Blatantly Partisan Party Review V (NSW 2023): Socialist Alliance
Prior reviews: federal 2016, NSW 2019, federal 2019, federal 2022, VIC 2022
What I said before: “Do I really need to tell you much about this party’s platform? They’re proper eco-socialists whose policies cohere around a belief in workers’ solidarity, hostility to capitalism, and radical action on climate change.” (federal 2019)
What I think this year: Socialist Alliance are here for you if you’re seeking a socialist option in NSW. The policies are what you’d expect: there are no surprises. Their policy statement starts by highlighting cost-of-living issues and criticising governments and corporations that “put profits before people’s needs”. If you believe in the principle of “from each according to their ability, to each according to their need”, then you’ll find much to like in Socialist Alliance’s platform.
This said, I’m no shill for Socialist Alliance—or any party. I self-identify as a small-g green democratic socialist, but I have never belonged to a party and have no intention to change that. Ever since I became engaged in electoral politics in the mid-00s, I’ve felt that Socialist Alliance has done a poor job of engaging the voting public. Their lack of electoral success evinces their inability to persuade the masses in the way the Communist Party of Australia did in the 1940s, and I’m not sure they’ve figured out what it takes to cut through. I can’t help but suspect a lot of socialists and communists are too busy fighting niche ideological disputes.
But, look, I live in hope that Socialist Alliance or another socialist party will find the candidates, the networks, the rhetoric, and the wherewithal to restore socialism to electoral significance within Australian political discourse.
Recommendation: Give Socialist Alliance a good preference.
Website: https://socialist-alliance.org/2023-new-south-wales-state-election/people-before-profit-nsw-election-march-25
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Ma meuf a fait ce meme très slay c'est sur notre histoire d'amour
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Evil
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Not the Australian labour party teaming up with the liberals to block a bill from the greens that would of raised the disability pension above 88 bucks a day.
Labour looooves to talk big about standing up against the evil libs but they're just as complicit in the stagnation of our country.
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An alliance of parties seeking independence for New Caledonia has nominated as chief a prominent opposition leader currently jailed in France over a wave of deadly rioting in the French Pacific territory.
Christian Tein, who considers himself a “political prisoner”, was one of seven pro-independence activists transferred to mainland France in June -- a move that sparked renewed violence that has roiled the archipelago and left 11 people dead.
His appointment on Saturday to lead the Socialist Kanak National Liberation Front (FLNKS) risks complicating efforts to end the crisis, sparked in May by a Paris plan for voting reforms that indigenous Kanaks fear will thwart their ambitions for independence by leaving them a permanent minority.
Laurie Humuni of the RDO party, one of four in the FLNKS alliance, said Saturday that Tein's nomination was a recognition of his CCAT party's leading role in mobilising the independence movement.
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Ceasefires have become licenses for criminal activities: Nagaland MLA Kuzholuzo Nienu
Kuzholuzo Nienu. File
| Photo Credit: X/@k_azonienu
“The ceasefires between the Centre and some factions of extremist groups catering to Naga nationalism have turned into licenses for criminal activities instead of fostering peace and stability,” a Nagaland MLA has said.
Kuzholuzo Nienu, an MLA of the Naga People’s Front (NPF) told the 60-member State Assembly on Thursday (August 29, 2024) that…
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i love that the last people heard the leftist coalition won the french legislative elections so they think we have a leftist government now lol
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i largely agree with your politics but tbqh the way you present your ideas is not really radical, frankly it's worryingly eschatological/messianic. which sucks cuz otherwise you seen like a pretty rational individual
I don't think 'making claims about the future' is inherently messianic or eschatological, though I understand this is often a sticking point regarding Marxism - if we understand dialectical and historical materialism to be genuine scientific knowledge on human society, which we should, then the ability to predict future events with confidence is simply part and parcel of its existence as scientific knowledge.
The claim 'the tendency of the rate of profit to fall drives capital inevitably, through various ways, into cyclical crises of various scales, with the largest-scale examples consisting of global economic crises and world wars, the approach to which can be recognised and quantified prior' should be seen as no more messianic than 'the release of greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere causes runaway heating which, while increasing the general planetary average temperature, alao leads to localised extreme weather events and rising sea levels, which can be recognised and quantified prior'.
Fundamentally, while a lot of people are willing to accept Marxism as providing *empirical* understanding of human society; that is, as a means to understand and decompose present and historical social issues; it is a lot harder for people to accept Marxism as providing genuinely scientific understanding of human society capable of predictive power. The reasons behind this are, generally, due to the nature of enlightenment philosophy and the bourgeois conception of science, wherein bourgeois social 'sciences' are incomplete, piecemeal, and reflexive (since, as Marxism demonstrates, a geneuine scientific analysis of human society, beginning from the political-economic basis of society, is harmful to bourgeois society).
