) to protect it… or even themselves.

[competitionpedia]

CAA: Issues in the legal challenge to the law

The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019, passed by the Parliament of India, seeks to amend the Citizenship Act of 1955, which provides for the acquisition and determination of Indian citizenship.

Recently, the Ministry of Home Affairs notified the Citizenship Amendment Rules under the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019

The CAA amends the Citizenship Act of 1955 to incorporate these provisions, marking a significant change in India's citizenship policy.

Aim: 

To give citizenship to the target group of migrants even if they do not have valid travel documents as mandated in The Citizenship Act, 1955.

To address the issue of persecution faced by religious minorities in neighbouring countries and provide them with refuge and citizenship in India.

The act provides a fast-track path to Indian citizenship for religious minorities – Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, and Christian – from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.

The act has also cut the period of citizenship by naturalisation from 11 years to 5 i.e. eligible immigrants from these countries who entered India before December 31, 2014, can apply for citizenship under the CAA.

Thus, the amendment relaxed the requirements for certain categories of migrants, specifically based on religious lines, originating from three neighbouring countries with Muslim-majority populations.

It is noteworthy that the act does not include Muslims among the eligible religious groups for expedited citizenship.

Criticism: The act violates the secular principles enshrined in the Indian Constitution by discriminating against Muslims and undermining the idea of equal treatment under the law.

Exempted Areas: Certain categories of areas, such as tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Tripura, as well as areas safeguarded by the 'Inner Line' system, were excluded from the scope of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Eligibility

Under the CAA Rules, migrants from these nations are required to demonstrate their country of origin, their religion, the date of their entry into India, and proficiency in an Indian language as prerequisites for applying for Indian citizenship.

Additionally, any document indicating that "either of the parents or grandparents or great-grandparents of the applicant is or had been a citizen of one of the three countries" is also acceptable.

The Rules specify 20 documents that can establish the date of entry into India for admissible proof.

Challenges in the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA)

Legal Challenges:

Constitutional Validity: The CAA has faced legal challenges regarding its constitutionality, particularly with respect to Articles 14 (equality before law) and 15 (prohibition of discrimination) of the Indian Constitution. By providing preferential treatment to certain religious groups while excluding others, the CAA contravenes these fundamental rights and is seen as discriminatory and contrary to the principle of equality.

Against Secularism: The CAA's focus on granting citizenship based on religious lines, specifically excluding Muslims, is seen as contrary to the secular ethos of the Indian Constitution.

State Opposition: Several states have opposed the implementation of the CAA, leading to potential legal conflicts between the central government and state governments.

Administrative Challenges:

Documentation Verification: Verifying the authenticity of documents proving the eligibility criteria specified in the CAA can pose a significant administrative burden.

Infrastructure: Lack of adequate infrastructure and resources in government departments responsible for processing citizenship applications may hinder the smooth implementation of the CAA.

Social and Political Challenges:

Communal Tensions: The exclusion of Muslims from the purview of the CAA has led to communal tensions and polarization, affecting social harmony in various parts of the country.

Citizenship Criteria: The religious-based criteria for citizenship under the CAA have sparked debates about the secular nature of the Indian state and have been criticized for undermining the principles of equality and inclusivity.

Protest and Opposition: Widespread protests against the CAA have created political challenges for the government, leading to public unrest and opposition from various civil society groups and political parties.

International Relations:

Diplomatic Fallout: The CAA has strained relations with neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, which have expressed concerns about its impact on bilateral relations and regional stability.

Refugee Crisis: The CAA's focus on granting citizenship to persecuted minorities from neighbouring countries could exacerbate refugee crises and strain India's relations with international bodies and humanitarian organizations.

Economic Challenges:

Resource Allocation: Implementing the CAA may require significant financial resources for processing citizenship applications, accommodating new citizens, and addressing potential socio-economic challenges arising from demographic changes.

Section 6A of The Citizenship Act, 1955 and Assam: 

Section 6A was incorporated into the Citizenship Act subsequent to the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985. The Accord outlines the criteria for identifying foreigners in the state of Assam, establishing March 24, 1971, as the cutoff date, which contradicts the cutoff date specified in the CAA 2019.

