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#harsha walia
anarchistin · 7 months
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These kinds of liberal democratic institutions — like welfare, like health care, like child services and the immigration system — are literally institutions that are death machines and are intended to be that way.
But we don’t see it, because we don’t see or understand it in the same way as we might overt violence, but that’s what they were perfected to become.
Harsha Walia
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antifainternational · 2 years
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"And the everyday unsanctioned movement of people—defying borders and risking death—is, in itself, worldmaking and homemaking. Without romanticizing or generalizing the politics of those on the move, we must recognize the sheer will and productive power they represent. In their determination for a different life, migrants and refugees subvert the multibillion-dollar global industry of barbed wire walls, drone surveillance, militarized checkpoints, and bureaucratic violence aimed at fatally deterring them. Revolutions bring no guarantees, but they do call on us to dream, listen, commune, act, struggle, dismantle, rematriate, create, to move and make anew." - Harsha Walia, There Is No 'Migrant Crisis,'" The Boston Review, November 16, 2022
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I think it's really interesting and important to think about and talk about the solidarity between groups that experience different forms of oppression.
Neurodivergent people and physically disabled people can both experience ableism, but it can look different. People find out about some of my mental health diagnoses and decide they wouldn't trust me with children (regardless of how I actually act) or they wouldn't date me or hire me. But this can be different than some of the opression I face as a cane user, when people assume I am faking being disabled or that I only use a cane because I'm fat (the intersection of ableism and fatphobia). And yet they're still connected.
We also see this in racism -- there are specific and unique kinds of racism that different groups experience. For example, an Asian person in a non-Asian majority country being asked, "No, where are you really from?" is different than a Black person being followed around a store because they are Black, but these things are still connected.
We also see this in religion and spirituality -- for example, antisemitism is real and important to acknowledge, and so is islamophobia. For example, Jewish people being targeted with violence while trying to come together in houses of worship is different than people seeing a Sikh person and assuming they're Muslim and therefore a terrorist, but these things are still connected.
The discrimination and oppression I face as a bi person is different than the discrimination and oppression I face as a genderqueer person, and both of those are different than the discrimination and oppression I face as a demi aroace person, but they're also all still connected.
We see this with transphobia -- there are specific and unique kinds of transphobia that transfeminine people face and that transmasculine people face. We see this in the kinds of stereotypes we come across about each group, and the kinds of hate crimes that are committed, and the challenges each group faces when trying to date, have sex, get access to health care, or just go out to buy groceries. These things are different, but they're also still connected.
We see this with so many different things that I can't begin to cover here. And we see that many people are part of multiple communities affected by several of these forms of oppression at the same time.
Talking about this requires thoughtfulness, nuance, and balance. True solidarity requires us to be able to be aware of the different ways that we face oppression, to be cognizant and respectful of the differences, but to also resist the urge to position these differences in some sort of persistent hierarchy.
Harsha Walia says this more eloquently than I can:
"I think allies and accomplices have become identities in and of themselves, when in fact they are meant to be verbs—to signify ways of being and of doing, of relationship and relationality. It is impossible for any one person to be ‘an ally’ because we all carry multitudes of experiences and oppressions and privileges. Most people are simultaneously oppressed and simultaneously privileged, and even those are always specific and contextual.My paid work is in one of the poorest neighborhoods in the country. Unsurprisingly, this is a disproportionately racialized neighbourhood but there are many older cisgender white men. A straight white cisgender man who is homeless faces a harsher material reality than me on a daily basis—with minimal to no access to food, shelter, health care, or income. Reductively, one would say that I have class privilege in relationship to him. But it goes beyond that. Even taking into account that I might be able to count off more forms of oppression, the entirety of my material reality is more secure.For me that is where intersectionality falls short; it has become a static analysis and one of fixed categories that leads to oppressed/ally dichotomies. Anti-oppression analysis becomes rigid in its categorizations when the question becomes who is more oppressed, rather than engaging in a dialogue of how oppression, which is relational and contextual, is specifically manifesting. Oppression develops a strange quantifiable logic, a commodity that can be stocked up on. This isn’t to say I don’t believe in anti-oppression allyship, but rather that I question its reductionism in place of a fluid, contextual and relational practice."
