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#Cuban plantations
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Marcel Antoine Verdier (French, 1817-1856) Le Châtiment des quatre piquets, 1849 Exposition Le Modèle noir, musée d'Orsay, 2019 Quartier Faubourg-Saint-Germain, Paris, Île-de-France
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Tobacco plantation on Cuba
Cuban vintage postcard
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reasoningdaily · 23 days
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Black labor, white sugar : Caribbean braceros and their struggle for power in the Cuban sugar industry
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Black labor, white sugar : Caribbean braceros and their struggle for power in the Cuban sugar industry
Click the title link to download for FREE from The Black Truebrary
Early in the twentieth century, the Cuban sugarcane industry faced a labor crisis when Cuban and European workers balked at the inhumane conditions they endured in the cane fields. Rather than reforming their practices, sugar companies gained permission from the Cuban government to import thousands of black workers from other Caribbean colonies, primarily Haiti and Jamaica. Black Labor, White Sugar illuminates the story of these immigrants, their exploitation by the sugarcane companies, and the strategies they used to fight back.
Philip A. Howard traces the socioeconomic and political circumstances in Haiti and Jamaica that led men to leave their homelands to cut, load, and haul sugarcane in Cuba. Once there, the field workers, or braceros, were subject to marginalization and even violence from the sugar companies, which used structures of race, ethnicity, color, and class to subjugate these laborers.
Howard argues that braceros drew on their cultural identities-from concepts of home and family to spiritual worldviews-to interpret and contest their experiences in Cuba. They also fought against their exploitation in more overt ways. As labor conditions worsened in response to falling sugar prices, the principles of anarcho-syndicalism converged with the Pan-African philosophy of Marcus Garvey to foster the evolution of a protest culture among black Caribbean laborers.
By the mid-1920s, this identity encouraged many braceros to participate in strikes that sought to improve wages as well as living and working conditions.
The first full-length exploration of Haitian and Jamaican workers in the Cuban sugarcane industry, Black Labor, White Sugar examines the industry's abuse of thousands of black Caribbean immigrants, and the braceros' answering struggle for power and self-definition
Click the title link to download for FREE from The Black Truebrary
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omgitsacuban · 1 year
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Carlos Manuel de Céspedes del Castillo, who was a plantation owner in Cuba, freed his slaves and made the declaration of Cuban independence in 1868 which started the Ten Years' War. Cuban Social vol VI No 3 (marzo 1921)
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4ft10tvlandfangirl · 10 months
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You know what's incredibly upsetting? Seeing so many pro-Israel or pro-Zionist posts parrot that the only reason anyone could be pro-Palestine or call for a free Palestine is because they hate Jews.
I know what this tactic is meant to do and I know how making people apathetic, how discrediting their knowledge of a topic or questioning the genuineness of their empathy and other similar tactics are used to benefit the oppressive group but it's still pissing me off.
I am a descendant of enslaved people.
Our history lessons always begin with the slaughter & genocide of the indigenous peoples that were here first, primarily the Taino, who thankfully have a few descendants living in isolation along with the protected Maroon villages. It is normal throughout high school to take history trips to former great houses & plantations and see for ourselves the sites where our ancestors were brutalized and massacred; the weapons and tools of torture preserved and on display so that we knew but a taste of what they went through.
My university is built on the grounds of a former plantation. There are businesses and homes built on top of mass graves & on top of sites of slaughter. There is literally no escaping our colonial history because it touches everything. Our last names are not even our own! Most of us have English, Scottish and Irish last names given by the plantation owners to our ancestors. Or you know...because many children were the product of rape. We cannot accurately trace our true heritage more than 4-5 generations back because most families have no complete records.
A lot of you like to bring up grandparents. Cool. My great-great grandmother was the daughter of a mulatto free woman and a white Scottish sailor. She was white passing. Because land and work were hard to get here under colonial rule, she left the island for a better life with her husband who was a Cuban born mulatto and they ended up living in the US through WWII and after. They were considered an interracial couple (black & white rather than both being seen as mixed) and could not live in certain places because it was illegal. Papa couldn't find work, was treated horribly, because he had darker skin but Grandma found work passing as white and was treated much better. She worked 2-3 jobs to provide for them and their 5 children.
But, there were times when she would appear darker like if she was out in the sun too long or her curls would start to show and a Jewish neighbour/coworker suggested to her it might be safer to tick Jewish on forms rather than white if her race was ever questioned. I suppose due to that kindness the family formed friendships within the Jewish community where they lived & Grandma's eldest son actually married a Jewish woman. His kids and grandkids are all Jewish and they still live in the US.