When I say 'revolution in the imperial core is not going to occur today, but is an essential inevitability in the near future' I am saying, essentially, nothing more than the well-proven principle that 'revolution will occur where the chain of imperialism is weakest'. The condition for revolution in the imperial core is widespread revolution in the periphery states, the condition for widespread revolution in the periphery states is worldwide economic crisis and war, and the condition for worldwide economic crisis and war is the decline of imperial profits and the collapse of imperialist alliances. There is a fairly clear chain of events here, each of which has not only turned out in the past (the first world war being predictable before it ever occured) but is currently turning out in the present (look back even on my own blog towards discussions of inter-imperialist war and note that Marxists had predicted a ground war in Europe by 2025 well prior to the actual commencement of the Russia-NATO proxy war in Ukraine, as well as the inevitability of an economic crash circa 2020).
As proletarians, there is, also, largely nothing that can be done to influence these events without the existence of large proletarian political organs capable of leading the proletariat in conscious political action - the existence of which is contingent on historical circumstances. The imperial core does not have serious proletarian organs with a mass basis, and will not have those organs until conditions exist to facilitate them - said conditions being the collapse of imperialist profits and the worsening of domestic repression in core states. This does not mean that the eventual emergence and victory of those organs will not require constant, arduous work from communists to build up and maintain, to whatevee degree is possible, a communist movement until fhat time arrives - but it means that, for instance: Marx in the 1800s was never going to lead a socialist state, leaving that work to a future Lenin.
Almost assuredly, no existing party in the USA will carry out revolution - but the leaders of the revolutionary movement that will emerge under the pressures of war against Russia, China, the EU imperialist bloc; and of climate crisis and economic collapse; will likely be the ones gaining experience in political work at this time. Marxism speaks of classes, not individuals - it is not, really, messianic to say 'the bourgeoisie will go to war when faced with economic crisis, and the proletariat will resist when faced with war', nor is it, I reason, very eschatological to say 'the world is going to get much, much worse in the near future, however, there is a possible way to escape the horrors of war that does not end in nuclear annihilation'.
However, if it's what you'd prefer, I could call myself God-queen of violent benevolence, and emanate a vision of revolutionary salvation - whichever works.
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Common historical misconceptions:
Suits and ties were not used by everyone: they were mostly used by people of high status on formal occassions.
Daft Punk represent some of the earliest androids registered outside fiction, they were not two humans in suits (this is still disputed)
Similarily, Miku Hatsune was an "anime" character at first, the first sentient personalities of Miku date from 2026.
The "Old City" of Niork in Usamerica was actually built in the 2230s around the JFK Spaceport, the ruins of old Niork are in the Manhattan Swamplands.
Similarily, the Statue of Liberty and the Empire State Building are later reconstructions. The original Statue of Liberty did not have the shield with the emblem of the Joint Chiefs.
The Joint Chiefs did not refer to an alliance of "chiefs" in charge of Usamerican "states", but rather to the pre-socialist military dictatorship.
Bioengineering allowing for animal features is only registered from the late 21th century onwards. Findings previous to that are understood to be caricatures.
"Anime" art was made for general entertaiment, thus the stylization: it did not reflect a lack of knowledge of anatomy. The 'animation renaissance' of the 22th century is heavily disputed.
Open surgery was not 'primitive' or 'painful': it was a complex procedure with anaesthesia and other processes to avoid suffering of the patient. Widespread internal biotechnology arrived only on the 22th century.
The First Space Race did not end because of 'incuriosity' or 'astrophobia'. While political factors were important, technological developements such as Single-Stage-to-Orbit spaceships came only by the late 21th century.
While it is true that live meat was commonly consumed in the industrial era, it was not hunted or butchered at home by individuals such as Gauchos, but rather produced by ranching. Widespread artificial meat arrived only in the 22th century.
The current Socialist Interstellar is not a direct continuation of the original Socialist International, there were several interludes on which did not exist as such, particularily the Neoliberal Interlude of 1991 to 2089. The oldest continously socialist country is Cuba, now part of the URSAL.
There is no evidence that Batman existed. His introduction to the superhero genre as a 'powerless' hero was fictional, and not based on a real person, despite several claims.
However, Espaiderman is identified to be a real person: Pedro Parques, who lived in Baries, Argentina during the late 21th century, but he did exist as a Usamerican character previously.
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Blatantly Partisan Party Review XIX (Victoria 2022): Socialist Alliance
Prior reviews: federal 2016, NSW 2019, federal 2019, federal 2022
What I said before: “Do I really need to tell you much about this party’s platform? They’re proper eco-socialists whose policies cohere around a belief in workers’ solidarity, hostility to capitalism, and radical action on climate change.” (federal 2019)
What I think this time: Socialist Alliance left the Victorian Socialists electoral alliance two years ago and are standing candidates separately, but they have not yet regained party registration with the VEC. This means that their candidates appear as independents on the ballot.