Harsha Walia, “Dismantle & Transform: On Abolition, Decolonization, & Insurgent Politics”
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shreygoyal · 2 years
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A proclamation like “Immigrants steal our jobs,” and its rejoinder, “Our economy needs immigrants” treats immigrants as commodities to be traded in capitalist markets and discarded if deemed defective.
—Harsha Walia
(Source)
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deadassdiaspore · 2 years
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Empires crumble, capitalism is not inevitable, gender is not biology, whiteness is not immutable, prisons are not inescapable, and borders are not natural law.
Harsha Walia, Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism
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umbralwaves · 11 days
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Last year nearly 200 environmental defenders were killed — certainly an undercount. The leading culprit? The mining industry. The most dangerous region? Latin America.
These are the stark realities we need to confront as we face a new mining boom linked to the energy transition
— Thea Riofrancos (@triofrancos) September 14, 2024
Nearly 70 percent of mining companies globally are headquartered in Canada and 50 percent of the world's publicly listed mining and mineral exploration companies are in Canada.
— Harsha Walia (@HarshaWalia) September 14, 2024
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"As calls to abolish ICE, prisons and policing, and borders gain urgency in the U.S. and abroad, so too does the need to understand how these systems necessitate and sustain each other. Silky Shah and Harsha Walia, in conversation with Amna A. Akbar, will unpack why global migrant justice efforts require a PIC abolition analysis, and how this relates to bordering, migration, and capitalism more broadly."
The stream is still live as of this posting, there's a sign language interpreter on screen as well 💗
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librarycards · 8 months
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Hello! Your posts are very enlightening and I'm inspired by how much you read. Might be a weird question and I'm sorry if it is but do you have any good book recommendations for a USAmerican trying to expand their worldview? I.e., histories of other countries/global regions, imperialism, etc.
i have some, but also recommend looking through @metamatar / @fatehbaz / @lafemmemacabre / @killy / @sawasawako / @handweavers (these are the mutuals that stand out to me but just the tip of the iceberg) &other blogs that have a more robust collection of resources –– i have learned a lot from them over the years!
that said, here are some books and authors whose oeuvres/at least multiple books i strongly recommend. different genres, and i'm not delineating between them as i am ideologically opposed to Doing That/creating epistemic hierarchies. obviously, that is particularly true given the nature of this ask. but it should be pretty clear what is considered a standard 'political/historical nonfiction' book and what...isn't!
authors:
Lisa Lowe
Jasbir Puar
Laila Lalami
Sara Ahmed
Trinh T. Minh-ha
Jamaica Kincaid
b. binaohan
Larissa Lai
Edwidge Danticat
Harsha Walia
Bhanu Kapil
books:
Atef Abu Saif, The Drone Eats With Me: A Gaza Diary
Tsitsi Dangarembga, Nervous Conditions
Pankaj Mishra, Bland Fanatics: Liberals, the West, and the Afterlives of Empire
Leila Khaled, My People Shall Live
Susan Williams, White Malice: The CIA and the Covert Recolonization of Africa
Minae Mizumura, The Fall of Language in the Age of English
Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Feminism Without Borders
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Not a Nation of Immigrants
Saidiya Hartman, Lose Your Mother
Mimi Sheller, Mobility Justice: The Politics of Movement in an Age of Extremes
Marwa Helal, Ante Body
Aviva Chomsky, Central America's Forgotten History (NB: forgotten by usamericans, that is)
Raja Shehadeh, Palestinian Walks: Forays into a Vanishing Landscape
Moraga, Anzaldúa, and Bambara, eds., This Bridge Called My Back
Poupeh Missaghi, trans(re)lating house one
Marisol de la Cadena, Earth Beings
Kathryn Joyce, The Child Catchers: Rescue, Trafficking, and the New Gospel of Adoption
Bonaventure Soh Beje Ndikung, Pidginization as Curatorial Method: Messing with Languages and Praxes of Curating
Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples
again, this appears as a long list, but is truly just a taste of what's out there. i hope it helps!