I share this specific thing because I have very real concerns for those members of my family. But while I worry for them in this time of increasing anti-semitism and absolutely decry any verbal/physical attacks against them, I am still going to speak against things that are wrong. What Israel is doing is wrong. Of course as a non-Jewish person I can acknowledge I may misstep and if I say/do something that is genuinely anti-semitic I'll take the correction. But if your aim is just to intimidate me into silence it's not going to work.
And trying to tell me 'well black people are not welcomed there or black people wouldn't get treated well in Palestine' as if that affects the cost of bread. Guess what? Black people face racism everywhere. Even among our own and colonialism has a lot to do with that. That same grandmother, I was fortunate to grow up with her in the latter part of her life after she returned to the island and every time I went out with her there were questions of whether my family worked for her. Or why was I, this little black girl with this little old white lady as if I meant her harm. She had to say proudly, "This is my granddaughter." How other people view me or treat me isn't going to stop me from speaking up for what's right.
With the history of my people I could never ever ever side with the oppressor. Ever. Whether its here in the west or in the east, whether it's happening to my fellow black people, or any other group of people, I cannot in good conscience stand with the oppressor. My ancestors were forcibly stripped of their humanity, called savages, animals, barbarians and all of that was brutally beaten into them. That same language and similar acts of brutality are being used against Palestinians today.
You think you can cower me into staying silent on that? With unfounded accusations of hate? I refuse.
N.B. - my use of the word mulatto here is strictly to provide the historical context of how my grandparents were seen/classified and spoken of. It is not a term we use.
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readyforevolution · 2 months
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Carlota Lucumí was an African-born enslaved Cuban woman of Yoruba origin, who is known as the leader of the rebellion at the Triumvirato sugar plantation of 1843. Enslaved people suffered brutal treatment in this and other plantations throughout Cuba at the hands of Spanish slave masters. 
Alongside Fermina, another enslaved African woman from the plantation of Arcana, Carlota, was able to organise the Africans to rise up against their enslavers. On November 5, 1843, the Africans at Triumvirato rose in rebellion, burning down the house that had been used to torture slaves and forcing the owner of the plantation to flee.
The uprising had wide-ranging effects across space and time. Guerrilla attacks by Africans against slave masters increased in the region, leading to the freeing of enslaved Africans in other plantations. Moreover, the Cuban intervention in Angola against the racist South African apartheid regime and western backed UNITA and FNLA factions was codenamed 'Operation Carlota' in Carlota Lucumi's honour.
Forward to African Women Leaders!
Homeland or Death!
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#CarlotaLucumi #PAWD #PanAfricanWomensMonth #PAWM #PAWM2024 #LandBack #FreethePeople #panafricanism #HomelandorDeath #PanAfricanismorPerish #DefendAFRICA #Organize #JoinanOrganization #allafricanpeoplesrevolutionaryparty #BuildtheAAPRP #BuildTheAAWRU #AAPRP #AAWRU #JoinTheAfricanRevolution #Liberation #HandsOffHaiti
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#abolishNATO #shutdownafricom #antiimperialism #anticolonialism #antineocolonialism
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citizenscreen · 3 months
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On July 2, 1839.
MUTINY ON THE AMISTAD
Enslaved Africans on the Cuban schooner Amistad rise up against their captors, who had been transporting them to a life of slavery on a sugar plantation at Puerto Principe, Cuba.
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reddest-flower · 2 months
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The Soviet intervention in Hungary and the Khrushchev revelations produced in Europe a process that led – gradually – to the Eurocommunism of the Communist Party of Spain’s leader Santiago Carrillo, who said, in 1976, ‘once Moscow was our Rome, but no more. Now we acknowledge no guiding centre, no international discipline’. This was a communism that no longer believed in revolution but was quite satisfied with an evolutionary dynamic. The European parties, correct in their desire for the right to develop their own strategies and tactics, nonetheless, threw themselves onto a self-destructive path. Few remained standing after the USSR collapsed in 1991. They campaigned for polycentrism but, in the end, achieved only a return to social democracy.
