#Germany GDP

[ranjith11]

Exploring 27 Random and Ridiculous Facts About Germany | Interesting facts about germany

Welcome, geography enthusiasts, to GeographyGuru99, your go-to channel for all things geographical! Today, we embark on an exciting journey to the fascinating land of Germany, known for its bratwurst, beer, and iconic Brandenburg Gate. In this captivating video, we've curated a list of 27 truly unique, random, and at times, utterly ridiculous facts about this European powerhouse. Get ready to be intrigued, amused, and perhaps even a little shocked as we uncover the hidden gems of Germany's culture, history, and quirks. Join us on this virtual adventure through Germany's diverse landscapes and vibrant cities, all while learning some mind-boggling facts that you won't find in your average travel guide.

[notayesmanseconomics]

Who thought the ECB would be sharply raising interest-rates with Germany in recession?

This morning has brought us back to some extent to a piece of economic orthodoxy. Putting it another way something which was always really rather likely is being presented as a shock of sorts. So let me hand you over to the German statistics office. “After GDP had already slipped into the red at the end of 2022, the German economy recorded two negative quarters in a row,” says Ruth Brand,…

[mapsontheweb]

Countries that have similar GDPs to each region of Germany

[klimanaturali]

ALEMANHA vs ITÁLIA | PIB PER CAPITA (US$)

[worldhistorian1845]

Countries with the Highest GDP

USA | GDP: 28,783 (USD Billion)

China | GDP: 18,536 (USD Billion)

Germany | 4,590 (USD Billion)

Japan | GDP: 4,112 (USD Billion)

India | GDP: 3,942 (USD Billion)

United Kingdom | GDP: 3,502 (USD Billion)

France | GDP: 3,132 (USD Billion)

Brazil | GDP: 2,333 (USD Billion)

Italy | GDP: 2,332 (USD Billion)

Canada | GDP: 2,242 (USD Billion)

[mercoglianotrueblog]

Who oppose mainstream media is "far right"

great work of gelded #BXL! #EU economy now 65% of #US, 91% in 2013;#Italy #GDP per capita fallen to #Mississippi level, poorest in US;#France btw #Idaho & #Arkansas; #Germany matches #Oklahoma

#China sold off US #debt. No buyers. It will #crash in 2024

https://salvatoremercogliano.blogspot.com/2023/11/who-oppose-mainstream-media-is-far-right.html?spref=tw

[jobaaj]

UPDATE: India will be the third-largest economy by 2027! We aren’t saying it. J.P. Morgan is!! Recently, James Sullivan, the MD of JP Morgan APAC Equity Research, made this forecast while also adding that India’s GDP could more than double to $7 trillion by 2030!! He expects the contribution of the manufacturing sector to increase from 17% to 25% of India’s GDP while exports are expected to double to over $1 trillion!!

Read full: https://www.linkedin.com/posts/casakshamagarwal_india-economy-jpmorgan-activity-7120687527388196864-Fy-P?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop

Follow Jobaaj Stories (the Media arm of Jobaaj.com Group) for more.

[pebblegalaxy]

Germany's Recession: Impact on Consumer Spending and Economic Outlook

Germany, the largest economy in Europe, has fallen into a recession due to the energy price shock of last year, which has had a significant impact on consumer spending. According to official data, the output in the country has decreased by 0.3% in the first three months of 2023, following a 0.5% contraction at the end of 2022. The Federal Statistical Office has revised its earlier forecast of…

[alsoft2010]

Top 10 Richest Countries by GDP as of 2022

There are 195 countries in the world and all of those have been thriving in their own way as they try to build a strong economy. However, very few nations are managing to do so. But how to know which are the nations that possess the strongest economy? the answer is by calculating GDP. There are various ways to calculate GDP and determine the nations that come within the top 10 rank and prove themselves to be the richest nations. This is what exactly ALInscribe has done for today's article. Our article features ten nations to have the largest economy. Click the link below and know more about it all. #alinscribe #economy #Richestcountry #Top10

[discworldwitches]