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anarchistin · 6 months
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The links between empire, race making, and the border are perhaps best symbolized in the construction of the border wall itself: wire mesh recycled from a Japanese-American internment camp, repurposed Air Force landing strips and ground sensors from the Vietnam War, and Elbit Systems' "virtual wall" surveillance technology field-proven on Israel's apartheid wall.
– Harsha Walia, Border and Rule
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gatheringbones · 1 year
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[“You might be thinking that we seem to be talking about people smuggling rather than people trafficking, and that those two things are different. People smuggling is when someone pays a smuggler to get them over a border: in UK law, human trafficking is when someone is transported for the purposes of forced labour or exploitation using force, fraud, or coercion. It’s tempting to think of these as separate things, but there is no bright line between them: they are two iterations of the same system.
Let’s break it down. It is common for people to take on huge debts to smugglers to cross a border. So far, so good: clearly smuggling. But once the journey begins, the person seeking to migrate finds that the debt has grown, or that the work they are expected to undertake upon arrival in order to pay off the debt is different from what was agreed. Suddenly, the situation has spiralled out of control and they find themselves trying to work off the debt, with little hope of ever earning enough to leave. Smuggling becomes trafficking. The discourse of trafficking largely fails to help people in this situation, because it paints them as kidnapped and enchained rather than as trying to migrate. It therefore seeks to ‘rescue’ them by blocking irregular migration routes and sending undocumented people home— often the very last thing trafficked people want. Although they might hate their exploitative workplace, their ideal option would be to stay in their destination country in a different job or with better workplace conditions; an acceptable option would be to stay in the country under the current, shit working conditions, but the very worst option would be to be sent home with their debt still unpaid.
By viewing trafficking as conceptually akin to kidnap, anti-trafficking activists, NGOs, and governments can sidestep broader questions of safe migration. If the trafficked person is brought across borders unwillingly, there is no need to think about the people who will attempt this migration regardless of its illegality or conclude that the way to make people safer is to offer them legal migration routes. People smuggling tends to happen to less vulnerable migrants: those who have the cash to pay a smuggler upfront or have a family or community already settled in the destination country. People trafficking tends to happen to more vulnerable migrants: those who must take on a debt to the smuggler to travel and who have no community connections in their destination country. Both want to travel, however, and this is what anti-trafficking conversations largely obscure with their talk about kidnap and chains.
Our position is that no human being is ‘illegal’. People should have the right to travel and to cross borders, and to live and work where they wish. As we wrote in the introduction, border controls are a relatively new invention – they emerged towards the end of the nineteenth century as part of colonial logics of racial domination and exclusion. (ICE, the brutal American immigration enforcement police, was only created in its modern form in 2003; the previous iteration of it is as recent as the 1930s, an agency called Immigration and Naturalization Services.) The mass migrations of the twenty-first century are driven by human-made catastrophes – climate change, poverty, war – and reproduce the glaring inequalities from which they emerge. Countries in the global north bear hugely disproportionate responsibility for climate change, yet disproportionately close their doors to people fleeing the effects of climate choas, leaving desperate families to sleep under canvas amid snow at the edges of Fortress Europe. As migrant-rights organiser Harsha Walia writes, ‘While history is marked by the hybridity of human societies and the desire for movement, the reality of most of migration today reveals the unequal relations between rich and poor, between North and South, between whiteness and its others.’
A system where everybody could migrate, live, and work legally and in safety would not be a huge, radical departure; it would simply take seriously the reality that people are already migrating and working, and that as a society we should prioritise their safety and rights. Some journalists and policymakers argue that migration brings down wages. However, the current system, wherein undocumented people cannot assert their labour rights and as a result are hugely vulnerable to workplace exploitation, brings down wages by ensuring that there is a group of workers who bosses can underpay or otherwise exploit with impunity. Low wages and workplace exploitation are tackled through worker organising and labour law – not through attempting to limit migration, which produces undocumented workers who have no labour rights.