There are four Socialist Alliance-endorsed independents, all of them in lower house seats: Arie Huybregts (Broadmeadows), Angela Carr (Geelong), Sarah Hathway (Lara), and Sue Bolton (Pascoe Vale). Bolton is already an elected representative at the level of local government: she has won multiple terms as a councillor in the City of Merri-bek (formerly Moreland). In two seats, Socialist Alliance-endorsed independents are going up against Victorian Socialist candidates: one of Huybregts’ opponents in Broadmeadows is VS’s Omar Hassan, while in Pascoe Vale, Bolton’s rivals include VS’s Madaleine Hah.
Socialist Alliance’s state platform covers the same ground to their recent federal platforms, so I’ve not much to add to my 2019 and 2022 entries about the bigger picture. What sticks out to me is that they have made an effort to include policies specifically relevant to where their four candidates are standing. For the Geelong and Lara candidates, there is a commitment to a new public hospital in Geelong’s northern suburbs. For the Pascoe Vale and Broadmeadows candidates, there is a policy to duplicate the Upfield line that passes through these electorates—the lack of double track between Gowrie and the terminus is why it has such appalling frequencies.
Another big state-specific positive is that Socialist Alliance want investment in accessible public transport to match the level crossing removal programme in quantity and speed of delivery. A large proportion of Melbourne's public transport network does not meet basic accessibility standards, particularly trams and buses. The network is required to comply with the Disability Discrimination Act, but the timeframe for compliance has been extended to 2032, and who knows if that won’t be pushed back even further. Other parties could really take a hint from Socialist Alliance and make this a priority too.
My recommendation: Give Socialist Alliance-endorsed independents a good preference.
Website: https://socialist-alliance.org/elections/state/2022/election-campaign/community-need-not-corporate-greed-2022-victoria-state
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by POTKIN AZARMEHR
‘Pro-Palestine’ protests have become a near-weekly occurrence across Britain. Since Hamas’s 7 October massacre, regular marches have been drawing in a growing number of young people, marked by passionate advocacy and fervent slogans. Yet despite their zeal, many of these protesters lack a fundamental understanding of the conflict they are so vociferously decrying.
In the past six months, I have attended many of these marches. Having engaged with numerous protesters, I have noticed a startling disconnect between their strong opinions on the Gaza conflict and their shaky grasp of basic facts about it. Among the most perplexing are the LGBT and feminist groups (the ‘Queers for Palestine’ types) who flirt with justifying Hamas’s atrocities. This is a bewildering alliance, given that Hamas’s Islamist ideology is clearly antithetical to the rights and values these groups claim to champion. Its reactionary agenda is profoundly hostile to women’s rights and LGBT individuals.
Protesters seem eager to make excuses for Hamas, but are conspicuously uninformed about exactly what or who this terrorist group represents. On 18 May, during a protest at Piccadilly Circus in London, I spoke to demonstrators who firmly believed that Hamas represents all Palestinians. When I questioned a well-educated participant about the last Palestinian election, she was unaware that none had occurred since 2006, when Hamas gained power in Gaza.
It wasn’t just young people who were uninformed. An older woman with an American accent, seemingly a veteran protester, admitted she knew that Hamas was linked to the Muslim Brotherhood, but had no deeper knowledge of its ideology or history. Others, such as members of revolutionary socialist groups, displayed similar gaps in understanding, unaware of critical events like the 1979 Iranian Revolution.
That revolution gave birth to the Islamic Republic of Iran, a theocratic regime that brutally oppresses its own citizens. It also sponsors Islamist groups like Hamas. I left Iran for the UK not long after that regime began and have spent years resisting its religious extremism and ruthless political intolerance. Protesters were not only unaware of these facts about the Iranian regime, but also ill-informed about the struggle against it, such as the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ protests against the government that began in 2022.
One particularly telling conversation involved a man advocating for a ‘Global Intifada’ to replace capitalism with socialism. When asked about successful socialist models, he was unfamiliar with the Israeli kibbutzim, one of history’s few successful egalitarian experiments. His ignorance of these communal settlements in Israel, built by socialist Jewish immigrants, was all too typical.
Perhaps the most telling moment was captured by commentator Konstantin Kisin earlier this year, when he encountered a young man holding a ‘Socialist Intifada’ placard. The protester admitted he had no idea what this meant and that he had taken the sign simply because it was handed to him.
Reflecting on past movements, such as the American anti-Vietnam War protests of the 1960s and the British Anti-Apartheid Movement of the 1980s, one can’t help but note a stark contrast. Protesters then were generally well-informed about their causes. Today’s pro-Palestine protests, however, seem to be driven more by unthinking fervour than by an understanding of the issues at hand.