Amongst the Third World communist parties, a different orientation became clear after 1956. While the Western European parties seemed eager to denigrate the USSR and its contributions, the parties in the Third World acknowledged the importance of the USSR but sought some distance from its political orientation. During their visits to Moscow in the 1960s, champions of ‘African socialism’ such as Modibo Keïta of Mali and Mamadou Dia of Senegal announced the necessity of non-alignment and the importance of nationally developed processes of socialist construction. Marshal Lin Biao spoke of the need for a ‘creative application’ of Marxism in the Chinese context. The young leader of the Indonesian Communist Party – Dipa Nusantara Aidit – moved his party towards a firm grounding in both Marxism-Leninism and the peculiarities of Indonesian history. [...]
In the Third World, where Communism was a dynamic movement, it was not treated as a religion that was incapable of error. ‘Socialism is young’, Che Guevara wrote in 1965, ‘and has its mistakes.’ Socialism required ceaseless criticism in order to strengthen it. Such an attitude was missing in Cold War Europe and North America [...] After 1956, Communism was penalized by the Cold Warriors for the Soviet intervention in Hungary. This played some role in the Third World, but it was not decisive. In India, in 1957 the Communists won an election in Kerala to become the ruling party in that state. In 1959, the Cuban revolution overthrew a dictatorship and adopted Marxism-Leninism as its general theory. In Vietnam, from 1954, the Communists took charge of the north of the country and valiantly fought to liberate the rest of their country. These were communist victories despite the intervention in Hungary.
[...]
Much the same history propelled the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) forward from 1951, when it had merely 5,000 members, to 1964, when it had two million party members and an additional fifteen million members in its mass organizations (half of them in the Indonesian Peasants’ Front). The party had deep roots in the heavily populated sections of east and central Java but had – in the decade after 1951 – begun to make gains in the outer islands, such as Sumatra. A viciously anti-communist military was unable to stop the growth of the party. The new leadership from the 1953 Party Central Committee meeting were all in their thirties, with the new Secretary General – Aidit – merely thirty-one years old. These communists were committed to mass struggles and to mass campaigns, to building up the party base in rural Indonesia. The Indonesian Peasants’ Front and the Plantation Workers’ Union – both PKI mass organizations – fought against forced labour (romusha) and encouraged land seizures (aksi sepihak). These campaigns became more and more radical. In February 1965, the Plantation Workers’ Union occupied land held by the US Rubber Company in North Sumatra. US Rubber and Goodyear Tires saw this as a direct threat to their interests in Indonesia. Such audacity would not be tolerated. Three multinational oil companies (Caltex, Stanvac and Shell) watched this with alarm. US diplomat George Ball wrote to US National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy that in ‘the long run’ events in Indonesia such as these land seizures ‘may be more important than South Vietnam’. Ball would know. He oversaw the 1963 coup in South Vietnam against the US ally Ngô Đình Diệm. The West felt it could not stand by as the PKI got more aggressive.
By 1965, the PKI had three million party members – adding a million members in the year. It had emerged as a serious political force in Indonesia, despite the anti-communist military’s attempts to squelch its growth. Membership in its mass organizations went up to 18 million. A strange incident – the killing of three generals in Jakarta – set off a massive campaign, helped along by the CIA and Australian intelligence, to excise the communists from Indonesia. Mass murder was the order of the day. The worst killings were in East Java and in Bali. Colonel Sarwo Edhie’s forces, for instance, trained militia squads to kill communists. ‘We gave them two or three days’ training,’ Sarwo Edhie told journalist John Hughes, ‘then sent them out to kill the communists.’ In East Java, one eyewitness recounted, the prisoners were forced to dig a grave, then ‘one by one, they were beaten with bamboo clubs, their throats slit, and they were pushed into the mass grave’. By the end of the massacre, a million Indonesian men and women of the left were sent to these graves. Many millions more were isolated, without work and friends. Aidit was arrested by Colonel Yasir Hadibroto, brought to Boyolali (in Central Java) and executed. He was 42.
There was no way for the world communist movement to protect their Indonesian comrades. The USSR’s reaction was tepid. The Chinese called it a ‘heinous and diabolical’ crime. But neither the USSR nor China could do anything. The United Nations stayed silent. The PKI had decided to take a path that was without the guns. Its cadre could not defend themselves. They were not able to fight the military and the anti-communist gangs. It was a bloodbath.
[...]