However, instead of starting from the premise of valuing human life, the countries of the global north enact harsh immigration laws that make it hard for people from global south countries to migrate. You don’t stop people wanting or needing to migrate by making it illegal for them to do so, you just make it more dangerous and difficult, and leave them more vulnerable to exploitation. Punitive laws may dissuade some from making the journey, but they guarantee that everyone who does travel is doing so in the worst possible conditions. Spending billions of dollars on policing borders actively makes this worse, without addressing the reasons people might want to migrate – notably, gross inequality between nations, which in large part is a legacy of colonial – and contemporary – plunder and imperialist violence.”]
molly smith, juno mac, from revolting prostitutes: the fight for sex workers’ rights, 2018
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dailyanarchistposts · 3 months
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Appendix 3: Further Reading
Though we have used direct quotes and endnotes as a way to acknowledge our intellectual debts and sources throughout the book, we often found ourselves wanting to include more of the currents and perspectives that have shaped this work. With that in mind, we have assembled some articles, zines, books, films, interviews, and stories for those who want to go further with some of the ideas explored in each chapter, providing links to online versions where possible. This list is diverse, and elements of these texts are in tension with each other and our own work, and we think they are all worth approaching in the spirit of critical and affirmative reading. We also recommend checking out work by everyone we interviewed and cited, and we are planning to create a fuller list on our website: joyfulmilitancy.com
Chapter 1: Empire, Militancy, Joy
Zainab Amadahy, Wielding the Force: The Science of Social Justice, Smashwords Edition, 2013 (non-fiction book).
Anonymous, “The Tyranny of Imagery, or, How To Escape the Zoopraxiscope,” Hostis 2, 2016 (essay).
adrienne maree brown and Walidah Imarisha, eds., Octavia’s Brood: Science Fiction Stories from Social Justice Movements, AK Press 2015 (collected short fiction).
Colectivo Situaciones, “On the Researcher Militant,” 2003 (essay), http://eipcp.net/transversal/0406/colectivosituaciones/en.
Silvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation, Autonomedia, 2004 (non-fiction book).
John Holloway, Change the World Without Taking Power, Pluto Press, 2005 (non-fiction book).
Audre Lorde, Sister Outsider, Crossing Press, 1984 (collected essays).
Brian Massumi, “Navigating Movements” interviewed by Mary Zournazi, https://archive.org/stream/InterviewWithBrianMassumi/intmassumi_djvu.txt.
P. M. bolo’bolo, Autonomedia, 1985 (non-fiction book), http://sfbay-anarchists.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/bb_3.pdf.
Stevphen Shukaitis, Imaginal Machines: Autonomy & Self-Organization in the Revolutions of Everyday Life, Minor Compositions, 2009 (non-fiction book), http://www.minorcompositions.info/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/ImaginalMachines-web.pdf.
Chapter 2: Friendship, Freedom, Ethics
Taiaiake Alfred, Wasase: Indigenous Pathways of Action and Freedom, University of Toronto Press, 2005 (non-fiction book).
Anonymous, “Robot Seals as Counter-Insurgency: Friendship and Power from Aristotle to Tiqqun (blog post), https://humanstrike.wordpress.com/2013/08/27/robot-seals-as-counter-insurgency-friendship-and-power-from-aristotle-to-tiqqun/.
Richard Day, Gramsci is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements, Between the Lines, 2005 (non-fiction book).
Elena Ferrante, My Brilliant Friend, Europa, 2012 (novel).
Knowing the Land is Resistance, “Towards an Anarchist Ecology” (blog post/zine), https://knowingtheland.com/2014/01/28/new-zine-collecting-towards-and-anarchist-ecology/.
Maria Mies, Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale: Women in the International Division of Labour, Zed Books, 2014 (non-fiction book).
Leanne Betasamosake Simpson, “Decolonial Love: Building Resurgent Communities of Connection,” 2014 (video recorded talk), http://emmatalks.org/session/leanne-simpson/.
Harsha Walia, “Decolonizing Together,” Briarpatch, 2012 (essay), https://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/decolonizing-together
Irvin Yalom, The Spinoza Problem: A Novel, Basic Books, 2013 (novel).
Chapter 3: Trust and Responsibility as Common Notions
carla bergman and Corin Brown, Common Notions: Handbook Not Required, 2015 (documentary).
