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dailyanarchistposts · 3 months

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Histories of colonisation ought to be remembered, including the horrors and atrocities, but also the endurance and empowerment found in trenchant resistance and the fight for sovereignty, writes Radhika Reddy.

India and Aotearoa are both grappling with decolonisation. In this ongoing struggle to wrest free from the legacies of colonialism, each society can learn from the other.

A recent piece published by The Spinoff uncovered some of these lessons, but in my view gave a rather disempowering view of both Māori and Indian experiences. It emphasised tragedy, brutality and suffering, but overlooked trenchant resistance efforts seeking sovereignty, where we might find the most useful stories to exchange.

Common ground

The previous article began with common ground, but only focused on Māori and Hindu ecological values, so let’s broaden the picture with some Indian traditions beyond Hinduism, and decolonising Māori values.

Papatūānuku and Kaitiakitanga: Khalifa, Amana (from Islam)

An “ethos of living in harmony in nature” is found in Islam, India’s second-largest religion. The Quranic approach is based on Khalifa and Amana (trusteeship of nature) in which humans have guardianship over nature, to appreciate and care for it, pass it unspoiled to future generations, and manage sustainably.

Manaakitanga: Seva (from Sikhism)

A spirit of hospitality pointedly appears in the centuries-old Sikh tradition of Guru Ka Langar (communal meal), an act of Seva (selfless service). Langar serves food freely and equally to all-comers, regardless of religion, caste, wealth, gender or age, overcoming divisions exploited by colonialism.

Tino rangatiratanga: Swaraj (from secularism)

Māori notions of self-government and Gandhi’s credo of Swaraj (self-rule) share an essence of seeking self-determination, with social structures and values separate from colonial interference.

Besides principles, there are common experiences and episodes of resistance shared in history:

Parihaka

The events of Parihaka came long before India’s independence movement gained momentum, but the spirit of non-violent resistance echoes across centuries, possibly having influenced Gandhi.

Redcoats

British regiments frequently rotated through India and New Zealand. Waves of veterans, after plundering India or suppressing its rebellions, came to fight the New Zealand Wars, or left to police India. British statues as well as town, street and suburb names across Aotearoa are familiar to students of Indian history — Empress Victoria, Governor-General Auckland, Colonel then Commander-in-Chief Wellesley (later Duke of Wellington), and places like Bombay or Khyber Pass. These are connected histories.

Lessons India has to offer for Māori

Among decolonisation projects, India’s imperfect story of independence still has interesting lessons.

Non-violent resistance works

Māori have led non-violent resistance in Aotearoa for generations, from Parihaka to Ihumātao, and may find the example of India’s liberation a hopeful landmark victory in global history.

The practice of Indian non-violent resistance continues to this day, as protests rage against likely unconstitutional policies such as the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens, with assemblies, marches, sit-ins, and art, despite state violence.

Coexistence

Although India ejected British occupation and suffers internal divisions, there is still a firm thread running through the ages demonstrating coexistence between different cultures.

Look to chapters in history like the peaceful inclusion of Muslims in South India since the seventh century, the religious tolerance of Akbar in the 16th century, the joint Hindu-Muslim Indian Rebellion of 1857, and the secular Indian constitution. They contrast with divisive ideologies like Hindutva founder V.D Savarkar’s two-nation theory that promoted a dominant Hindu nation. The daily lives of many Indians today embody inter-cultural acceptance, the norm across much of the country, most of the time.

Whereas Aotearoa may not return its settler society for a full refund, multicultural coexistence is possible.

Overcoming divide-and-rule

Whether it was the East India Companies or the British Raj, a small minority of power brokers ran the show — infamously, 35 staff in an East India Company office. They relied on divide-and-rule, recruiting vast numbers of Indian foot soldiers (Sepoys) to do the hard work. But a highly-leveraged organisational arrangement is weak to united resistance (like Kotahitanga). Today it appears in gig economies or the criminal justice industry, which pit marginalised people against each other.

Self-government is not always good government

Today’s India shows how things can get wobbly even 70 years after independence, as a homegrown blood-and-soil movement undermines equality and reproduces colonial hierarchies atop a diverse society.

Take the word “decolonisation”. It probably looks straightforward, but it is a co-opted term in India. In the name of decolonisation, the Hindutva movement promotes discriminatory reforms, such as ending affirmative action for lower-caste people, and passing the exclusionary Citizenship Amendment Act.

There are regions under Indian rule seeking greater autonomy or Azaadi (freedom) today – resisting occupation by a central Indian state, as Assam endures detention centres, and Kashmir a militarised siege.

It takes eternal vigilance to protect hard-won sovereignty from sabotage.

What India can learn from Māori

Colonialism is now

It is tempting to think colonialism must belong only to museums and history books. But settler-colonial societies still persist. In Aotearoa, settlers may have settled but the nation remains unsettled. As Treaty negotiations, claims and protests unfold, Indians can reflect on how the colonial legacy is fed by continuous re-colonisation – a risk India is prone to, not from Britain, but from, say, supremacists within.

Indians in Aotearoa can also respond by allying with Māori in decolonisation efforts.

Overcoming casteism and anti-indigeneity

While there is no comparing two complex societies, there are still parallels between the institutional discrimination that Māori have endured, and the discrimination against Dalit, Other Backward Class, Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Adivasi (indigenous) people. As Indians in Aotearoa can find solidarity with Māori in undoing colonial oppression, so too can India find equality for its systematically disadvantaged classes.

Protecting taonga like language

While India is blessed with a diversity of cultures, a tendency to homogenise society with one language and identity sometimes rears its head. Whether under well-meaning secularism, or Hindutva rule, language imposition threatens diversity. South Indian languages like Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada are spoken by large minorities but are often in tension with a Hindi regime pushed by central governments. The experience of Te Reo Māori shows the value in preserving languages, and the perils of erasure.

Common struggles

Supremacism

Whether it is white supremacy or Hindu supremacy (sharing traits like Islamophobia), countering dangerous ideologies is vital to fulfill the egalitarian promise of the constitutions of both Aotearoa and India.

Climate change

A global challenge like climate change demands a variety of solutions, but most importantly by centering indigenous people in decision-making — something Aotearoa has yet to fully embrace. For all the “harmony with nature” embedded in dominant Indian cultures such as Hinduism, the ruling BJP government has much to answer for when it comes to emissions, environmental degradation and deregulation.

Feminism, LGBT and disability equality

Achieving equality for women, non-binary, LGBT and disabled people in India and Aotearoa is an ongoing struggle. Threats like sexual abuse, domestic violence, inadequate healthcare, colourism, repressive gender roles, limited autonomy, inaccessiblity, and economic inequality, are common concerns.

Patriarchal British norms echo in Indian laws, as with Section 377 that criminalised homosexuality until recently. Despite decriminalisation in 2018, there is not yet recognition of same-sex or gender-diverse marriage, protection against discrimination, or adequate healthcare. Trans Indians are targeted by the new Transgender Persons Act which sanctions second-class treatment — for instance, it provides for lower sentences in cases of violent crimes against trans women. The new Citizenship Amendment Act and National Register of Citizens especially threaten women, non-binary, LGBT and disabled people.

In Aotearoa, amendments to laws like the Birth, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships Registration Bill, letting trans people more easily update birth certificates, still face transphobic opposition. Abortion decriminalisation remains under consideration. Māori may be worst affected by settler-colonial sexism, homophobia, transphobia and ableism.

These are signs that our societies have a long way to go, to enact systemic reforms, and to lift the veil of everyday shame and silence surrounding marginalised lives in our cultures.

Remembering

Histories of colonisation ought to be remembered, including the horrors and atrocities, but also the endurance and empowerment found in resistance. The previous Spinoff article proposed a museum dedicated to New Zealand colonisation, and praised changes to the curriculum teaching New Zealand history in all schools.

Both of these are laudable goals, but must be conducted with care to avoid the kind of revisionism seen in India under Hindutva rule. Any museum of New Zealand colonisation should seek to share with all New Zealanders the narratives Māori have learned and developed, to centre Māori self-determination and agency, and to emphasise coexistence under a Treaty framework that respects Tino Rangatiratanga.

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mariacallous · 9 months

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The world is embarking on a critical year for the future of democracy. Elections in India, Indonesia, South Africa, and the United States—to name just a few prominent countries headed to the polls in 2024—would normally be routine affairs. But many of these democracies are at an inflection point. Can the strengthening tides of polarization, institutional degradation, and authoritarianism be reversed? Or will democracy reach a breaking point?

Every democracy has its own particular set of characteristics. In each country holding elections this year, voters will judge incumbent governments on familiar issues such as inflation, employment, personal security, and a sense of confidence about their future prospects. But the foreboding that accompanies the world’s elections in 2024 stems from one singular fact: The uneasy accommodation between nationalism and democracy is coming under severe stress.

The crisis in democracy is in part a crisis in nationalism, which today seems to revolve around four issues: how nations define membership; how they popularize a version of historical memory; how they locate a sovereign identity; and how they contend with the forces of globalization. In each of these, nationalism and liberalism are often in tension. Democracies tend to navigate this tension rather than resolve it. Yet, around the world, nationalism is slowly strangling liberalism—a trend that could accelerate in a damaging way this year. As more citizens cast their ballots in 2024 than in any other year in the history of the world, they will be voting not only for a particular leader or party but for the very future of their civil liberties.