[zvaigzdelasas]

“The broad consensus across different communities is that the government, both at the Centre and the State, have played a principal role in the lead up to the violence and the continuance of the violence for so long,” reads the team’s report, which was released last week. It goes on to say that the Meitei community has “broadly aligned” itself with the state government and pins a greater share of responsibility on the Union government, and that the Kuki community finds the state government more culpable instead.

The eight-member team visited Manipur between August 10 and 14 and was constituted by the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation. Probing the two communities’ views on why the violence began, the report says that according to the Kukis, there was a “conscious attempt” to trigger violence by Meitei chauvinist groups, who they said torched the Anglo-Kuki War memorial at Churachandpur.[...]

The Wire has reported on how the Union home affairs ministry was planning to finalise a peace accord along the lines of the sixth schedule – which provides for autonomous territories – with Kuki insurgent groups before the ethnic violence put paid to these plans.[...]

The fact-finding team’s report then says that for the Meiteis, the larger reason behind the ethnic violence was the Kukis’ backlash to three state government policies: its “clamp down on illegal infiltration of Kukis from Myanmar, the attempts to stop illegal forest encroachments by Kukis and the war waged on drugs by the state government targeting Kuki poppy cultivators.” “Underlying this narrative of the conflict, is the strong belief that Meiteis are original inhabitants of Manipur, while the Kukis are late-comers,” it adds. It also says that the economic disparity between the two communities was “accentuated by the lopsided and valley-centric policies of the BJP government”, referring to Manipur’s Meitei-majority Imphal Valley.[...]

The team also said that while the state government facilitated the admission of displaced Meitei students into schools and colleges near their relief camps, the education of Kuki students – displaced or otherwise – is “under serious crisis”.[...]

Regarding demands made by either community following the violence, the report notes that the Kuki community has “taken a clear stand that [a] separate administration is the only way out”.[...]

“On the other hand, the Meitei community demands that the withdrawal of [the Suspension of Operations] agreement, protection of [the] territorial integrity of Manipur and strict action against forest encroachments, Kuki militancy and poppy cultivation and the demand for [a] separate state to be dropped,” the report says. The team has also recorded a displaced Meitei person’s demand for the removal of the Assam Rifles from the state. Meitei civil society organisations have accused the Assam Rifles of siding with the Kukis during the ongoing ethnic conflict in Manipur. As for who is responsible for the violence, the team finds the BJP’s double-engine government “squarely to blame”.

28 Sep 23

[thehappybroadcast]

No rhinos were poached last year in the world's largest reserve for the endangered great one-horned rhinoceros, India's Assam state, in what authorities said was the first time since 1977.

Poachers killed more than 190 rhinos in Assam between 2000 and 2021 but none was killed last year, according to data shared by the Assam Police. According to IFAW, the greater one-horned rhino, also known as the Indian rhino, were once widespread across the entire northern region of India until they were decimated in the early 19th century due to the popularity of sport hunting. As a result, it is estimated that in 1908 there were only 12 rhinos left in Kaziranga, India. Thankfully, Assam, is now home to the world’s largest population of greater one-horned rhinos, with nearly 2,900 across the region today. Thanks to conservation efforts, the species has now doubled across north-eastern India. Source: World Animal News (link in bio)

#conservation #rhino #india https://www.instagram.com/p/CoH6aYer6n2/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[33-108]

"Srividya: the twists and turns of a tantric tradition : Phil Hine

In the last two issues of my Unfoldings newsletter, I have been engaging in an in-depth analysis of Kenneth Grant’s representation of Tantric mysteries in his books – using his 1999 book, Beyond the Mauve Zone as the main reference point. In support of this series of essays, I thought it would be helpful for those reading the essays to attempt a general overview of the historical development of the Tripurāsundarī traditions, known nowadays as Śrīvidyā. In this first post, I’m going to focus on the roots of this tradition – the Nityā

The term Śrīvidyā is a compound formed from Śrī – an honorific denoting auspiciousness (also an epithet of the Goddess), and Vidyā – a feminine mantra.