Gustavo Esteva and Madhu Suri Prakash, Grassroots Post-Modernism: Remaking the Soil of Cultures, Zed Books, 1998 (non-fiction book).
Matt Hern, Everywhere all the Time: A New Deschooling Reader, AK Press, 2008 (non-fiction anthology).
John Holloway, “Greece: Hope Drowns in the Reality of a Dying World, or Does it?” (video lecture), http://www.johnholloway.com.mx/2015/10/05/greecehope-drowns-in-the-reality-of-a-dying-world-or-does-it/.
Walidah Imarisha, Angels with Dirty Faces: Three Stories of Crime, Prison, and Redemption, AK Press, 2016 (creative non-fiction).
The Invisible Committee, To Our Friends, Semiotext(e), 2015 (non-fiction book),
Margaret Killjoy, “Take What You Need and Compost the Rest: an introduction to post-civilized theory,” Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness, 2010 (zine), http://www.tangledwilderness.org/take-what-you-need-and-compost-the-rest/.
Robin Wall Kimmerer, Braiding Sweetgrass, Milkwood, 2015 (non-fiction book).
Victoria Law, “Against Carceral Feminism,” Jacobin, 2014 (essay), https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/10/against-carceral-feminism/.
Leanne Simpson, ed., Lighting the Eighth Fire: The Liberation, Resurgence, and Protection of Indigenous Nations, Arbeiter Ring, 2008 (non-fiction anthology).
Raúl Zibechi, Dispersing Power: Social Movements as Anti-State Forces, 2010 (non-fiction book).
Chapter 4: Stifling Air, Burnout, Political Performance
Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle, 1967 (non-fiction book)
Michel Foucault, “Preface,” in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, 1972 (non-fiction book).
Jo Freeman, “Trashing: the Dark Side of Sisterhood,” 1976 (essay),
http://www.jofreeman.com/joreen/trashing.htm.
INCITE! Women of Colour Against Violence, eds., The Revolution Will Not be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex, South End Press, 2009 (non-fiction anthology).
Institute for Precarious Consciousness, “We Are All Very Anxious,” 2014 (zine), https://cloudfront.crimethinc.com/pdfs/We-Are-All-Very-Anxious.pdf.
Friedrich Nietzsche, On the Genealogy of Morality, 1887 (non-fiction book),
http://www.inp.uw.edu.pl/mdsie/Political_Thought/GeneologyofMorals.pdf.
Andrew X, “Give Up Activism,” 2009 (essay / zine),
Chapter 5: Undoing Rigid Radicalism
Asam Ahmad, “A Note on Call-Out Culture,” Briarpatch, 2015 (essay), https://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/a-note-on-call-out-culture.
Kelsey Cham C., “Radical Language in the Mainstream,” Perspectives on Anarchist Theory 29, 2016 (essay), https://anarchiststudies.org/2017/03/09/radical-language-in-the-mainstream-by-kelsey-cham-c/.
CrimethInc., “Against Ideology?,” 2010 (essay),
http://www.crimethinc.com/texts/atoz/ideology.php.
scott crow, “In a moving river nothing can ever be set in stone: A letter for insurgent dreamers,” (essay) in Emergency Hearts, AK Press, 2015,
Michel Foucault, “Preface,” in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, Viking Press, 1977,
http://cnqzu.com/library/Philosophy/Deleuze,%20Gilles%20and%20Felix%20Guattari-AntiOedipus.pdf.
Jamie Heckert “Anarchy and Opposition,” (essay) In Queering Anarchism: Addressing and Undressing Power and Desire, AK Press, 2012.
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, “Paranoid Reading and Reparative Reading, Or, You’re so Paranoid, You Probably Think This Essay Is about You,” (essay) in Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity, Duke University Press, 2003,
Alexis Shotwell, Against Purity: Living Ethically in Compromised Times, University of Minnesota Press, 2016 (non-fiction book).
amory starr, “Grumpywarriorcool: What Makes Our Movements White?” (essay) in Igniting a Revolution: Voices in Defense of the Earth, AK Press, 2006, http://trabal.org/texts/grumpywarriorcool.pdf.