Let’s first discuss how societies set parameters for membership. If a political community is sovereign, it has a right to make decisions on whom to exclude from or include in membership. Liberal democracies have historically opted for a variety of criteria for membership. Some have privileged ethnic and cultural factors, while others have picked civic criteria that merely demand allegiance to a common set of constitutional values.

In practice, a range of considerations have guided the immigration policies of liberal democracies, including the economic advantages of immigration, historical ties to particular groups of people, and humanitarian considerations. Most liberal societies have dealt with the membership question not on a principled basis but through various arrangements, some more open than others.

The question of membership is increasing in political salience. The causes may vary. In the United States, a surge of migrants at the southern border has politically foregrounded the issue, forcing even the Biden administration to reverse some of its promised liberal policies. To be sure, immigration has always been an important political issue in the United States. But since the political arrival of Donald Trump, it has acquired a new edge. Trump’s so-called Muslim ban—even though it was eventually repealed—raised the specter of new forms of overt or covert discrimination forming the basis of a possible future U.S. immigration regime.

Europe’s refugee crisis—induced by global conflicts and economic and climate distress—is inflecting the politics of every country. Sweden has grown deep concerns about its model of integrating immigrants, ushering in a right-wing government in 2022. In the United Kingdom, Brexit hinged in part on concerns over immigration. And in India, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi will implement the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act, which excludes Muslim refugees from certain neighboring countries from a pathway to seeking citizenship. For New Delhi, membership concerns are driven by the need to prioritize a large ethnic majority. Similarly, the status of migrants in South Africa is being increasingly contested.

The increasing salience of membership is worrying for the future of liberalism. Since liberal values have historically been compatible with a variety of immigration and membership regimes, a liberal membership regime may not be a necessary condition for creating a liberal society. One could argue that not having a well-controlled membership policy is more likely to undermine liberalism by upsetting the social cohesion on which liberalism relies. But it is a remarkable fact that many of the world’s political leaders who endorse closed or discriminatory membership regimes, from Hungary’s Viktor Orban to the Netherlands’s Geert Wilders, also happen to oppose liberal values. That makes it harder to create a distinction between being anti-immigration and anti-liberal.

The second dimension of nationalism is the contest over historical memory. All nations need something of a usable past—a story that binds its peoples together—that can be the basis of a collective identity and self-esteem. The distinction between history and memory can be overdrawn, but it is important. As the French historian Pierre Nora put it, memory looks for facts, especially ones that suit the veneration of the main object of recollection. Memory has an affective quality: It is supposed to move you and constitute your identity. It draws the boundaries of communities. History is more detached; the facts will always complicate both identity and community.

History is not a morality tale as much as it is a very difficult form of hard-won knowledge, always aware of its selectivity.

Memory is easiest to hold on to as a morality tale. It is not just about the past. Memory is a kind of eternal truth about one’s collective identity, to keep and carry forward.

Memories are increasingly being emphasized in the political arena. In India, to take the most obvious case, historical memory is central to the consolidation of Hindu nationalism. In January, Modi will open a temple to the god Ram in Ayodhya, built on the site where Hindu nationalists demolished a mosque in 1992. It is an important religious symbol. But it is also central to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s narrative that the most salient historical memory for Indians should not be colonial rule by the British but a thousand-year history of subjugation by Islam. Modi declared Aug. 5, the day the foundation stone of the temple was laid in 2020, as being as important a national milestone as Aug. 15, the day of India’s independence from the British in 1947.

In South Africa, questions of memory may seem less pronounced. But the compromise of the Nelson Mandela years, which some now see as sacrificing economic justice for the cause of social solidarity, is increasingly being interrogated. Faced with continuing inequality, economic worries, and declining social mobility, many South Africans are questioning the legacy of Mandela and whether he did enough to empower Black people in the country. This reflects some disillusionment with the ruling African National Congress. But this reconsideration could also potentially redefine the memory in terms of which modern South Africa has understood itself.

In the United States, the contest over how to tell the national story goes back to the Founding Fathers. But debates around this are more politically visible than ever, with politicians from Trump to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis basing their candidacies in part on what it means to be American and how to “make America great again.” Florida, for example, created dubious standards for the teaching of Black history, seeking to regulate what students learn about race and slavery. This is not just a contest over the politics of pedagogy; behind it is a larger, anxious political debate about how the United States remembers its past—and therefore how it will build its future.

The third dimension in the surge of nationalism is the contest over popular sovereignty, or the will of the people. There has always been a close connection between popular sovereignty and nationalism, as the former required the formation of the concept of a people with a distinct identity and special solidarity toward one another. During the French Revolution, inspired by the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the popular sovereign was supposed to have a singular will. But if the will of the people is unitary, what explains differences? Furthermore, if there are differences among people, as there naturally are, then how is one to ascertain the will of the people? One way out of this puzzle is to see who can effectively perform the will of the able—and in doing so represent the other side as betraying that will, rather than as merely carrying an alternative interpretation of it. In order for such a performance to take place, one has to castigate anyone who represents an alternative viewpoint as an enemy of the people. In that sense, rhetorical invocations of “the people”—understood as a unitary entity—always run the risk of being anti-pluralist. Even when democracies around the world have embraced a pluralist and representative conception of democracy, there is a residual trace of unity that gets transposed to the nation. The nation is not a nation, or cannot acquire a will, unless it is united.

People rally around a unitary will by benchmarking their national identity: We are Indian by virtue of X or American by virtue of Y. Sometimes, this kind of benchmarking of identity can be quite productive; it is a reminder to citizens of what gives their particular community a distinct identity. Yet one of nationalism’s features is that it struggles to make room for its own contestation. The opposition is delegitimized or stigmatized not because it has a different point of view on policy matters but because its views are represented as anti-national. It is not an accident that the rhetoric of national populists is often directed against forces that are seen to challenge their version of the national identity or their benchmarking of nationalism. As national identities become more contested, there are increasing chances that unity can be achieved only by being imposed.

As a political style, national populism thrives not so much by finding enemies of the people but enemies of the nation, who are often measured by certain taboos. Almost all modern populists—from Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Modi, Orban, and Trump—draw the distinction between people and elites not in terms of class but in terms of who authentically represents the nation. Who gets benchmarked as the true nationalist? The cultural contempt for the elite gets its strength not just from the fact that they are elites but that they can be represented as elites who are no longer part of the nation, as it were. This kind of rhetoric increasingly sees difference as seditious rather than merely a disagreement. In India, for example, national security charges are deployed against students who question the government’s stance on Kashmir. This is seen not just as a contestation—or possibly a misguided view—but an anti-national act than needs to be criminalized.

The fourth dimension of the crisis of nationalism relates to globalization. Even in the era of hyperglobalization, national interest never faded away. Countries embraced globalization or greater integration into the world economy because they thought it served their interests. But a critical question in this year’s elections in all democracies is a reconsideration of the terms on which they engage the international system.

Globalization created winners but also losers. The loss of manufacturing jobs in the United States or premature de-industrialization in India was bound to prompt a reconsideration of globalization—and all of this was happening even before the COVID-19 pandemic, which accentuated a fear of dependency on global supply chains.

Countries are increasingly convinced that the assertion of political control over the economy—their ability to create a legitimate social contract—requires rethinking the terms of globalization. The trend is to feel more skeptical about globalization and to seek out greater self-sufficiency for national security or economic reasons. “America First” and “India First” are to a certain extent understandable, particularly in a context where China has emerged as an authoritarian competitor.

But the current moment seems like a much larger pivot in the politics of nationalism. Globalization, while seeking to advance national interests, also mitigated nationalism. It presented the global order as something other than a zero-sum game in which all countries could mutually benefit by greater integration. It was not suspicious of cosmopolitan solidarity. Increasingly, democracies are abandoning this assumption, with profound consequences for the world. Less globalization and more protectionism will inevitably translate to more nationalism—a trend that will also hurt global trade, especially for smaller countries that need the rising tide of open borders and commerce.

Each of the four features of nationalism described here—membership, memory, sovereign identity, and openness to the world—has shadowed democracy since its inception. All democracies are also facing their own profound economic challenges: inequality and wage stagnation in the United States, the crisis of employment in India, and corruption in South Africa. There is no necessary binary between economic issues and the politics of nationalism. Successful nationalist politicians such as Modi see their economic success as a means of consolidating their nationalist visions. And in times of stress, nationalism is the language through which grievance can be articulated. It is the means by which politicians give a sense of belonging and participation to the people.

Nationalism is the most potent form of identity politics. It views individuals and the rights they have through the prism of the compulsory identity to which nationalism confines them. Nationalism and liberalism have long been competing forces. It is easier to navigate the tension between them if the stakes around nationalism are lowered, not raised. Yet it is increasingly likely that in many elections in 2024, the nature of the national identities of these countries will be at stake along the four dimensions listed above. These contests could invigorate democracy. But if the recent past is any guide, the salience of nationalism in politics is more likely to pose a threat to liberal values.

Advancing forms of nationalism that do not allow their own meaning to be contested or that seek to preserve the privilege of particular groups generally produces a more divisive and polarized society. India, Israel, France, and the United States each face a version of this challenge. Issues of memory and membership are the least amenable to being resolved by simple policy deliberation. The truths they trade on are not about facts that could be a basis for a common ground. It is notorious, for example, that we often choose our histories because of our identity rather than the other way around.