There was little mention in Havana of the Soviet Union. It had slowed down its support for national liberation movements, eager for detente and conciliation with the West by the mid-1960s. In 1963, Aidit had chastised the Soviets, saying, ‘Socialist states are not genuine if they fail to really give assistance to the national liberation struggle’. The reason why parties such as the PKI held fast to ‘Stalin’ was not because they defended the purges or collectivization in the USSR. It was because ‘Stalin’ in the debate around militancy had come to stand in for revolutionary idealism and for the anti-fascist struggle. Aidit had agreed that the Soviets could have any interpretation of Stalin in terms of domestic policy (‘criticize him, remove his remains from the mausoleum, rename Stalingrad’), but other Communist Parties had the right to assess his role on the international level. He was a ‘lighthouse’, Aidit said in 1961, whose work was ‘still useful to Eastern countries’. This was a statement against the conciliation towards imperialism of the Khrushchev era. It was a position shared across many of the Communist Parties of the Third World.
Many Communist parties, frustrated with the pace of change and with the brutality of the attacks on them, would take to the gun in this period – from Peru to the Philippines. The massacre in Indonesia hung heavily on the world communist movement. But this move to the gun had its limitations, for many of these parties would mistake the tactics of armed revolution for a strategy of violence. The violence worked most effectively the other way. The communists were massacred in Indonesia – as we have seen – and they were butchered in Iraq and Sudan, in Central Asia and South America. The image of communists being thrown from helicopters off the coast of Chile is far less known than any cliché about the USSR.
Red Star Over the Third World, Vijay Prashad, 2019
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fatehbaz · 7 months
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[T]he political philosophy underlying Westphalian, modern sovereignty [...], foundations of the modern state, [...] [formed] in relation to plantations. [...] [P]lantations [are] [...] laboratories to bring together environmental and labor dimensions [...], through racialized and coerced labor. [...] [T]he planters and managers who engineered the ordering and disciplining of these [...] [ecological] worlds also sustained [...] [p]lantations [by] [...] disciplining (and policing the boundaries of) humans and “nature” [...]. The durability and extensibility of plantations, as the central locus of antiblack violence and death, have been tracked most especially in the contemporary United States’ prison archipelago and segregated urban areas [...], [including] “skewed life chances, limited access to health [...], premature death, incarceration [...]”. [...]
Relations of dependence between planters and their laborers, sustained by a moral tie that indefinitely indebts the laborers to their master, are the main mechanisms reproducing the plantation system long after the abolition of slavery, and even after the cessation of monocrop cultivation.
The estate hierarchy survives in post-plantation subjectivities, being a major blueprint of socialization into work for generations and up to the present. [...] [Contemporary labor still involves] the policing of [...] activities, mobility and access to citizenship [...].
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[There is] persistence - until the 1970s in most Caribbean and Indian-Ocean plantation societies, and even until today in Indian tea plantations [...] - of a system of remuneration based on subsistence wages [...]. Plantations have been viewed as displaying sovereign-like features of control and violence monopoly over land and subjects, through force as much as ideology [...]. [W]itness the plethora of references to “plantocracies” [...] ([...] sometimes re-christened “saccharocracies” in the Cuban and wider Caribbean context [...] [or] “sovereign sugar” in Hawai’i). [...]
[T]race the genealogy of contemporary sovereign institutions of terror, discipline and segregation starting from early modern plantation systems - just as genealogies of labor management and the broader organization of production [...] have been traced [...] linking different features of plantations to later economic enterprises, such as factories [...] or diamond mines [...] [,] chartered companies, free ports, dependencies, trusteeships - understood as "quasi-sovereign" forms [...].
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[I]n fact, the relationships and arrangements obtaining in the space of the plantation may be analogous to, mirrors or pre-figurations of, or substitutes for the power and grip of the modern state as the locus of legitimate sovereignty. [...] [T]he paternalistic and violent relations obtaining in the heyday of different plantations (in the United States and Brazil [...]) appear as the building block and the mirror of national-imperial sovereignties. [...]
[I]n the eighteenth-century [United States] context [...], the founding fathers of the nascent liberal democracy were at the same time prominent planters [...]. Planters’ preoccupations with their reputation, as a mirror of their overseers’ alleged skills and moral virtue, can thus be read as a metonymy or index of their alleged qualities as state leaders. Across public and private management, paternalism in this context appears as a core feature of statehood [...]. Similarly, [...] in the nineteenth century plantations were the foundation of the newly independent Brazilian empire. [...] [I]n the case of Hawai’i [...], the mid-nineteenth-century institution of fee-title property and contract labor, facilitated by the concomitant establishment of common-law courts (later administered by the planter elite), paved the way to the establishment of sugar plantations on the archipelago [...].
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[T]he control of movement, foundational to modern sovereign claims, has in the plantation one of its original experimental grounds: [...] the demand for plantation labor in the wake of slavery abolition in the British colonies (1834) occasion[ed] the birth of the indenture system as the origin of sovereign control on mobility, pointing to the colonial genealogy of the modern state [...].