Exoterically, Vidyā can denote knowledge or wisdom. The early texts of the tradition do not use this term though, rather, the tradition referred to itself as the traipuradarśana (doctrine of Tripurā) or sometimes, the Saugbhāgyavidyā (Saugbhāgya denotes good fortune, happiness, and success). According to Anna A. Golovkova (2020), the term Śrīvidyā first appears in a fourteenth-century commentary on the Yoginīhṛdaya. The tradition is sometimes referred to as the ‘last sampradāya’ – the most recent of the nine classical Śaiva tantric traditions. The principal or ‘root’ text of the tradition, the Vāmakeśvarīmata tantra has been dated to between the 10th-11th century CE.

The Nityā Tradition

Contemporary scholars have identified the antecedents of the worship of Tripurāsundarī within a lost Kaula tradition, known as the Nityā (‘eternal’). Much of what is known about this tradition has been gleaned from references in tantric scriptures.

As Golovkova points out, there are no references to the Nityā in works of the Trika tradition, but there are in the later Kubjika tradition, such as the Kubjikāmata (tenth century), the vast Manthānabhairava Tantra, and the Ciñciṇīmatasārasamuccaya. Only one scripture of the Nityā has survived – the Nityākaula. Chapter 30 of the Manthānabhairava Tantra which largely concerns the rules for writing and transmitting scripture, names the Nityākaula as one of the scriptures it considers valid.

In the Nityā tradition, the principal goddess is Kāmeśvarī, and her consort is the god of love, Kāmadeva, accompanied by eleven subordinate Nityā goddesses (see this long essay for some related discussion of Kāma, his weapons, particularly the Sugarcane Bow).

These Nityā goddesses are placed around a triangle (identified with the yoni) and intermediate points of an enclosing hexagram. The points of the triangle are identified with three pīṭhas (seats) of the goddess: Jālandhara, Pūrṇapīṭha, and Uḍḍiyāna. The fourth pīṭha, Kāmarūpa, is the centre of the triangle and the abode of Kāmeśvarī. Hence Kāmarūpa is considered to be the greatest of the śaktī pīṭhas.

The Kālikāpurāṇa (c.10-11th century) gives a lengthy description of Kāmarūpa (Assam) as a kind of divine wonderland, where death cannot enter; where there are no temples or images, but the deities are present as mountains, ponds, trees, and streams. After the terrible events of Dakṣa’s sacrifice, Śiva’s spouse, Satī took her own life. The grieving Śiva carted her body about with him until the other gods sliced up her body. The goddess’ yonimaṇḍala fell at Kāmarūpa, on Mount Kāmagiri (mountain of desire).

The Kāmākhyā temple complex is a centre of Śakta Tantra, and the goddess Kāmākhyā is worshipped there in the form of a yoni-stone, submerged in a natural stream, located in an underground chamber beneath the temple. According to the Kālikāpurāṇa, bathing in the waters of this stream results in release from rebirth and instant liberation. The Kaulajñānanirṇaya says that all of the women who reside in Kāmarūpa are Yoginīs who can reveal secrets and grant siddhis.

Kāmeśvarī is described as being of red hue, bearing weapons the weapons of Kāmadeva (noose, goad, bow, flower-arrows), and extensively ornamented (see these posts for some related discussion of ornamentation).

According to Golovkova, many of these elements appear in the Vāmakeśvarīmata (and later scriptures) – such as the goddess’ red hue; her bearing of the weapons of Kāma; the triangle and her triadic form; and her identification with the pīṭhas. Although, in the later tradition, Kāma has been supplanted by Śiva, there are many references to Kāma – particularly in the names of the groups of subsidiary goddesses populating the layers of the Śricakra (here’s a quick tour through the Śricakra).