Perhaps most importantly, assaults on liberal freedoms are often justified in the name of nationalism. For example, freedom of expression is most likely to discover its limits if it is seen to target a deeply cherished national myth. Every emerging populist or authoritarian leader who is willing to abridge civil liberties or pay short shrift to institutional integrity wears the mantle of nationalism. It allows such leaders to crack down on dissent by using the canard “anti-national.” In many ways, this year’s elections may well decide whether democracy can successfully negotiate the dilemmas of nationalism—or whether it will be degraded or crushed.

George L. Mosse, the great 20th-century historian of fascism, described this challenge in his inaugural lecture at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 1979: “If we do not succeed in giving nationalism a human face, a future historian might write about our civilization what Edward Gibbon wrote about the fall of the Roman Empire: that at its height moderation prevailed and citizens had respect for each other’s beliefs, but that it fell through intolerant zeal and military despotism.”

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humanrightsupdates · 6 months

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(New York) – Indian authorities are revoking visa privileges to overseas critics of Indian origin who have spoken out against the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government’s policies, Human Rights Watch said today. Prime Minister Narendra Modi often attends mass gatherings of diaspora party supporters in the United States, Europe, Australia, and elsewhere to celebrate Indian democracy, while his government has targeted people it claims are “tarnishing the image” of the country.

The Overseas Citizens of India (OCI) status is available to foreign citizens of Indian origin or foreigners married to Indian nationals to obtain broad residency rights and bypass visa requirements, but does not amount to citizenship. Many of those whose OCI visa status was revoked are Indian-origin academics, activists, and journalists who have been vocal critics of the BJP’s Hindu majoritarian ideology. Some have challenged their exclusion in Indian courts on constitutional grounds seeking protection of their rights to speech and livelihood.

“Indian government reprisals against members of the diaspora who criticize the BJP’s abusive and discriminatory policies show the authorities’ growing hostility to criticism and dialogue,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The authorities seem intent on expanding politically motivated repression against Indian activists and academics at home to foreign citizens of Indian origin beyond India’s borders.” (Human Rights Watch)

#india #bjp #narendra modi #oci #diaspora #hindu nationalism

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maklodes · 4 months

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Not really endorsed:

One case that you could make that I haven't really seen is that Zionism was a mistake -- but it was a mistake that should be understood as belonging to a whole family of mistakes relating to the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.

I.e., Israel, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, etc: none of them ought to have been created. The victorious WW1 allies were, firstly, harsh in their terms of peace -- harsh to Germany with all those reparations demands (widely regarded as being a factor precipitating the second world war), yes, but even harsher toward the Ottomans, ripping them apart wholesale! Secondly, they were convinced that nation-states like France were the way of the future: that a just world consisted of independent nation-states (although the implications of this for the Allies' own empires, like British India, were deferred for a later date), and that as such empires such as the Ottomans and Habsburgs should be carved up -- and if those new nation-states didn't exactly have a populace uniformly supportive of these arrangements -- say, if some people in the newly-minted Czechoslovakia would rather have been Germans -- well, France wasn't built in a day. (Or rather, all the Bretons, Occitanians, etc, didn't become French in a day.)

This division of the Ottoman Empire lead to some problems in the former Ottoman Vilayet of Beirut and Mutasarrifate of Jersusalem, which would later be called the British Mandate of Palestine, and still later be called Israel. Lots of the people living there were killed and exiled by victorious Zionists, and others were relegated to second class citizenship or indefinite occupation. And now the parts that were subject to occupation are subject to brutal -- possibly genocidal -- war in Gaza, and a more gradual but seemingly-inexorable wave of dispossession and terror in the West Bank.

Looking at other parts of the former Ottoman Empire, though, one is hard pressed to call the case of the Vilayet of Beirut/Palestine/Israel unique. Syria (once the Damascus Vilayet, Mosul Vilayet, Aleppo Vilayet, etc) recently underwent a brutal civil war following decades or repressive authoritarianism. Lebanon endured horrific sectarian violence in the late 20th century. Iraq (once the Baghdad Vilayet, Basra Vilayet, etc) has endured vicious tyranny, war with Iran, invasion, and a chaotic aftermath -- although obviously the United States of America is primarily to blame for at least the later part.

As for Turkey, well, the Armenian genocide did take place during the reign of the last Ottoman Sultan, but the people really driving it were the modernizing Turkish nationalists who would later create Kemalist Turkey -- people who were more in accord with the modern ideas being espoused by people like Woodrow Wilson than with the traditional governance of the Ottoman Empire. (Although this is not by any means to claim traditional Ottoman governance was particularly humane or enlightened.) The Greeks and Turks also jointly agreed to expel their respective minority populations to each others' states. (The Turkish expulsion of ethnic Greeks in 1922 displaced about 900,000, the Israeli Nakba of 1947 displaced about 750,000, and the Greek expulsion of ethnic Turks displaced about 400,000.)

Could Jordan be a qualified example of a post-Ottoman success story? I'm not really entirely sure how bad Black September was. Jordan did completely cleanse territories it occupied in wars with Israel of Jews, but whatever.

One can think of idealistic, utopian alternatives to nation-states, of course: a global democratic federation, or some such. However, one needn't blame the victorious allies of the First World War for failing to pursue such lofty goals. One need only blame them for pursuing their own idealistic, utopian program of carving old empires into nation-states (Woodrow Wilson's "national self-determination," "making the world safe for democracy," Fourteen Points, etc), rather than the more staid, conservative policy of reforming the existing institutions of empires like the Ottomans and Austria-Hungary, to build on what already worked about them and cautiously, incrementally modify what didn't. It's not surprising that the decision to rip up the order that had prevailed in the Middle East since the Ottomans had subjugated the Mamluks four centuries earlier lead to some upheavals.

This is, of course, an apologia for imperialism, but I don't think all imperialism is the same. The Ottoman Empire did involve Turkish domination over Arabs, Greeks, Jews, etc, but I don't believe the differentiation between colony and metropole was as stark in the Ottoman Empire as in some empires. For example, elections to the Ottoman general assembly were not fully democratic, but were not limited to a Turkish electorate. (The U.K. dominated Nigeria, and within the UK England dominated Scotland, but the status differential was really very different between the two cases. I believe the Ottoman Empire was somewhere between these two, but perhaps closer intra-UK case than to the case of the British Empire in Africa.)

Of course, even if we accepted this argument, it's hard to know what implications to draw from it. We can't go back in time to prevent the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, nor can we restore it.

(Note: I'm not endorsing this argument, primarily because I'm not sure that any path existed toward a "good" ending for the Ottoman Empire. A lot of subject peoples were sick of Turkish rule regardless of what the Allies wanted. (Even if T. E. Lawrence drowned in a bathtub as a baby, Arab nationalism would not be easily quelled.) Autocratic rule was dysfunctional, and attempts to get onto a kind of glide-path toward a more constitutional monarchy that might have hypothetically ended with a more functional and democratic Ottoman Empire with the sultan/caliph becoming a figurehead and symbol of Sunni unity ended up empowering forces like the CUP, which endorsed a bunch of revanchism, Turkish supremacism, and ultimately genocide.)

#history #first world war #ottoman empire #israel #palestine

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beardedmrbean · 8 months

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Canada has long been a draw for people from India's Punjab province seeking new opportunities elsewhere. But has the Canadian dream soured?

It's hard to miss the ardour of Punjab's migrant ambitions when driving through its fertile rural plains.

Billboards promising easy immigration to Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK jut out through ample mustard fields.

Off the highways, consultancies offer English language coaching to eager youth.

Single-storey brick homes double up as canvasses for hand-painted mural advertisements promising quick visas. And in the town of Bathinda, hundreds of agents jostle for space on a single narrow street, pledging to speed up the youth's runaway dreams.

For over a century, this province in India's northwest has seen waves of overseas migration; from the Sikh soldiers inducted into the British Indian Army travelling to Canada, through to rural Punjabis settling in England post-independence.

But some, especially from Canada, are now choosing to come back home.

One of those is 28-year-old Balkar, who returned in early 2023 after just one year in Toronto. Citizenship was his ultimate goal when he left his little hamlet of Pitho in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic. His family mortgaged their land to fund his education.

But his Canadian dream quickly lost its allure a few months into his life there.

"Everything was so expensive. I had to work 50 hours every week after college, just to survive," he told the BBC. "High inflation is making many students leave their studies."

Balkar now runs an embroidery business from a small room on one side of the expansive central courtyard in his typical Punjabi home. He also helps on his family's farm to supplement his income.

Opportunities for employment are few and far between in these rural areas, but technology has allowed entrepreneurs like him to conquer the tyranny of distance. Balkar gets the bulk of his business through Instagram.

"I have a good life here. Why should I face hardships there when I can live at home and make good money?" he asks.

The BBC spoke to at least half a dozen reverse migrants in Punjab who shared similar sentiments.

It was also a common refrain in the scores of videos on YouTube shared by Indians who had chosen to abandon their life in Canada and return home. There was a stark difference one young returnee told the BBC between the "rosy picture" immigration agents painted and the rough reality of immigrant life in Toronto and Vancouver.

The "Canada craze" has let up a bit - and especially so among well-off migrants who have a fallback option at home, says Raj Karan Brar, an immigration agent in Bathinda who helps hundreds of Punjabis get permanent residencies and student visas every year.

The desire for a Canadian citizenship remains as strong as ever though among middle- and lower middle-class clients in rural communities.

But viral YouTube videos of students talking about the difficulty in finding jobs and protests over a lack of housing and work opportunities has created an air of nervousness among these students, say immigration agents.