The regulation of slaves’ mobility also represented a laboratory for the generalization of [refugee, immigrant, labor] migration regulation in subsequent epochs [up to and including today] [...] [subjugating] generally racialized and criminalized subjects [...]. [P]lantations appear as a sovereign-making machine, a workshop in (or against) which tools of both domination and resistance are forged [...].
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All text above by: Irene Peano, Marta Macedo, and Colette Le Petitcorps. "Introduction: Viewing Plantations at the Intersection of Political Ecologies and Multiple Space-Times". Global Plantations in the Modern World: Sovereignties, Ecologies, Afterlives (edited by Petitcrops, Macedo, and Peano). Published 2023. [Bold emphasis and some paragraph breaks/contractions added by me. Presented here for criticism, teaching, commentary purposes.]
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kemetic-dreams · 4 months
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Long before it arose in New York City and became an influential style of music around the world, salsa music has its seeds in African rhythms and traditions that came to the Caribbean through the slave trade. Centuries of enslavement caused many cultural changes in Cuba, including the music that led to salsa.
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Some people know Bobby Day’s 1958 “Rockin’ Robin” or Michael Jackson’s remake but the origin of the song goes back to the days of slavery.
The majority of the Africans that were enslaved and brought to the Americas were of West African descent where the drum was used as a form of communication. In the Americas, enslaved Africans used the drum in the same way — communicating with the enslaved on distant plantations and ultimately planning uprising.
The enslavers caught wind of this and enacted a ban.
It is absolutely necessary to the safety of this Province, that all due care be taken to restrain Negroes from using or keeping of drums, which may call together or give sign or notice to one another of their wicked designs and purposes. — Slave Code of South Carolina, Article 36
That ban went down in 1740 and soon spread throughout Colonial America.
But the beat is in the heart of the African.
We soon found other ways to imitate the sound of the drum; stomping, playing spoons, washboards, or anything other household item. We also “slapped Juba” or played “hambone” where the body became an instrument where the player slaps their thighs and chest for the drum beat. (How did young boys in 1980s Park Hill, Denver know “Hambone?”)
Although we kept the beat, we lost the tradition, a cultural marker snatched away from us.
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While the American enslaver worked feverishly to destroy any vestige of African culture, the Spanish enslaver of Cuba felt that it was in his best interest to allow the enslaved African to maintain his culture. In support of that, the Spanish allowed the Africans to organize Cabildos (or social groups) based on their nation of origin. Thus you had the Abakua (or Ekpe) from the nations known as Nigeria and Cameroon, the Madinga (or Malinke) from Sierre Leone, etc.
Our focus is primarily on the Lucumi, the Cabildo founded for the Yoruba of Benin and Nigeria. This lineage would be the cornerstone and origin point for what is now called “Salsa.” And what is this “Salsa?”
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When we spoke of the drum being forbidden among the enslaved Africans in America, we forgot to mention that there was one place that didn’t enact that ban. That place was the port city of New Orleans, Louisiana — some even call New Orleans the Northernmost Caribbean city.
Similar in the way that the Spanish allowed for Cabildos in Cuba, the Louisiana enslavers permitted Sundays off and were okay with the dance and celebration so long as the enslaved African did so outside of the city limits in a place called Place des Negres (eventually known as Congo Square).
After the Civil War, Africans in America were able to get a hold of surplus brass instruments and shortly thereafter began composing music based on the popular music in the Caribbean at the time, the Cuban Habanero. Many say that this is one of the foundations of jazz music itself and the basis of the habanero, the tressilo, can be heard in second lines. Self-proclaimed jazz inventor, Jelly Roll Morton had this to say:
Now take the habanero “La Paloma”, which I transformed in New Orleans style. You leave the left hand just the same. The difference comes in the right hand — in the syncopation, which gives it an entirely different color that really changes the color from red to blue. Now in one of my earliest tunes, “New Orleans Blues”, you can notice the Spanish tinge. In fact, if you can’t manage to put tinges of Spanish in your tunes, you will never be able to get the right seasoning, I call it, for jazz. Jelly Roll Morton
Because of those qualities, a young musical prodigy from Cuba, Mario Bauzá recognized the similarities between jazz and Cuban music straightaway. Bauzá fell in love with jazz having heard it on Cuban radio but it was his trip to Harlem, NYC in 1927 that convinced him that New York was where he wanted to be and jazz was the music that he wanted to play.