Throughout all these protests, I am yet to encounter a single participant who condemns Hamas or carries a placard denouncing its terrorism. This not only undermines the protesters’ cause, but also risks aligning them with groups whose values fundamentally oppose the very rights and freedoms they claim to support. It appears that today’s young protesters are high on ideology, but woefully thin on facts.
Potkin Azarmehr is an Iranian activist and journalist who left Iran for the UK after the revolution of 1979.
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US embassies banned from flying LGBTQ flags | Latest News | WION
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French President Emmanuel Macron has named Michel Barnier as prime minister almost two months after France's snap elections ended in political deadlock.[...]
A veteran of the right-wing Republicans (LR) party, he has had a long political career and filled various senior posts, both in France and within the EU.[...]
It has taken President Macron 60 days to make up his mind on choosing a prime minister, having called a "political truce" during the Paris Olympics
But Mr Barnier will need all his political skills to navigate the coming weeks, with the centre-left Socialists already planning to challenge his appointment with a vote of confidence.[...]
His nomination has already caused discontent within the New Popular Front (NFP), whose own candidate for prime minister was rejected by the president.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of the radical France Unbowed (LFI) - the biggest of the four parties that make up the NFP - said the election had been "stolen from the French people".
Instead of coming from the the alliance that came first on 7 July, he complained that the prime minister would be "a member of a party that came last", referring to the Republicans.
"This is now essentially a Macron-Le Pen government," said Mr Mélenchon, referring to the leader of the far-right National Rally (RN).
He then called for people to join a left-wing protest against Mr Macron's decision planned for Saturday.
To survive a vote of confidence, Mr Barnier will need to persuade 289 MPs in the 577-seat National Assembly to back his government.
Marine Le Pen has made clear her party will not take part in his administration, but she said he at least appeared to meet National Rally's initial requirement, as someone who "respected different political forces".[...]
A recent opinion poll suggested that 51% of French voters thought the president should resign.
5 Sep 24
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What are your criticisms of Chavismo and Maduro just out of curiosity?
now i'd like to preface this with a disclaimer that any opposition ghoul would do nothing but sell the country out to the USA and UK every which way in a heartbeat--maduro is better than any alternative, whether that's guaidó or whichever neoliberal puppet they prop up to replace him.
anyway, there were two key problems with chavismo. firstly, it's fundamentally a national-bourgeois led social democratic movement. obviously in an imperialized country like venezuela this made it profoundly progressive, and the achievments of the bolivarian revolution were incredible--chávez cut malnutrition in half, cut unemployment in half, sent millions of children to school and gave millions of elderly people pensions. however, this project of wealth distribution ultimately had to accomodate the national bourgeoisie. which of course on one hand you can argue was completely necessary, but on the other hand allowed the parasitic classes to entrench themselves firmly within elements of the state apparatus and made chavismo as a project entirely incapable of confronting the national bourgeoisie or corruption.
these of course are the realities of 'democratic socialism', of sweeping a socialist into office in a bourgeoise democracy. through some extremely clever political structures, such as the new constitution, communes, and bolicarian circles--he was able to move much more radically than most in his position. but ultimately, he could not escape the fundamental limits of the source and constraints of his power.
the second is that--and this is a very tawdry and obvious piece of analysis--while it is of course admirable and correct that he seized the nation's oil wealth and enriched the country with it--the way he did it was obviously shortsighted. without a sovereign wealth fund, worker's democratic control of the oil industry, or a solid and far-ranging investment plan, he laid the groundwork for some of the current crisis on the assumption that oil prices would stay high forever.
maduro inherited these faults and added far more of his own. during the crisis that began in earnest in 2016, the other shoe dropped wrt oil prices at the same time as the US tightened their murderous sanctions regime. faced with economic crisis, maduro has broadly chosen to move from chávez' strategy of accomodation with the national bourgeoisie to a full on alliance. social programs have been slashed, pensions cut, wages have plummeted, and worst of all, maduro has sold off countless state enterprises in the hope that oft-prayed to benevolent deity, "foreign capital" would miraculously heal the economy. in the course of this he made an enemy of many early chavistas, as well as the leftmost wing of chávez' coalition -- he has mobilized the full force of the bourgeois state against the country's communist party and other genuinely revolutionary movements, most gallingly the marxist-leninist movimiento tupamaro.
so, tldr: chavismo was genuinely radical compared to even your average third-world social democracy--however it remained fundamentally constrained in what it could accomplish by the lack of an actual proletarian state, was unable to rid itself of reliance on the national bourgeoisie for that same reason, and made some very avoidable mistakes in the handling of the nation's oil wealth--maduro inherited those flaws but has been much more accomodating to both national and international capitalists to the detriment of the people of venezuela.
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