There was a 40% decline in applications from India for Canadian study permits in the second half of 2023, according to one estimate. This was, in part, also due to the ongoing diplomatic tensions between India and Canada over allegations Indian agents were involved in the murder of Canadian Sikh separatist leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar.

There are also hints of deeper cultural factors at play, for a waning Canadian dream among an older generation of Indian migrants.

Karan Aulakh, who spent nearly 15 years in Edmonton and achieved career and financial success, left his managerial job for a comfortable rural life in Khane ki Daab, the village where he was born in 1985. He told the BBC he was upset by LGBT-inclusive education policies in Canada and its 2018 decision to legalise recreational cannabis. Incompatibility with the Western way of life, a struggling healthcare system, and better economic prospects in India were, he said, key reasons why many older Canadian Indians are preparing to leave the country.

"I started an online consultancy - Back to the Motherland - a month and a half ago, to help those who want to reverse migrate. I get at least two to three calls every day, mostly from people in Canada who want to know what job opportunities there are in Punjab and how they can come back," said Mr Aulakh.

For a country that places such a high value on immigration, these trends are "concerning" and are "being received with a bit of a sting politically", says Daniel Bernhard of the Institute of Canadian Citizenship, an immigration advocacy group.

A liberalised immigration regime has been Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's signature policy to counter slowing economic growth and a rapidly aging population.

According to Canada's statistics agency, immigration accounted for 90% of Canada's labour force growth and 75% of population growth in 2021.

International students contribute to over C$20bn ($14.7bn; £11.7bn) to Canada's economy each year, a bulk of them Indians who now make up one in five recent immigrants to the country.

India was also Canada's leading source for immigration in 2022.

The numbers of those leaving are still small in absolute terms with immigration levels at all-time highs in Canada - the country welcomed nearly half a million new migrants each year over the past few years.

But the rate of reverse migration hit a two decade high in 2019, signalling that migrants were "losing confidence" in the country said Mr Bernhard.

Country specific statistics for such emigrants, or reverse migrants, are not available.

But official data obtained by Reuters shows between 80,000 and 90,000 immigrants left Canada in 2021 and 2022 and either went back to their countries, or onward elsewhere.

Some 42,000 people departed in the first half of 2023.

Fewer permanent residents are also going on to become Canadian citizens, according to census data cited by the Institute for Canadian Citizenship. In 2001, 75% of those eligible became citizens. Two decades later, it was 45%.

Canada needs to "restore the value of its citizenship," said Mr Bernhard.

It comes as Canada debates its aggressive immigration targets given country's struggle to absorb more people.

A recent report from National Bank of Canada economists cautioned that the population growth was putting pressure on its already tight housing supply and strained healthcare system.

Canada has seen a population surge - an increase of 1.2 million people in 2023 - driven mostly by newcomers.

The report argued that growth needed to be slowed to an annual increase of up to 500,000 people in order to preserve or increase the standard of living.

There appears to have been a tacit acceptance of this evaluation by policymakers.

Mr Trudeau's Liberal government recently introduced a cap on international student permits that would result in a temporary decrease of 35% in approved study visas.

It's a significant policy shift that some believe may end up further reducing Canada's appeal amid a wave of reverse migrations.

#nunyas news

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manasastuff-blog · 9 months

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ELIGIBILITY FOR NDA CRASH COURSE

Introduction

What is UPSC NDA?

The UPSC NDA (Union Public Service Commission National Defence Academy) is a prestigious examination conducted by the UPSC to select candidates for admission into the Indian Army, Navy, and Air. It aims to recruit young individuals who possess the necessary qualities and potential to serve in the defense forces and contribute to the security and development of the nation.

Importance of UPSC NDA Eligibility

The eligibility criteria for UPSC NDA plays a vital role in ensuring that only the most deserving candidates are selected for training and service in the defense forces. These eligibility requirements help in maintaining the efficiency, discipline, and effectiveness of the armed forces. It ensures that individuals who have the necessary qualifications, physical attributes, and character are given the opportunity to serve their country.

Eligibility Criteria for UPSC NDA

Nationality Requirements

Citizenship Criteria

To be eligible for UPSC NDA, the candidate must be an Indian citizen. This means that the individual should either be:

A citizen of India by birth, or

A person of Indian origin who has migrated from Pakistan, Burma, Sri Lanka,Individuals from East African countries such as Kenya, Uganda, the United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi, Zaire, and Ethiopia, or Vietnam, have expressed their desire to relocate to India on a permanent basis.

Foreign Nationals' Eligibility

Foreign nationals are not eligible to apply for UPSC NDA. However, certain exceptions exist for individuals of specific nationalities. Bhutanese and Nepalese candidates, as well as Tibetan refugees and Indian origin migrants from other countries, may be considered eligible under certain conditions. These conditions are subject to specific government policies and agreements.

Age Limit and Relaxation

The age limit for candidates applying for UPSC NDA is also an important criterion. The candidate must be between 16.5 and 19.5 years of age. The upper age limit may be relaxed for specific categories such as Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), Other Backward Classes (OBC), and other deserving candidates as per government regulations.

Educational Qualifications

Academic Requirements

Candidates must have completed their 10+2 education or equivalent from a recognized board or institution to be eligible for UPSC NDA. The candidate should have passed the qualifying examination with the required academic standards as specified by the UPSC.

Specific Subjects and Marks Criteria

The candidate must have studied certain subjects in their 10+2 education to qualify for UPSC NDA. These subjects include Mathematics and Physics for the Air Force and Navy wings, while Mathematics is not mandatory for candidates applying to the Army wing. Additionally, the candidate must secure the minimum marks required in these subjects as specified by the UPSC.

Certain exemptions exist for candidates applying for the Navy and Air Force wings who do not meet the specific subject criteria. However, such candidates will be required to undergo additional training to bridge the knowledge gap.

Eligibility for Appearing in Final Exam

To be eligible to appear for the UPSC NDA entrance examination, the candidate must fulfill certain conditions. These conditions include restrictions on the number of attempts, the age limit, and the educational qualifications. Only candidates who meet the specified criteria will be allowed to appear for the entrance examination.

Physical Standards

Height, Weight, and Chest Measurements

Candidates must meet certain physical standards to be eligible for UPSC NDA. These standards include height, weight, and chest measurements as per the prescribed requirements. The UPSC specifies the minimum and maximum limits for each parameter, and candidates failing to meet these requirements may be disqualified.

Certain relaxations in physical standards may be provided for candidates from specific regions or categories as determined by the government.

Visual and Hearing Standards

Good vision and hearing are essential for individuals serving in the defense forces. Therefore, candidates are required to meet specific visual and hearing standards to be eligible for UPSC NDA. The UPSC outlines guidelines for vision requirements, including specific visual acuity and color perception standards. Similarly, candidates must meet the specified hearing criteria and should not have any hearing disabilities or impairments.

Physical Fitness and Medical Examination

Candidates applying for UPSC NDA also need to demonstrate a certain level of physical fitness. The UPSC prescribes fitness benchmarks and conducts physical tests to assess the candidates' physical capabilities. Additionally, candidates are subjected to a thorough medical examination to ensure that they are medically fit and free from any disqualifying illnesses or conditions.

Marital Status and Other Criteria

Marital Status Requirements

To be eligible for UPSC NDA, candidates must be unmarried. This is a prerequisite for admission into the National Defence Academy. Additionally, candidates are subject to restrictions on marriage during the training or service period as per the regulations of the defense forces.

Restrictions on Employment or Training During the Selection Process

Candidates applying for UPSC NDA are required to fulfill certain employment and training restrictions. These restrictions may include limitations on employment or pursuing other educational courses during the selection process. The aim is to ensure that candidates are fully committed to the training and service requirements of the defense forces.

#nda #navy #army #airforce #ssc #ssb #pilot

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competitionpedia · 6 months

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CAA: Issues in the legal challenge to the law

The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019, passed by the Parliament of India, seeks to amend the Citizenship Act of 1955, which provides for the acquisition and determination of Indian citizenship.

Recently, the Ministry of Home Affairs notified the Citizenship Amendment Rules under the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019

The CAA amends the Citizenship Act of 1955 to incorporate these provisions, marking a significant change in India's citizenship policy.

Aim:

To give citizenship to the target group of migrants even if they do not have valid travel documents as mandated in The Citizenship Act, 1955.

To address the issue of persecution faced by religious minorities in neighbouring countries and provide them with refuge and citizenship in India.

The act provides a fast-track path to Indian citizenship for religious minorities – Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, and Christian – from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.

The act has also cut the period of citizenship by naturalisation from 11 years to 5 i.e. eligible immigrants from these countries who entered India before December 31, 2014, can apply for citizenship under the CAA.

Thus, the amendment relaxed the requirements for certain categories of migrants, specifically based on religious lines, originating from three neighbouring countries with Muslim-majority populations.

It is noteworthy that the act does not include Muslims among the eligible religious groups for expedited citizenship.

Criticism: The act violates the secular principles enshrined in the Indian Constitution by discriminating against Muslims and undermining the idea of equal treatment under the law.

Exempted Areas: Certain categories of areas, such as tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Tripura, as well as areas safeguarded by the 'Inner Line' system, were excluded from the scope of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Eligibility

Under the CAA Rules, migrants from these nations are required to demonstrate their country of origin, their religion, the date of their entry into India, and proficiency in an Indian language as prerequisites for applying for Indian citizenship.