Bauzá returned to New York in 1930, immediately found work, eventually landing a gig in the Cab Calloway band. Here he brought on the legend in the making, Dizzy Gillespie, and the two became fast friends. Bauzá attempted to play his “native” music to many in the band but they dismissed it as “country” music. Gillespie, on the other hand, embraced it.
For the next eight years Bauzá played in predominately African jazz bands having seen discrimination from white Cubans. Yet he longed to start a group that incorporated the music from his home and his second love, jazz. He shot this idea to his childhood friend/brother-in-law and in 1939 at the Park Palace Ballroom the Machito Afro-Cubans would debut.
“I am Black, which means my roots are in Africa. Why should I be ashamed of that?” Bauzá said in reference to the name.
Bauzá replaced the drum kit, which at that time had only been around for 20 years, with the hard to find congas, timbales, and toms. “The timbales play the bell pattern, the congas play the supportive drum part, and the bongos improvise, simulating a lead drum”. In the 40s these drums could only be found at Simon Jou’s bakery, La Moderna, locally known in East Harlem simply as Simon’s.
Next, the Afro-Cubans needed a home and they would find that not in Harlem nor the Bronx, but instead in Midtown Manhattan, a club called the Palladium.
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Salsa is a set of Afro-Caribbean rhythms fused with jazz and other styles. The truth is that its origins have always been much debated, although as a general rule it is mentioned that it comes from a fusion that came from Africa in the Caribbean when they heard European music and wanted to mix it with their drums
These origins focus especially on mambo, danzó, cha cha chá, guaracha and son montuno, later enriched with instruments such as saxophone, trumpet or trombone.
It was the Cuban exiles and those from Puerto Rico who popularized salsa in New York back in the 1950s. But it wasn't until the last third of this century that salsa dancing began to take off all over the world.
Cuba played a leading role in the origin of salsa. Already in the 1930s, melodies and rhythms from Africa were playing on the Caribbean island. Among them was the danzón, a musical piece acquired by the French who had fled Haiti.
History tells us that it was these first rhythms that were then mixed with rumbas such as guagancó and sonero to begin to create their own Afro-Cuban rhythms, including Afro-Cuban jazz, mambo, guaracha, Cuban son and montuno.
The exquisite melody of these new rhythms soon set in other Latin American countries. Puerto Rico and Colombia were the first to welcome these new sounds from the Cuban country.
However, it was not until their appearance in the United States, and more specifically in the Bronx neighborhood of New York, when these rhythms acquired a greater impact. It was the moment in which new musical instruments were added that today form an indissoluble part of salsa.
The great Cuban musicians who moved to New York along with the wave of these new rhythms created the famous tumbadoras, congas or son montuno, and were responsible for introducing trombones and guaracha.
The Origin of the Salsa Dance Steps
Once salsa was defined as a musical genre in the 1970s, the movements and steps of its dance were collected through a fusion of the African with the European.
These steps and movements of salsa fundamentally reflect the influence of the dances that the Africans brought to the Caribbean and the European dances that have been danced in Cuba since the 1930s.
So much so that the basic steps of salsa are precisely the same steps as the Cuban son, just as it also includes steps that can be seen in rumba, danzón and mambo.
The origin of these variants is in the regions where this style comes from, which are the ones that developed each dance, always under the same umbrella of the term salsa.
It is not surprising, then, that salsa is defined as the result of a series of social conditions and the evolution of a series of rhythms and melodies from Cuba, which were developed and achieved repercussion in the United States.
There are those who assure against this mixture that salsa is neither a rhythm nor a style, but rather a term that serves to represent all the music of Afro-Cuban origin that emerged in the first decades of the twentieth century.
In short, the origin of salsa has always been, and will continue to be, much discussed. American musician Tito Puente was right when he said, "Salsa doesn't exist. What they now call salsa is what I have played for many years, and this is mambo, guaracha, cha cha chá and guagancó".
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Cutting Room Throwdown - Series Prelim. - Disney Films/Misc. (FIXED)
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Propaganda below:
Propaganda:
Miguelito Maracas - oh yes the lost fourth member of the Three Caballeros: A cuban rooster who owned a tobacco plantation. Also he was supposed to be the smallest of the group.
Carlos Madrigal - hes so silly ur honor :) EMO BOY EMO BOY EMO BOY
Bastion - LOOK AT HIM!!! HE'S SO KIND AND HANDSOME!! It's not that I don't love canon Eugene, and they *did* recycle aspects of Bastion's character design for Kristoff later on, but just think about what might have been if he'd made it into the final film as he is in these early concepts. Big gentle giant bear disney prince, my beloved.