Nicholas Thoburn, “Weatherman, the Militant Diagram, and the Problem of Political Passion,” New Formations 68, 2009 (academic article), http://sfbay-anarchists.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Thoburn-Weatherman-the-Militant-Diagram-and-the-Problem-of-Political-Passion.pdf.
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raffaellopalandri · 25 days
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Book of the Day – Border and Rule
Today’s Book of the Day is Border and Rule, written by Harsha Walia in 2021 and published by Haymarket Books. Harsha Walia is a Canadian activist and writer based in Vancouver. She is active in immigration politics, Indigenous rights, feminist, anti-racist, anti-statist, and anti-capitalist movements. Border & Rule, by Harsha Walia I have chosen this book because I often cite it in discussions…
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hesitationss · 11 months
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everyone who is following for posting like revolutionary optimism and possible actions (canada) or other things you can do, i mostly post pretty pictures, little diary entries, and occasional anime meta. it's okay to unfollow, also mind your business abt my life..., and pls keep up with news sources such as al jazeera, the resistance news network (if you have unpacked war on terror racial anxieties about armed resistance), and journalists such as plestia, bisan, and motaz! you should be able to find their IGs and twitters relatively easy. also canadians, CPJME always has from home actions you can take, plus anti-imperial activists such as harsha walia or gada sasa. additionally, you may have ad-hoc groups or marching contingencies you can join for city-wide marches. if not, consider starting one with your friends! make a post about a lgbtq+ marching group to show up in solidarity and choose a meeting point for before and after the protest as a semi-safety plan! don't forget to mask at protests (prevent sickness and surveillance)
okay that's all from me, palestine will be free no matter what the western/zionist propaganda war is saying. we know this bcuz it's happened before. also i'm currently getting my covid and flu shots and you should too!!
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protoslacker · 5 months
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Mitt Romney Through a Counterinsurgency Lens
Last week I read a piece by Julia Conley in Common Dreams, Romney Admits Push to Ban TikTok Is Aimed at Censoring News Out of Gaza.
The article is about Mitt Romney and Antony Blinken in conversation as the keynote address at The Sedona Forum. The version of the article I first saw had the full address embedded. The page today has a 2-minute snippet posted by Arnaud Betrand at Twitter.com that really fits with the article. But I clicked to watch the full video and from the very start felt so much disdain for Mitt Romney, a gut-level disgust I hadn't felt about him before.
I know the feeling and also know that it often gets in my way about understanding. The solution isn't to ignore the feeling, which I probably can't do anyhow, but rather to take some time to attempt to better understand.
Later in the week I caught a live episode of Millennial's Are Killing Capitalism with Dylan Rodrigues at about the 50 minute mark. Rodrigues and MAKC host Jared Ware are discussan article by Rodrigues, How the Stop Asian Hate Movement Became Entwined with Zionism, Policing, and Counterinsurgency.
The lens which Rodrigues provided of counterinsurgency as a political logic was very useful to me for begining to unravel the sticky ball of disdain for Mitt Romney. I've paid too little attention to what. counterinsurgency is. here The conversation gave me plenty of pointers to learn more.
Dylan Rodrigues also peeled down another layer to the ways in which we can imagine the state. And he mentioned that he'd been studying the question with William Anderson and Dean Spade among others. I found a conversation with Harsha Walia, William Anderson, and Dean Spade at Barnard in 2022, No borders! No prisons! No cops! No war! No state?. The discussion opened up a view to imaging states and no-states.
A political logic which makes turning a blind eye towards genocide is appalling to me, but perhaps even mores shocking is the many ways I find myself entwined in that logic. Thinking about counter insurgency and the state more critically is necessary for imagining and doing something other which more consistent with what I value.
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A proclamation like “Immigrants steal our jobs,” and its rejoinder, “Our economy needs immigrants” treats immigrants as commodities to be traded in capitalist markets and discarded if deemed defective. Migrant justice must not endorse categories of desirable or undesirable, expectations of gratitude or assimilation, gestures of charitable humanitarianism, tropes of migrating to modernity, the commodification of labor to benefit capital accumulation, or state borders and other carceral regimes as legitimate institutions of governance.
Harsha Walia, Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism
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