Additionally, any document indicating that "either of the parents or grandparents or great-grandparents of the applicant is or had been a citizen of one of the three countries" is also acceptable.

The Rules specify 20 documents that can establish the date of entry into India for admissible proof.

Challenges in the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA)

Legal Challenges:

Constitutional Validity: The CAA has faced legal challenges regarding its constitutionality, particularly with respect to Articles 14 (equality before law) and 15 (prohibition of discrimination) of the Indian Constitution. By providing preferential treatment to certain religious groups while excluding others, the CAA contravenes these fundamental rights and is seen as discriminatory and contrary to the principle of equality.

Against Secularism: The CAA's focus on granting citizenship based on religious lines, specifically excluding Muslims, is seen as contrary to the secular ethos of the Indian Constitution.

State Opposition: Several states have opposed the implementation of the CAA, leading to potential legal conflicts between the central government and state governments.

Administrative Challenges:

Documentation Verification: Verifying the authenticity of documents proving the eligibility criteria specified in the CAA can pose a significant administrative burden.

Infrastructure: Lack of adequate infrastructure and resources in government departments responsible for processing citizenship applications may hinder the smooth implementation of the CAA.

Social and Political Challenges:

Communal Tensions: The exclusion of Muslims from the purview of the CAA has led to communal tensions and polarization, affecting social harmony in various parts of the country.

Citizenship Criteria: The religious-based criteria for citizenship under the CAA have sparked debates about the secular nature of the Indian state and have been criticized for undermining the principles of equality and inclusivity.

Protest and Opposition: Widespread protests against the CAA have created political challenges for the government, leading to public unrest and opposition from various civil society groups and political parties.

International Relations:

Diplomatic Fallout: The CAA has strained relations with neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, which have expressed concerns about its impact on bilateral relations and regional stability.

Refugee Crisis: The CAA's focus on granting citizenship to persecuted minorities from neighbouring countries could exacerbate refugee crises and strain India's relations with international bodies and humanitarian organizations.

Economic Challenges:

Resource Allocation: Implementing the CAA may require significant financial resources for processing citizenship applications, accommodating new citizens, and addressing potential socio-economic challenges arising from demographic changes.

Section 6A of The Citizenship Act, 1955 and Assam:

Section 6A was incorporated into the Citizenship Act subsequent to the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985. The Accord outlines the criteria for identifying foreigners in the state of Assam, establishing March 24, 1971, as the cutoff date, which contradicts the cutoff date specified in the CAA 2019.

#Citizenship #Citizenship Amendment Act #2019 #CAA-2019 #Citizenship Act of 1955 #India's citizenship policy #Against muslims #religious minorities #citizenship by naturalisation #Inner Line Permit (ILP)#equality #secularism #protest #unrest #Section 6A of The Citizenship Act - 1955 #Assam Accord.

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southasianstakingaction · 11 months

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ASATA Statement on Palestine | October 2023

ASATA members joined hundreds of protesters in front of the Israeli consulate in San Francisco on October 8, 2023.

The Alliance of South Asians Taking Action stands in solidarity with the people of Palestine in the face of the current escalation of violence unfolding in Gaza and the West Bank. Over the last two weeks, ASATA members looked to the leadership of Palestinian activists in the San Francisco Bay Area who continue to lead protests that lift up the unrelenting resistance of those living under violent occupation.

As we mobilized for direct actions and joined the call for Palestinian liberation, we also deepened our understanding of how the state of Israel’s settler colonial tactics are proliferated and being replicated in the Indian government’s violent occupation of Kashmir. As part of a diverse South Asian Diaspora, ASATA members clearly see the close relationship between Hindutva (Hindu Nationalism) and Zionist ideologies. As South Asians, we challenge all forms of imperialism. Thus, we oppose Zionism, a settler colonial project displacing indigenous Palestinians, resulting in the world’s largest diasporic refugee population.

The current close relationship between India and Israel has enabled a security regime where India has adopted Israeli tactics of collective punishment (such as the arbitrary revocation of residency and citizenship rights, arbitrary detention, statewide suspension of internet, etc.) in its occupation of Kashmir. The deployment of the Israeli hacking software Pegasus to spy on Indian journalists, lawyers, activists, academics, supreme court judges, opposition politicians, and many others must be seen in the context of the announcement by India and Israel that cyber security is a key area of cooperation between them. The NSO group, an Israeli firm that’s an expert in cyber surveillance, has in effect abetted the Indian government’s surveillance of its own citizens as it has done in a dozen other countries.

The Israeli government’s alliance with and support of the BJP’s Hindutva agenda is part of a longer history where it has exported its violent policies and military tactics to South Asia in order to suppress resistance movements there. For example, The New York Times has reported that as early as the 1980s, Israeli intelligence agents trained their Sri Lankan counterparts in their fight against Tamil groups. Israeli human rights lawyer Eitay Mack has raised questions about Israel’s more recent role in war crimes committed during the Sri Lankan civil war, and has called for criminal investigations into the involvement of Israeli companies, officials, and individuals.

India’s embrace of Israel is polarizing the Indian-American diaspora, and has exacerbated the islamophobia of those who subscribe to the toxic ideology of Hindutva. The US-India Political Action Committee (USINPAC) is modeled after AIPAC and the AJC, and the Hindutva lobby’s use of the accusation of “Hinduphobia” to shut down critical discourse is inspired by the Zionist lobby’s success in silencing critics of Israel’s policies by weaponizing charges of anti-semitism.

The BJP’s fearsome “IT Cell” is a massive disinformation machine that amplifies Hindutva propaganda through an army of paid employees and volunteers that flood social media with fake news, and through a large-scale use of bots that power harassment and trolling campaigns. Many accounts known to push Hindutva content are now being used to spread disinformation about Hamas while continuing their systematic spreading of islamophobic content.

Indeed, as documented by BOOM, one of India's most reputable fact-checking websites, India is now one of the largest sources for disinformation targeting Palestinians negatively. We call on fellow South Asians in the diaspora to condemn the demonization of Palestinians, and ensure we do not contribute to the spread of disinformation and anti-Muslim hate.

We take inspiration from the women of India’s National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW) who have declared their solidarity with Palestinians — invoking the “historic oppression” and “systematic dehumanization” that both communities have faced.

We are also in solidarity with the many anti-Zionist Jewish groups and individuals both within Israel and world-wide that are opposing the Israeli state’s attacks on Palestine, and its long standing policy of apartheid against the Palestinian people.

We call on our fellow South Asians and South Asia- led organizations in the United States to reject the “both sides” argument that invisiblizes the experiences and dignity of the Palestinian people. We call for an immediate ceasefire and end to the ongoing siege and genocide in Gaza. We call on the US to stop arming the Israeli apartheid regime with billions’ of dollars worth of weaponry. And finally, We invite our communities to embrace the ways our histories of anti-imperialist struggles are connected so that we may build power and protect our communities against anti-Musilm hate violence and state-sponsored terrorism. Free Palestine.

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immigrationoffers · 9 hours

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Esse India: A Comprehensive Overview of Canadian, Australian, and German Permanent Residency

At Esse India, we recognize the growing interest among skilled professionals, students, and families in securing permanent residency (PR) in countries like Canada, Australia, and Germany. These nations are known for their strong economies, high quality of life, and attractive immigration pathways. Each country has tailored programs to suit the unique skills and qualifications of applicants. Whether you're interested in Canada’s Express Entry, Australia's Global Talent Stream, or Germany's EU Blue Card, understanding the processes and requirements is vital to achieving your immigration goals.

1. Canadian Permanent Residency (PR)

Canada is renowned for its welcoming immigration policies, making it one of the most sought-after destinations for individuals seeking PR. The country offers a range of immigration programs managed by Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), with Express Entry being one of the most popular systems.

Express Entry and Comprehensive Ranking System (CRS)

The Express Entry system governs three major economic immigration programs:

Federal Skilled Worker Program (FSWP)

Federal Skilled Trades Program (FSTP)

Canadian Experience Class (CEC)

Applicants are ranked using the Comprehensive Ranking System (CRS), which allocates points based on key factors such as age, education, work experience, and language proficiency. Regular Express Entry draws are held to issue Invitations (to Apply ITAs) to candidates with the highest CRS scores.

In recent draws:

September 19, 2024: 4,000 ITAs were issued to Canadian Experience Class candidates with a minimum CRS score of 509.

August 27, 2024: 3,300 ITAs were issued to CEC candidates with a minimum CRS score of 507.

The competitiveness of the Express Entry system means even small differences in CRS scores can significantly impact eligibility. Factors such as language proficiency (in English or French), educational qualifications, and having a job offer or provincial nomination can significantly boost CRS scores.

Provincial Nominee Program (PNP)

For candidates with lower CRS scores, the Provincial Nominee Program (PNP) offers an alternative route to Canadian PR. Provinces such as British Columbia (BCPNP), Manitoba (MPNP), and New Brunswick (NBPNP) nominate candidates based on regional labor market needs. A provincial nomination adds 600 CRS points, significantly increasing the likelihood of receiving an ITA in subsequent Express Entry draws.

Canada Immigration Consultants in India

At Esse India, we provide specialized assistance to clients applying for Canada PR from India. Our experienced team guides you through the entire Canada PR process, from meeting the Canadian permanent residency requirements to preparing the necessary documentation. We ensure a seamless application process, helping you achieve your immigration goals efficiently.