Yzma - Have you listened to Snuff Out the Light. Also I like Emporer's New Groove bur I want so badly to have had the old version released
Henry - Original version of the movie Bolt that was scrapped.
King Magnifico and Queen Amaya - Instead of repeating the movie's mistake and separating this amazing power couple into two, we need to keep them together! Imagine how amazing the movie could have been if they were colluding all along to take wishes! Amazing power couple for the ages! Let evil people deserve true love too!!!!
The top 2 will move on to the proper bracket alongside the Star/Starboy from Wish, Queen Elsa from Frozen, and Jack Savage from Zootopia.
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Emilio Piani (German, 1817-1862) Sugar plantation in Cuba, 1839 Museo Nacional De Bellas Artes de Cuba, Salon of Colonial art In this scene Emilio Piani, observer, depicts a sugar plantation (un ingenio) in Cuba. Overseers are resting under the shade of an umbrella (held by a laborer) and are on horseback, while slaves or laborers are seen working the landscape to the right and center. Emilio takes careful detail of the tropical landscape, with its palm trees and rolling mountains. Ludwig Friedrich Emil Piani (Emilio Piani) (1817-1862) – a portrait and landscape German painter born in Coburg, duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, Germany. As child he was a playmate of the Prince Albert, the future husband of Victoria, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain. In 1837 Emil Piani made a trip to the United States and then to Cuba residing in the later approximately till 1846. In 1841 his studio was on Obispo Street, Havana, probably where today is the Florida Hotel. During his stay in Cuba made several trips to nearby countries like Jamaica. In both islands he painted several portraits of notable persons and landscapes. In 1852 he returned to Coburg and after few years came back again to the Caribbean. He died in Curaçao in 1862.
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Also, I find it disturbing that she (Melissa Fumero) calls herself a BIPOC.. as a black Cuban, I can tell you white Cubans are very race conscious and are aware of their whiteness and many of the white Cuban Americans came from privileged positions or from cities where they discriminated black Cubans and poor white Cuban rural people. Many of them even owned plantations until the 50's. It gets worse when you see she's very anti-Communism, when the revolution saved us Black Cubans
hey thanks for this! I really appreciate it.
mod ali
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qqueenofhades · 1 year
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Different anon but re: your point on Cuba and Bernie, as a South Floridian - it is so infuriating when explaining to leftists why socialism/communism is a dirty word here because of Castro and leftists immediate response is “well you and those Cubans were gusanos and rich plantation owners under Batista!!!” And I’m just sitting here in my heavy Cuban environment going “please tell that to most of the cuban immigrants here who were fisherman and other local trade jobs” like don’t get me wrong, Florida is a hell scape and old ass Cubans are racist af but those who fled the country were not mostly the bourgeoise and I know many second generation cuban immigrants who had extended family members executed. Like no shit they’re traumatized because they lived through violent revolutions that online leftists idealize that only the rich will be eaten.
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mosquitogirl · 1 year
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cuban-american culture exists solely to obfuscate the last 60+ years of mainland cuban culture. it holds in its imagination a simplified, idealized and ironized version of pre-revolutionary cuba that is as white and conservative as the people who have popularized it. growing up i learned nothing meaningful about cuban culture or history, it pretty much just amounted to “castro bad”, cafe con leche, cuban sandwiches (a miami invention), saying “coño” and playing dominos. the complete unwillingness to engage in anything other than sob stories about the sugar plantation that was “stolen” from your family conveniently leaves out why cuba had plantations in the first place and what life was actually like for the peasants who labored in abhorrent conditions at those plantations. couple this with america’s embargo of the island and you are left with a culture completely divorced from its own source material, a sanitized pastiche of what life on the island was like more than half a century ago for the upper crust of cuban society. they resent cuba and the people who stayed and worked to revolutionize their society for the betterment of the disenfranchised, so naturally they made their own little capitalist elysium in miami where they can continue to be reactionary tyrants in a society that enables that behavior while doing everything they can to sabotage the life of mainland cubans
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mixergiltron · 4 months
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Passion for fassion.
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Fassionola,also known as passionola,is a sweet syrup used in some Tiki drink recipes. It's bright red like grenadine,but much more berry flavored. It is a bit rare though,as only a couple companies make it. Part of this has to do with the crazy history of the stuff.