[id: screenshot of a tiktok of a woman with the text: while you’re struggling to pay your rent this month I just want you to remember that israel gets subsidized housing, subsidized groceries, free healthcare, updated infrastructure because the USA and Germany has given them multi billion dollars in citizen tax money.]

this is a dangerous narrative. the “im struggling to pay my rent because of my taxes and my taxes go to subsidize cushy lives in israel” is dangerous and a short logical leap from “jews are stealing our hard earned money. the working class and poor are oppressed by jews.”

and that’s not how the money works, much of it goes towards the military and “aid packages” represent value not liquid cash (so weapons sent are represented in $$$ form.) and the state operates the way above bc ben gurion & co were socialists. plus, as far as i know, things are relatively similar to the uk with high costs of living but subsidized housing, public healthcare etc.

money from germany often does not go whatsoever into the pockets of israeli holocaust survivours (which is what it’s desiginated for as holocaust reparations (and bc companies that significantly contribute to the german GDP collaborated with nazis/used the labour of enslaved jews) ) (NOTE: it's military aid; money to compensate holocaust victims and survivors ended in 2018, which as i mentioned, did not go into individuals pockets) let alone israelis who are not survivours. many holocaust survivours living there live in poverty. there are literally videos of some picking through refuse produce.

it’s deeply heinous that palestinian american & palestinian german taxes go in part towards the weapons used to genocide palestinians including their own families. OP's post is not about that. she is not acknowledging that or really any connection between the USA and the occupation forces. instead OP is making it sound like israelis live comfortable lives with little expenditures off of the backs of american workers which is a few steps away from protocols shit at best. the idea that jews are enslaving or profitting off on those who are not jewish, especially the working class & poor, is textbook antisemitic conspiracy.

[mariacallous]

Climate denial may be on the decline, but a phenomenon at least as injurious to the cause of climate protection has blossomed beside it: doomism, or the belief that there’s no way to halt the Earth’s ascendant temperatures. Burgeoning ranks of doomers throw up their hands, crying that it’s too late, too hard, too costly to save humanity from near-future extinction.

There are numerous strands of doomism. The followers of ecologist Guy McPherson, for example, gravitate to wild conspiracy theories that claim humanity won’t last another decade. Many young people, understandably overwhelmed by negative climate headlines and TikTok videos, are convinced that all engagement is for naught. Even the Guardian, which boasts superlative climate coverage, sometimes publishes alarmist articles and headlines that exaggerate grim climate projections.

This gloom-and-doomism robs people of the agency and incentive to participate in a solution to the climate crisis. As a writer on climate and energy, I am convinced that we have everything we require to go carbon neutral by 2050: the science, the technology, the policy proposals, and the money, as well as an international agreement in which nearly 200 countries have pledged to contain the crisis. We don’t need a miracle or exorbitantly expensive nuclear energy to stave off the worst. The Gordian knot before us is figuring out how to use the resources we already have in order to make that happen.

One particularly insidious form of doomism is exhibited in Kohei Saito’s Slow Down: The Degrowth Manifesto, originally published in 2020 and translated from Japanese into English this year. In his unlikely international bestseller, Saito, a Marxist philosopher, puts forth the familiar thesis that economic growth and decarbonization are inherently at odds. He goes further, though, and speculates that the climate crisis can only be curbed in a classless, commons-based society. Capitalism, he writes, seeks to “use all the world’s resources and labor power, opening new markets and never passing up even the slightest chance to make more money.”

Capitalism’s record is indeed damning. The United States and Europe are responsible for the lion’s share of the world’s emissions since the onset of the Industrial Revolution, yet the global south suffers most egregiously from climate breakdown. Today, the richest tenth of the world’s population—living overwhelmingly in the global north and China—is responsible for half of global emissions. If the super-rich alone cut their footprints down to the size of the average European, global emissions would fall by a third, Saito writes.