2. Australia Permanent Residency (PR)

Australia is another prime destination for individuals seeking permanent residency. Known for its strong economy and high demand for skilled professionals, Australia's immigration system offers multiple pathways to PR, particularly through the General Skilled Migration (GSM) program.

General Skilled Migration (GSM)

The GSM program is a points-based system that includes visas such as:

Skilled Independent Visa (Subclass 189)

Skilled Nominated Visa (Subclass 190)

Skilled Work Regional (Provisional) Visa (Subclass 491)

Applicants are scored on various factors, including age, education, work experience, and English language skills. High-scoring applicants are invited to apply for PR. The Australia PR process requires applicants to meet the points test threshold, with State Nomination offering additional points to improve eligibility.

Global Talent Stream in Australia

For highly skilled professionals in industries like IT, engineering, and healthcare, Australia offers the Global Talent Stream, a fast-track program to permanent residency. Applicants with expertise in critical sectors can receive priority processing through this stream.

Australia Immigration Consultants in India

At Esse India, we specialize in providing end-to-end support for the Australia PR procedure. Our experts assist clients with understanding the Australia PR process, including the eligibility criteria, required documents, and application steps. We help streamline the process, ensuring clients can efficiently navigate the Australian immigration system from India.

3. Germany Permanent Residency (PR)

Germany offers a robust immigration system tailored to professionals with high qualifications and those in critical sectors such as technology, engineering, and healthcare. With its strong economy and high demand for skilled workers, Germany provides a clear path to permanent residency through programs like the EU Blue Card.

EU Blue Card

The EU Blue Card is the preferred route for non-EU nationals seeking to live and work in Germany. To qualify, applicants must have a job offer that meets the minimum salary requirement and hold a recognized university degree. After working with an EU Blue Card for 21 to 33 months (depending on language proficiency), individuals can apply for permanent residency.

Global Talent Stream in Germany

Germany’s Global Talent Stream allows exceptionally skilled professionals in fields like engineering, science, and technology to fast-track their residency and visa applications. This stream addresses Germany's need for talent in key sectors, offering a quicker route to PR.

Germany PR Process

The Germany permanent residency process involves obtaining a work visa, fulfilling residency requirements, and proving language proficiency. Once these criteria are met, individuals can apply for permanent residency under the Germany PR procedure.

Germany Immigration Consultants in India

At Esse India, we offer tailored guidance for Indian nationals looking to apply for Germany PR. Our team is well-versed in the PR process for Germany from India, offering expert assistance with documentation, compliance, and application submission. We ensure our clients meet all requirements for a successful PR application.

4. Work and Study Opportunities in Canada, Australia, and Germany

For individuals seeking both work and study opportunities, Canada, Australia, and Germany offer excellent programs. Many universities provide scholarships and work-study options, allowing international students to manage their expenses while pursuing their education.

Study and Work in Canada

Canada’s Post-Graduation Work Permit (PGWP) allows international students to work for up to three years after graduation, providing valuable work experience that can be leveraged to apply for PR through the Canadian Experience Class.

Study and Work in Australia

Australia offers the Temporary Graduate Visa (Subclass 485), which allows students to remain in the country and work after completing their studies. This work experience can improve their points for the GSM program.

Study and Work in Germany

Germany’s Job Seeker Visa enables graduates to stay in the country for up to 18 months to find employment. Once employed, they can apply for a work visa or the EU Blue Card, eventually leading to PR.

Conclusion

At Esse India, we are dedicated to helping our clients navigate the complex immigration processes of Canada, Australia, and Germany. Whether you’re seeking permanent residency, work visas, or study opportunities, our team of experienced consultants ensures that your applications meet all necessary criteria. We are here to support you in every step of your immigration journey, offering personalized solutions to help you achieve your international aspirations.

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aptechvisaglobalimmigration · 1 day

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The Government Approved Immigration Consultancy Firms in Delhi.

Immigration consulting is a labyrinth from which one might easily get lost. Therefore, working under the guidance of an acknowledged and government-approved consultancy is vital. Aptech Visa is a name for dependability and success in the immigration consultancy field. It stands out as one of the fewer consultancy firms in Delhi that has gained government approval. Aptech Visa has earned the trust of thousands of applicants for the past 15 years with apt recognition and approval from the relevant authorities of the Indian government, thus ensuring a transparent and legally sound process of immigration.

We are going to dive deeper into what makes Aptech Visa stand out as a government-approved immigration consultancyand how their close partnerships with global authorities like MARA agents in Australia and IRCC agents in Canadamean the best immigration experience for their clients.

Government Approved and Recognized

One of the most amazing benefits of working with Aptech Visa is that this is a government-approved immigration consultant in India. Registered under the Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA), such consultancy works strictly according to the norms and laws administered by the government of India. This, consequently, guarantees that such consultancy works at the highest extent of transparency and professionalism and thus protects the clients from the risks of fraudulent agents and dubious practices.

This government acknowledgement brings the customers comfort and an assurance that they are dealing with an approved and trusted firm. This conformity by Aptech Visa with MCA ensures all their customers that the services provided are original, authentic and reliable on matters as sensitive as immigration.

youtube

Close Cooperation with MARA Agents in Australia

The most critical aspect of an immigrant who applies forimmigration to Australia is to ensure that they are dealing with a licensed MARA agent.MARA agents are recognized by the Australian government and authorized to give immigration advice, lodge visa applications, and to represent clients in court.

Aptech Visa collaborated with MARA-registered agentsto provide its clients with precise, updated information and a legal representative for Australian migration. Whether the application process is for an Australia PR visa or for getting a skilled migration visa, the association of these registered agents with Aptech Visaensures that the application is in all Australian legal standards.

This liaison allows Aptech Visato give expert advice on everything from SkillSelect and Expression of Interest (EOI) submissions to matters as complex as legal issues. Their alliance with agents MARA lends that much more legitimacy to the service being offered; hence, Aptech Visa is considered one of the most genuine consultancies in India for Australian immigration.

youtube

Strong Ties with IRCC Agents for Canada Immigration

Working with a consultancy that has a good connection with the IRCC agentsconcerning Canadian immigration is key. IRCC stands for Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada, which oversees immigration to Canada, as well as visa applications, permanent residency, and citizenship issues.

Aptech Visa has established close working relationships only with IRCC-certified agentsthat enable them to offer specialized services for Immigration to Canada. Whether it is going through the Express Entry system, making an application for a Provincial Nominee Program (PNP) invitation or receiving a spouse visa, collaboration with such agents would ascertain that every application is dealt with professionally and that there is maximum possibility of success.

The consultancy through its association with IRCC agents ensures that its clients are up to date with the latest changes in Canadian immigration policies, thus ensuring that the clients are aware of what is new and available along with what is required. One of the reasons the company has a stellar track record of helping applicants win their Canada PRis through this close coordination.

15 Years of Excellence and Achievements

Aptech Visa has had a long journey over the last 15 years marked with achievement in the form of the successful processing of thousands of visas and rising to the highest platform as a beacon of trust for the industry. In this regard, some of the first-tier marks of their glorious career are as follows:

1. Thousands of Successful Applicants:Aptech Visa has successfully guided thousands of applicants to their destiny in countries like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Their professional involvements run the gamut from permanent residency to skilled migration programs, student visas and visitor visas.

2. Past Successful Service: Express Entry and Provincial Nominee Programs (PNPs): Aptech Visa has evolved to become a powerhouse in the Express Entry and PNP regimes of Canada. The candidates many a time receive Invitations to Apply (ITAs) through these programs owing to the detailed preparation and accurate file maintenance carried out by Aptech Visa.

3. Team of Experts: Much is also owed to the very qualified and experienced consultants that Aptech Visa has. Some experts read well into immigration law and processes and work closely with clients for personalized services tailored to their special needs.

4. Continuing Updates and Policy Awareness: Immigration laws are always changing, and Aptech Visa's team ensures that they keep updated information on changes. Be it an amendment in requirements of Australian immigration points or adjustments in Canada's Express Entry draws, consultants are always abreast with the latest developments.

Transparent and client-centred Approach of Aptech Visa

What actually makes Aptech Visa different from all the other immigration consultancies is that they can be described as client-centric. Being a government-approved agency, they know how important transparency and ethics in handling cases are. Every client is given individual attention to ensure their needs and circumstances are treated uniquely.

1. Ethical Process and Transparency:From the very first day when you consult with Aptech Visa, you will find value in transparency. When clients inquire about any process eligibility check and documentation procedures concerning timelines and probable challenges-they will always stay informed. Throughout your travel with Aptech Visa, you are never given something with cryptic terms and hidden fees. Instead, you get plain honest advice.

2. Work-ready solutions for every client: Aptech Visa understands that two immigration cases can never be alike. Therefore, they provide customized solutions according to the qualifications, job profiles, and immigration objectives of their clients. Hence, in this manner, the professionalism and the preciseness of each application can be well assured.

3. Ongoing Support: Immigration is no longer just getting a visa; it's settling down in a new country, finding a place, and starting a new life. And so, the services of Aptech Visa go beyond getting that visa approved: their post-landing support helps give you comfort in settling into your new home, from finding a job to an apartment and much more.

Your Trustable, Government-Approved Partner

The right kind of immigration consultancy can either make or break your immigration journey. Having over 15 years of experience and the government's approval, along with the close liaison with international authorities like MARA and IRCC agents, the company has earned a name in the field-Aptech Visa.