It is believed to have been created around 1916 by a German immigrant named Victor Kremer. He was a druggist,and back then drug stores often contained a soda bar. Victor and his wife created a passionfruit flavored syrup for sodas and ice cream. It was originally called Passiflora,then the name was changed to Passionola. It was made in three colors: red,which was berry flavored,gold,which was passionfruit flavored,and green,which was lime flavored. At the time it was pretty much just used for soda and ice cream,although it and other flavorings were used to make drug cocktails as well(ever wonder where the 'coke' in Coca-Cola came from?). Several companies were involved in producing it,but it wasn't until around 1956 when the Jonathan English Company took up the mantle,and they continue to produce it today. Don Beach is sometimes credited with being involved with passionola,but neither he or Trader Vic used the stuff until much later in the '60's and '70's. Passionola pretty much was out of the realm of Tiki until that time. It also took a hit in the '60's,when it became associated with so-called 'stag pills':
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(From the upcoming book Fassionola by Martin Lindsay. Doesn't sound much different from today's ads,does it?)
Passionola was mentioned by name in the 1963 Congressional report,Frauds and Quackery Affecting the Older Citizen, Hearings Before the Special Committee on Aging, United States Senate. A year later,the US patent office granted a patent for fassionola,which helped disassociate the syrup from the scandal. It was after this Don and Vic started using it in some of their drinks,since now it didn't have a negative connotation. Today it's being used more and more as an exotic ingredient in modern Tiki drinks. BG Reynolds makes it in limited batches,so you have to get on their mailing list or check their site to see when it's available. Jonathan English is still making it,in several flavors,but they don't sell online. You either have to visit them in person,or search for listings on eBay(which is where I acquired mine). There are also a couple of small batch companies making it,but you'll have to do some searching for them.
So enough history,let's get to mixing. Here's a few Giltron approved recipes I think you'll like. Enjoy!
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Mix #190 Pi-Yi
1oz light Cuban rum* 3.4oz gold Cuban rum* 1oz pineapple juice 1/2oz lime juice 1/2oz passionola red 1tsp honey syrup 1 dash Angostura bitters
Blend with 6oz crushed ice for five seconds and pour into hollowed-out pineapple.
*Since Cuban rum is hard to come by,you can substitute Virgin Islands or Puerto Rican rum.
Created by Donn Beach around 1937,this has a sweet start with a tart finish. No,i didn't use a hollowed-out pineapple,I've done that once already. It's a nice summer-y drink that's not too strong.
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Mix #191 Cannibal Cooler
3/4oz Plantation 3 Star rum 3/4oz Plantation Original Dark rum 1/2oz Plantation OFTD 1.5oz orange juice 3/4oz lime juice 3/4oz fassionola 1/4oz cinnamon syrup 1.5oz club soda
Flash blend everything except soda. Pour into tall glass,top with soda and stir.
Another Jason Alexander creation,it has a nice sweet/tart blend with citrus and a cinnamon finish with plenty of kick. Another excellent cocktail from the master. (bonus cool points if you saw the movie the pic is from)
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Mix #192 Welcome to Georgetown
1.5oz El Dorado 3 1/2oz Lemon Hart 151 1/2oz creme de cacoa 3/4oz fassionola 1/2oz lemon juice
Shake with ice and strain into coupe glass. Add some grated nutmeg to top.
From master mixologist Brian Maxwell ,this is sweet,the fassionola comes forward and the chocolate finishes with some spice from the nutmeg. The 151 gives it kick. A bit of a foo-foo drink but I liked it.
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Mix #193 Alucard's Cup Of Blood
1oz Plantation Isle of Fiji rum 1oz Wray & Nephew overproof rum 1oz pineapple juice 1oz lemon juice 1/2oz falernum 1/2oz fassionola 1 dash Angostura bitters 1 dash absinthe
Blend with crushed ice and pour into Mai Tai glass. Garnish with something spooky.
Created by Facebook user Andrew Campbell,this blood red drink has a nice sweet/tart blend with plenty of funk and plenty of kick. Will definitely bring this back out for Halloween.
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Mix #33 Megalodon
1oz Lemon Hart 151 1oz white rum 1.25oz lime juice 1oz agave syrup 1tsp red fassionola
Blend with a cup of ice for 5sec.
Just had to repost this since it's so good it's in my regular roster of mixes. Delicious with plenty of kick.
Find a bottle of fassionola and try something new. You can even sub it for grenadine to mix things up. Hipa Hipa,i ke ola!
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