Saito’s self-stated goals aren’t that distinct from mine: a more egalitarian, sustainable, and just society. One doesn’t have to be an orthodox Marxist to find the gaping disparities in global income grotesque or to see the restructuring of the economy as a way to address both climate breakdown and social injustice. But his central argument—that climate justice can’t happen within a market economy of any kind—is flawed. In fact, it serves next to no purpose because more-radical-than-thou theories remove it from the nuts-and-bolts debate about the way forward.

We already possess a host of mechanisms and policies that can redistribute the burdens of climate breakdown and forge a path to climate neutrality. They include carbon pricing, wealth and global transaction taxes, debt cancellation, climate reparations, and disaster risk reduction, among others. Economies regulated by these policies are a distant cry from neoliberal capitalism—and some, particularly in Europe, have already chalked up marked accomplishments in reducing emissions.

Saito himself acknowledges that between 2000 and 2013, Britain’s GDP increased by 27 percent while emissions fell by 9 percent and that Germany and Denmark also logged decoupling. He writes off this trend as exclusively the upshot of economic stagnation following the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy in 2008. However, U.K. emissions have continued to fall, plummeting from 959 million to 582 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent between 2007 and 2020. The secret to Britain’s success, which Saito doesn’t mention, was the creation of a booming wind power sector and trailblazing carbon pricing system that forced coal-fired plants out of the market practically overnight. Nor does Saito consider that from 1990 to 2022, the European Union reduced its emissions by 31 percent while its economy grew by 66 percent.

Climate protection has to make strides where it can, when it can, and experts acknowledge that it’s hard to change consumption patterns—let alone entire economic systems—rapidly. Progress means scaling back the most harmful types of consumption and energy production. It is possible to do this in stages, but it needs to be implemented much faster than the current plodding pace.

This is why Not the End of the World: How We Can Be the First Generation to Build a Sustainable Planet by Hannah Ritchie, a data scientist at the University of Oxford, is infinitely more pertinent to the public discourse on climate than Saito’s esoteric work. Ritchie’s book is a noble attempt to illustrate that environmental protection to date boasts impressive feats that can be built on, even as the world faces what she concedes is an epic battle to contain greenhouse gases.

Ritchie underscores two environmental afflictions that humankind solved through a mixture of science, smart policy, and international cooperation: acid rain and ozone depletion. I’m old enough to remember the mid-1980s, when factories and power plants spewed out sulfurous and nitric emissions and acid rain blighted forests from the northeastern United States to Eastern Europe. Acidic precipitation in the Adirondacks, my stomping grounds at the time, decimated pine forests and mountain lakes, leaving ghostly swaths of dead timber. Then, scientists pinpointed the industries responsible, and policymakers designed a cap-and-trade system that put a price on their emissions, which forced industry into action; for example, power plants had to fit scrubbers on their flue stacks. The harmful pollutants dropped by 80 percent by the end of the decade, and forests grew back.

The campaign to reverse the thinning of the ozone layer also bore fruit. An international team of scientists deduced that man-made chlorofluorocarbons (CFC) in fridges, freezers, air conditioners, and aerosol cans were to blame. Despite fierce industry pushback, more than 40 countries came together in Montreal in 1987 to introduce a staggered ban on CFCs. Since then, more countries joined the Montreal Protocol, and CFCs are now largely a relic of the past. As Ritchie points out, this was the first international pact of any kind to win the participation of every nation in the world.

While these cases instill inspiration, Ritchie’s assessment of our current crisis is a little too pat and can veer into the Panglossian. The climate crisis is many sizes larger in scope than the scourges of the 1980s, and its antidote—to Saito’s credit—entails revamping society and economy on a global scale, though not with the absolutist end goal of degrowth communism.

Ritchie doesn’t quite acknowledge that a thoroughgoing restructuring is necessary. Although she does not invoke the term, she is an acolyte of “green growth.” She maintains that tweaks to the world’s current economic system can improve the living standards of the world’s poorest, maintain the global north’s level of comfort, and achieve global net zero by 2050. “Economic growth is not incompatible with reducing our environmental impact,” she writes. For her, the big question is whether the world can decouple growth and emissions in time to stave off the darkest scenarios.