In her paper, Golovkova gives a very insightful comparison between a passage she has translated from the Nityākaula and a very similar passage from the Vāmakeśvarīmata. Both passages show that the worship of the goddesses necessitates that the (male) adept should, having installed the goddess in his own body using Nyāsa, must dress in red clothing, adorn himself with flowers, smear his body with red unguent, apply eyeliner (collyrium), chew betel and spices, and equip himself with the weapons of Kāma. He is trying to further identify himself with the goddess by taking on her physical characteristics. Similar practices, albeit directed at emulating the fury of Bhairava are described in the mudrākośa section of the Jayadrathayāmala. This kind of ritualistic male performance of femaleness can be found in early tantric scriptures -even those of the orthodox Śaiva Siddhanta.

The attraction of female partners – human, or otherwise (nāgas, gāndharvas, yakṣinīs, for example) is a core concern of the Nityākaula, and again, as Golovkova shows, this is a focus of the Vāmakeśvarīmata. I concur. There is a great deal of emphasis on not only attracting women but gaining wealth, and power, destroying enemies, and obtaining siddhis in the Vāmakeśvarīmata – and relatively little directed towards what we think of as spiritual liberation.

Locating female agency is always a tricky proposition in regards to the tantras. In this respect, Golovkova argues that in these early scriptures, women have no agency at all – they are highly sexualized, mere objects for the male ritual gaze and acquisition, subjects of practices that aim at attracting and subordinating them."

Sources:

- Bagchi, P.C., Magee, Mike. 1986. Kaulajnana-nirnaya of the The School of Matsyendranatha. Prachya Prakashan.

-Dyczkowski, Mark S.G. (2009). Manthanabhairavatantram Kumarikakhandah (The Section Concerning the Virgin Goddess of the Tantra of the Churning Bhairava In Fourteen Volumes). Indira Gandhi National Center for the Arts and D. K. Printworld Pvt. Ltd.

-Golovkova, Anna A. 2020. ‘The Forgotten Consort: The Goddess and Kāmadeva in the Early Worship of Tripurasundarī’. International Journal of Hindu Studies. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11407-020-09272-6

-Magee, Mike. 2011. The Mysteries of the Red Goddess. Prakasha Publishing.

-Rosati, Paolo E. 2023. ‘Crossing the boundaries of sex, blood and magic in the Tantric cult of Kāmākhyā’ in Acri, Andrea and Rosati, Paolo E. (eds) Tantra, Magic, and Vernacular Religions in Monsoon Asia. Routledge."

[h0bg0blin-meat]

First day of the #Aloukik event.

I'm from Assam, India so I'll be sharing some folktales and lores from my state.

But today I just wanna tell y'all the story of how we got the name of our state. Not the name Assam, but its original names- Kamarupa and Pragjyotishpura, the names that our state was referred to as in the epics of our country.

As for the first name, Kamarupa, this is what happened according to the scriptures-

The mythology regarding the origin of the name Kamarupa tells us the story of Sati who died due to the discourtesy shown to her husband by her father Daksha. Overcame by grief, Shiva carried her dead body and wandered throughout the world. In order to put a stop to this, Vishnu used his discus to cut the body into pieces, which then fell into different places. One such piece fell down on Nilachal hills near Gauhati and the place was henceforth held sacred as Kamakhya. But Shiva’s penance did not stop, so the Gods sent Kamdev, the cupid to break his penance by making him fall in love. Kamdev succeeded in his mission, but Siva enraged at this result, burnt Kamdev to ashes. Kamdev eventually regained his original form here and from then onward the country came to be known as Kamarupa (Where Kama regained his Rupa or form).

In case of the second name, Pragjyotishpura, this was the case.

Bhagadatta was the son of Narakasura, and he named his city Pragjyotishpura, where 'prag' means 'eastern', 'jyotish' means 'star' or 'astrology' and 'pura' means 'city'. So the meaning behind the name of this kingdom was the City of Eastern Star or City of Eastern Astrology.

In case of the modern name, Assam, formerly called Axom or Asom, the sources of its origin are vague so I'm not gonna talk about it.

Welp that's it for the first day I guess. A goof introductory history rant on how my state got its ancient names.

@kathaniii