Aptech Visa is the right destination for those wishing to immigrate to Canada, Australia, or New Zealand as it offers comprehensive and transparent immigration services that are entirely legal and would guide you through the complex labyrinth of global immigration.

Ready to join a consultancy that has successfully completed 15 years with government approval and international partnership? Here is Aptech Visa, so why not give us a call today?

For more information you can refer to https://www.aptechvisa.com/ you can also write to us at [email protected] you can also call our immigration experts at 7503822132 / 928 928 9007

#The Government Approved Immigration Consultancy Firms in Delhi #immigration #visa #consultant #india #Youtube

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immigration-canada7 · 2 days

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Canadian permanent residency

At Esse India, we are dedicated to keeping you updated on the latest immigration trends and opportunities. In the recent Express Entry draw conducted by Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), 4,000 invitations to apply (ITAs) were extended to Canadian Experience Class (CEC) candidates, requiring a minimum Comprehensive Ranking System (CRS) score of 509. This draw is part of the broader Express Entry system that manages key economic immigration programs such as the Federal Skilled Worker Program and the Canadian Experience Class. Candidates are ranked based on crucial factors like work experience, education, and language proficiency, with the highest-ranking candidates receiving ITAs, paving the way for Canadian permanent residency (PR).

Canada, Australia, and Germany each provide distinct pathways to permanent residency, tailored to qualifications, work experience, and language abilities. For instance, Canada’s PR process includes the Express Entry system and provincial nomination programs (PNPs) such as the British Columbia Provincial Nominee Program (BCPNP), Manitoba Provincial Nominee Program (MPNP), and New Brunswick Provincial Nominee Program (NBPNP). These programs offer candidates a chance to improve their CRS scores through provincial nominations, boosting their chances of receiving an ITA. In Australia, PR pathways focus on skilled migration through the Global Talent Stream, targeting high-demand professionals in fields like STEM. Germany also offers attractive PR options, focusing on professionals through its specialized immigration policies.

Navigating the intricate process of permanent residency in these countries often requires expert guidance. At Esse India, we understand that candidates rely on skilled immigration consultants to simplify the procedures. Our team provides assistance in meeting PR requirements and navigating the visa processes for Canada, Australia, and Germany. We cater to those looking for work or study opportunities, including specialized consultancy on spouse visas, entry visas like Canada’s ETA, and strategies for improving CRS scores.

The demand for professional PR and immigration consultancy is growing, especially for individuals seeking work and study opportunities in Canada, Australia, and Germany. Our services focus on guiding clients through these processes, offering tailored advice for candidates across industries such as healthcare, STEM, and administrative professions.

For those interested in pursuing careers as office assistants, administrative assistants, or in legal and medical administrative roles, there are excellent job prospects in Canada, Australia, and Germany. At Esse India, we are here to assist you in exploring these opportunities while pursuing your PR goals.

#best immigration consultant in canada #immigration consultant #immigration #student visa #immigrants #best immigration consultant in delhi #best visa consultants in bangalore #visaservices #tourist visa #visaconsultants #visa cashapp rb #visa consultancy services #consultant #visa #immigratetocanada #canadavisa #canadaimmigration #canada #permanent residency in canada

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dailyanarchistposts · 1 month

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India witnessed the rise of two large protest movements in last 2 years which saw millions taking to streets against the oppressive laws passed by the government. These were the Anti-CAA protests against the discriminative Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the farmers protests against the 3 pro-corporate farm laws. During the Anti-CAA protests, the loudest voices of dissent have been the women, from housewives to grandmothers, lawyers to students, women across India have been at the forefront of this struggle. This female-driven political awakening has been most jubilantly epitomized by the sit-in protest at Shaheen Bagh, drawing a cross-generational, largely female crowd never seen in India before [1]. Then came the farmer protests, where millions of farmers took to streets to fight the anti-farmer legislation that was passed in the Indian parliament and to highlight the issues of agrarian crisis which has been growing in India for the last few decades. In these protests, there is an unprecedented solidarity being displayed in the daily rallies that draw out thousands of people all over Indian cities. There are no visible leaders calling out to people to protest in one mode or another, yet the country has found a way to speak truth to power [2].

The Shaheen Bagh protest was led mostly by Muslim women, in response to the passage of the discriminative and unconstitutional CAA passed by Parliament of India and the police attack on students of Jamia Millia Islamia University. Protesters agitated not only against the citizenship issues of the CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC) and National Population Register (NPR), but also against economic crisis, rising inequality, police brutality, unemployment, poverty and for women’s safety. The protesters also supported farmer unions, unions opposing the government’s anti-labour policies and protested against attacks on academic institutions. The protest started with 10–15 local women, mostly hijab wearing Muslim housewives, but within days drew crowds of up to a hundred thousand, making it one of the longest sit-in protests of this magnitude in modern India. The Shaheen Bagh protest also inspired similar style protests across the country, such as those in Gaya, Kolkata, Prayagraj, Mumbai, Chennai and Bengaluru. The protesters at Shaheen Bagh, since 14 December 2019, continued their sit-in protest in New Delhi using non-violent resistance for 101 days until 24 March 2020 when it ended due to COVID-19 pandemic outbreak.

Most of the women who came to Shaheen Bagh protest were first-time protesters, mostly homemakers, who were standing up to the government [3]. This was the first time they came out on a national issue which cut across religious lines. Some came with their newborns and children and some were grandparents. The women were center of protests and men supported them from the sidelines. They were creative and strategic. They governed their worlds quietly from the background and knew when a crisis needed them to cross invisible boundaries and step into the foreground. They emerged into the public space to collectively confront a looming crisis [2]. Armed with thick blankets, warm cups of tea and songs of resistance, these women have braved one of the coldest winters Delhi faced in the last 118 years [4]. These women were drivers of this protest, joining in irrespective of caste and religion, taking turns to sit-in at the site. They broke down the historically prevailing gender binary of patriarchy and took control. They also destroyed the popular imagination claiming Muslim women as powerless and lacking agency.

Shaheen Bagh in many ways typifies the protest movement that erupted across India as it was leaderless. No political party or organization could claim to be leading the protest. Instead, it was fueled primarily by these women who were residents of working-class neighborhoods of Shaheen Bagh. Since it was a leaderless protest, it could not be terminated by a few prominent organizers [5]. When they tried to “called off” the protest citing interference of political parties and security threats, the women of Shaheen Bagh rejected it and decided to continue the protests. The movement had no formal organizers and thrived on a roving group of volunteers and the local women’s tenacity alone. The lack of leaders also confused the police who are clueless on whom to approach to make these women vacate the site.

The protesters were supported and coordinated by a diverse group of more than hundred volunteers, including local residents, students and professionals. These volunteers organized themselves around different tasks such as setting up makeshift stages, shelters and bedding; providing food, water, medicine, and access to toilet facilities; installing CCTV cameras, bringing in electric heaters, outside speakers and collecting donations [6]. Donations includes mattresses, an assortment of tables that form the foundation of the stage and endless cups of steaming tea that provide warmth on cold winter days. Local residents formed informal groups which coordinated security, speakers, songs, and cultural programs that happened on these makeshift stages. People distributed tea, snacks, biryani, sweets and other eatables at the protest site. Some donated wood logs to keep the protesters warm. Collection drives for blankets and other essentials were organized through social media. A health camp was also set up beside the camped protesters which provided medicines for them. Doctors and nurses along with medical students from different medical institutes and hospitals voluntarily joined for the purpose [7]. A group of Sikh farmers from Punjab came and set up a langer (free community kitchen) in the area.

The space was decorated with art and installations [8]. Stairways leading to the closed shops in the vicinity of the protest circle were transformed into a public library and art centre by student volunteers from Jamia along with the young children of Shaheen Bagh. Protest art became the voice of resistance and dissent during the event, and the area was covered in murals, graffiti, posters and banners [9]. A reading area called “Read for Revolution” had been set up with hundreds of crowd-sourced books as well as writing materials [10]. A nearby bus stop was converted into the Fatima Sheikh-Savitribai Phule library, which provided material on the country’s constitution, revolution, racism, fascism, oppression and various social issues [11]. Public reading spaces were created for the cause of dissent and to amplify the idea of education amongst the protesters of Shaheen Bagh. Since a majority of women of Shaheen Bagh have stepped out of their homes for the first time, this was an attempt to bring these women closer so that they read and facilitate the social change they exemplify. Besides young children, senior citizens, working people, domestic workers and many from Shaheen Bagh and nearby areas were occupying the area, choosing books or picking up colors and chart paper, while some also come to donate their old books and stationery.

लड़ो पढ़ाई करने को, पढ़ो समाज बदलने को (Fight To Read, Read To Change)

The children who were present alongside parents also participated in the protest. Most of these children would visit school in the morning before joining their parents at the protest site, which became an art space for many children [12]. They would express their thoughts and join in the protest through storytelling, poetry, puppetry, singing and painting. Student volunteers engaged the local children in reading, painting and singing, and held informal reading lessons.