Ritchie approaches today’s environmental disasters—air pollution, deforestation, carbon-intensive food production, biodiversity loss, ocean plastics, and overfishing—as problems solvable in ways similar to the crises of the 1980s. Like CFCs and acid rain, so too can major pollutants such as black carbon and carbon monoxide be reined in. Ritchie writes that the “solution to air pollution … follows just one basic principle: stop burning stuff.” As she points out, smart policy has already enhanced air quality in cities such as Beijing (Warsaw, too, as a recent visit convinced me), and renewable energy is now the cheapest form of power globally. What we have to do, she argues, is roll renewables out en masse.

The devil is in making it happen. Ritchie admits that environmental reforms must be accelerated many times over, but she doesn’t address how to achieve this or how to counter growing pushback against green policies. Just consider the mass demonstrations across Europe in recent months as farmers have revolted against the very measures for which Ritchie (correctly) advocates, such as cutting subsidies to diesel gas, requiring crop rotation, eliminating toxic pesticides, and phasing down meat production. Already, the farmers’ vehemence has led the EU to dilute important legislation on agriculture, deforestation, and biodiversity.

Ritchie’s admonishes us to walk more, take public transit, and eat less beef. Undertaken individually, this won’t change anything. But she acknowledges that sound policy is key—chiefly, economic incentives to steer markets and consumer behavior. Getting the right parties into office, she writes, should be voters’ priority.

Yet the parties fully behind Ritchie’s agenda tend to be the Green parties, which are largely in Northern Europe and usually garner little more than 10 percent of the vote. Throughout Europe, environmentalism is badmouthed by center-right and far-right politicos, many of whom lead or participate in governments, as in Finland, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Serbia, Slovakia, and Sweden. And while she argues that all major economies must adopt carbon pricing like the EU’s cap-and-trade system, she doesn’t address how to get the United States, the world’s second-largest emitter, to introduce this nationwide or even expand its two carbon markets currently operating regionally—one encompassing 12 states on the East Coast, the other in California.

History shows that the best way to make progress in the battle to rescue our planet is to work with what we have and build on it. The EU has a record of exceeding and revising its emissions reduction targets. In the 1990s, the bloc had the modest goal of sinking greenhouse gases to 8 percent below 1990 levels by 2008-12; by 2012, it had slashed them by an estimated 18 percent. More recently, the 2021 European Climate Law adjusted the bloc’s target for reducing net greenhouse gas emissions from 40 percent to at least 55 percent by 2030, and the European Commission is considering setting the 2040 target to 90 percent below 1990 levels.

This process can’t be exclusively top down. By far the best way for everyday citizens to counter climate doomism is to become active beyond individual lifestyle choices—whether that’s by bettering neighborhood recycling programs, investing in clean tech equities, or becoming involved in innovative clean energy projects.

Take, for example, “community energy,” which Saito considers briefly and Ritchie misses entirely. In the 1980s, Northern Europeans started to cobble together do-it-yourself cooperatives, in which citizens pooled money to set up renewable energy generation facilities. Many of the now more than 9,000 collectives across the EU are relatively small—the idea is to stay local and decentralized—but larger co-ops illustrate that this kind of enterprise can function at scale. For example, Belgium’s Ecopower, which forgoes profit and reinvests in new energy efficiency and renewables projects, provides 65,000 members with zero-carbon energy at a reduced price.

Grassroots groups and municipalities are now investing in nonprofit clean energy generation in the United States, particularly in California and Minnesota. This takes many forms, including solar fields; small wind parks; electricity grids; and rooftop photovoltaic arrays bolted to schools, parking lots, and other public buildings. Just as important as co-ownership—in contrast to mega-companies’ domination of the fossil fuel market—is democratic decision-making. These start-ups, usually undertaken by ordinary citizens, pry the means of generation out of the hands of the big utilities, which only grudgingly alter their business models.

Around the world, the transition is in progress—and ideally, could involve all of us. The armchair prophets of doom should either join in or, at the least, sit on the sidelines quietly. The last thing we need is more people sowing desperation and angst. They play straight into the court of the fossil fuel industry.

[ranjith11]

Exploring 27 Random and Ridiculous Facts About Germany | Interesting facts about germany

Welcome, geography enthusiasts, to GeographyGuru99, your go-to channel for all things geographical! Today, we embark on an exciting journey to the fascinating land of Germany, known for its bratwurst, beer, and iconic Brandenburg Gate. In this captivating video, we've curated a list of 27 truly unique, random, and at times, utterly ridiculous facts about this European powerhouse. Get ready to be intrigued, amused, and perhaps even a little shocked as we uncover the hidden gems of Germany's culture, history, and quirks. Join us on this virtual adventure through Germany's diverse landscapes and vibrant cities, all while learning some mind-boggling facts that you won't find in your average travel guide. 🌍 Whether you're a seasoned traveler or simply curious about the world, this video is your passport to discovering the unexpected. So, sit back, relax, and let's dive into the wonderful world of Germany together!

[notayesmanseconomics]

Germany revises GDP growth further into recessionary territory

This  morning we have an example of news which in itself deserves to grab some headlines but also has quite a few consequences. So let me had you over to the German statistics office. WIESBADEN – The gross domestic product (GDP) fell by 0.4% in the fourth quarter of 2022 compared to the third quarter of 2022 – adjusted for price, seasonal and calendar effects. As reported by the Federal…

[mapsontheweb]

GDP per capita of East Germany and West Germany

[klimanaturali]

ALEMANHA vs VENEZUELA | PIB PER CAPITA (US$)

[mesetacadre]

how come the last time the fascists started being popular the commies were too, but now the fascists are rampant whilst the commies aren't (specifically talking about germany rn)

Let's all first be at the same page when it comes to Europe's context at the moment. GDP growth has been stagnating for a few years, save for the momentaneous rebound after most pandemic restrictions were lifted. Regardless of how aware capitalists and economists are, capitalism is facing down another crisis. The EU specifically is beginning to show the first countermeasures in the form of militarism and the beginnings of cuts in the budget. If I recall correctly, the Next Generation fund is drying up, which is a pretty wide-reaching fund. But what's more relevant is the turn towards a war economy, I detailed more on this here and here.

Both the war economy that the EU and NATO are pushing and the pre-existing downturn push people to find answers as to why the European welfare state is showing cracks, despite professional economists insisting the economy is doing well, and despite the economy supposedly recovering from the pandemic restrictions. Now, this might come as a shocker to some, but most Europeans are still pretty fucking racist despite how sorry they say they feel about (past) colonialism and despite how much the word "decolonial" is appended to higher education. So this, mixed with the petty-bourgeois aspirations hammered into everyone since you learn to read, make it extremely easy to feel as if this situation is the fault of migrants. Many of the modern fascist or fascist-adjacent groups haven't really continued with the centrality of antisemitism, substituting it with xenophobia in general, and more specifically against arabs or muslims (they don't see a difference between those groups). Fascism reflects the already-present bigotry in society, it does not invent new types of bigotry.

Having laid this out, I would argue against you when it comes to evaluating forces. Fascism, by virtue of its own nature, is always loud and seeks to create conflicts. It's how they grow. Communist practice, on the other hand, tends to go more unnoticed. Both because serious communists don't actively seek loud conflicts as a structuring tactic, but also because bourgeois press don't have any good reason to publicize, say, a victory achieved by a group of workers organized by the communist party. Each year, marxism-leninism is growing in Europe, especially in the south. You don't hear about it unless you know where to look and who to ask by design. I don't think there is that dramatic an imbalance (if you treat the very conservative parties sweeping recent elections distinct from the organized fascist groups equivalent to those rising in the 1920s, which I do), but regardless, I do think there is being a considerable preemptiveness in this rise in popularity. It's no accident every one of these groups has a money trail leading to the most reactionary factions of the bourgeoisie and their corresponding parties. The eurocommunist parties are also fulfilling their role as the left-wing of social-democracy, and acting as a sponge that absorbs a considerable number of would-be communists with a will to organize.