Speeches, lectures, rap and shayari poetry readings were held every day [13]. Activists, artists and social workers came and gave talks on various issues faced by Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, the disabled, LGBTQ people, and all those who are oppressed. The stage is democratic and hosts poets and professors, housewives and elders, civil society groups and civic leaders, actors and celebrities and of course students – from Jamia, JNU to the local government schools. A large number of women participate in open-mics to express their thoughts, many speaking in public for the first time. The protestors read the Preamble of the Constitution which reminds them of their rights of Liberty, Equality and Justice. If the Shaheen Bagh stage had a bias, it is towards women and those, from academia and elsewhere, who can educate them not just on CAA-NRC-NPR, but also the freedom struggle, Ambedkar, Gandhi and the ideas that animate the preamble to the constitution [13]. The chants of “inquilab zindabad (long live the revolution!)”and “save the Constitution” filled the site. At night people would watch films and documentaries which were screened on the site, about refugee crisis, anti-fascist struggles and revolution. Musical and cultural events were also conducted in solidarity with anti-CAA protests. This occupy protest provided an example of how to create a community without government support by voluntary association and mutual aid, make decisions in a democratic way where everyone takes part and decentralize power by having no organizers or leaders who control everything. These elements of anarchist organizing is also visible in the farmers’ protest.

Small and marginal farmers with less than two hectares of land account for 86.2% of all farmers in India, but own just 47.3% of the crop area. A total of 2,96,438 farmers have committed suicide in India from 1995–2015 [14]. 28 people dependent on farming die by suicide in India every day [15]. India is already facing a huge agrarian crisis and the 3 new laws have opened up door for corporatization of agriculture by dismantling the Minimum Support Price (MSP) leaving the farmers at the mercy of the big capitalist businesses.

The farmers protest began with farmers unions holding local protests against the farmer bills mostly in Punjab. After two months of protests, farmers from Punjab and Haryana began a movement named Dilli Chalo (Go to Delhi), in which tens of thousands of farmers marched towards the nation’s capital [16]. The Indian government used police to attack the protesters using water cannons, batons, and tear gas to stop them from entering Delhi. On 26 November 2020, the largest general strike in the world with over 250 million people, took place in support of the farmers [17]. A crowd of 200,000 to 300,000 farmers converged at various border points on the way to Delhi. As protest, farmers blocked the highways surrounding Delhi by sitting on the roads [18]. Transport unions representing 14 million truck drivers also came out in support of the farmers. The farmers have told the Supreme court of India that they won’t listen to courts if asked to back off. They organized a tractor rally with over 200,000 tractors on the Republic day and stormed the historic Red Fort [19]. The government barricaded the capital roads with cemented nails and trenches to stop farmers and electricity, Internet, and water supply were cut off from the protest sites.

Scores of langars, i.e. free community kitchens have been set up by farmer’s organizations and NGOs to meet the food needs of the hundreds of thousands of farmers in the farmers-camps that have sprung up on the borders of Delhi [20]. The farmers came fully equipped to prepare mass meals in these community kitchens with supplies coming from their villages daily. Tractors and trucks with sacks of vegetables and flour as well as cans of oil and milk arrive daily from villages and towns where pooling resources for community meals is a way of life. These langars work round the clock and provide free food without distinction of caste, class, or religion. Supporters of the farm protest often bring almonds, apples, sweets, and packaged water. They even supplied a machine that rolls out a thousand “rotis” every hour. Social media is used to collect blankets and other essentials for these protests who are braving the harsh winter. Many protestors camp on the roadside in the cold Delhi winter and spending nights curled up in tractor trailers. Volunteers have set up solar-powered mobile charging points, laundry stalls with washing machines, medical stalls for medicines, arranged doctors and nurses, dental camps and brought foot massage chairs for elderly protesters [21].

A makeshift school has been set up at the camp, called “Sanjhi Sathh” (a common place) to recreate a village tradition of holding discussions on important issues. Children from underprivileged families who are unable to attend school due to financial issues and the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic come to this tent. It has library, which displays biographies of Indian freedom fighter Bhagat Singh, revolutionary Che Guevara, and other books of various genres and newspapers in English, Hindi and Punjabi languages. Dozens of posters with slogans written on them cover every inch of the tarpaulin tents [22]. Farmers also installed CCTV cameras to keep a watch on the protest site and keep a record of what is happening and counter any narrative to discredit their protest. Farmers protest also saw participation of women coming out to protest in large numbers. Women farmers and agricultural workers were riding tractors from their villages and rallying to the protest sites, unfazed by the gruesome winter.

Just like Shaheen Bagh protest, this is a decentralized leaderless protest by hundreds of farmer unions. Even though the negotiations with the government are being attended by representatives of 32 farmer unions, they act as spoke persons who present the collective demand of all farmers. Whenever Government introduces a new proposal, the representatives come back to the unions where they sit together, discuss, debate and decide the future course of action together in a democratic way. Farmers are conducting Kisan Mahapanchayats (public meetings) which are attended by hundreds of thousands of people in villages around Delhi, UP, Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana to discuss strategies and ways to put pressure on the government. It was this decentralization that made the protest robust and overcome the condemnation around violence during Republic day Truck Rally. Even though many farm union leaders called for ending the protest, the farmers remained steadfast in their decision to not go back till the laws were repelled.

The sites of the two protests mentioned above can be compared to the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ) that was set up in Capitol Hill neighborhood of Seattle, Washington by Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters during the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by Police [23]. CHAZ was a nascent commune, built through mutual aid where no police was allowed and almost everything was free.

CHAZ, Shaheen Bagh and Farmers’ protests were occupation protests where the protestors set up a community themselves and created an autonomous zone. If one was against racism and police brutality, others were against religious discrimination and agrarian crisis. The protests were mostly self-organized and without an official leadership. The sites were filled with protest art, paintings, film screenings and musical performances [24]. Just like the mutual aid cooperative in CHAZ, free food, water, snacks and other supplies were provided to everyone. Areas were set up for assemblies and to facilitate discourse [25].

CHAZ was a leaderless zone, where the occupants favored consensus decision-making in the form of a general assembly, with daily meetings and discussion [26]. They slept in tents, cars and surrounding buildings, relying on donations from local store owners and activists. They collected donations for the homeless and created community gardens [27]. Medical stations were established to provide basic health care.

Anarchism tries to create institutions of a new society “within the shell of the old,” to expose, subvert, and undermine structures of domination but always, while doing so, proceeding in a democratic fashion, a manner which itself demonstrates those structures are unnecessary [28]. Anarchists observe what people are already doing in their communities, and then tries to tease out the hidden symbolic, moral, or pragmatic logic that underlie their actions and tries to make sense of it in ways that they are not themselves completely aware of. They look at those who are creating viable alternatives, try to figure out what might be the larger implications of what they are already doing, and then offer those ideas back, not as prescriptions, but as contributions [28]. They understand that people are already forming self-organized communities when the state has failed them and we can learn a lot about direct action and mutual aid from these communities.

Direct democratic decision making, decentralization of power, solidarity, mutual aid and voluntary association are the core principles of anarchist organizing. Anarchists employ direct action, disrupting and protesting against unjust hierarchy, and self-managing their lives through the creation of counter-institutions such as communes and non-hierarchical collectives. Decision-making is handled in an anti-authoritarian way, with everyone having equal say in each decision. They participate in all discussions in order to build a rough consensus among members of the group without the need of a leader or a leading group. Anarchists organize themselves to occupy and reclaim public spaces where art, poetry and music are blended to display the anarchist ideals. Squatting is a way to regain public space from the capitalist market or an authoritarian state and also being an example of direct action. We can find elements of these in all these protests and that is the reason for their robustness and success. It bursts the myth that you need a centralized chain of command with small group of leaders on top who decide the strategies and a very large group of followers who blindly obey those decisions for the sustenance and success of large scale organizing. All these protests were leaderless protests where people themselves decided and came to a consensus on the course of action to be followed in a democratic way. When people decide to take decisions themselves and coordinate with each other in small communities by providing aid to each other, it creates the strongest form of democracy and solidarity.

The fact that these protests happened, with so many people collectively organizing and cooperating, for such a long duration, shows us that we can self-organize and create communities without external institutions and it can be civilized and more democratic than the autocratic bureaucracy and authoritarian governments which concentrate all power and oppress people. These protests were driven by mostly by uneducated women, poor farmers and people from other marginalized communities, who showed that they can create communities which are more moral and egalitarian, than those that exist in hierarchical societies with the affluent and highly educated. They showed that people who are oppressed and underprivileged can organize themselves into communities of mutual aid and direct democracy which eliminates a need for coercive hierarchical systems of governance which exist only to exploit them.

What these occupy protests show us is that we can form communities and collectively organize various forms of democratic decision making simultaneously providing everyone their basic needs. There protests show us models of community organizing in large scales comprising hundreds of thousands of people. Even though they are not perfect we can learn the ideas these protests emulate – of solidarity, mutual aid, direct democracy, decentralization of power and try to recreate these in our lives and communities.

References

[1]

H. E. Petersen and S. Azizur Rahman, “‘Modi is afraid’: women take lead in India’s citizenship protests,” The Guardian, 21 January 2020.

[2]

N. Badwar, “Speaking truth to power, in Shaheen Bagh and beyond,” Livemint, 17 January 2020.

[3]

B. Kuchay, “Shaheen Bagh protesters pledge to fight, seek rollback of CAA law,” Al Jazeera, 15 January 2020.

[4]

“Shaheen Bagh: The women occupying Delhi street against citizenship law — ‘I don’t want to die proving I am Indian’,” BBC, 4 January 2020.

[5]

K. Sarfaraz, “Shaheen Bagh protest organiser calls it off, can’t get people to vacate,” The Hindustan Times, 2 January 2020.

[6]

“The volunteers of Shaheen Bagh,” The Telegraph (Culcutta), 24 December 2019.

[7]

“Behind Shaheen Bagh’s Women, An Army of Students, Doctors & Locals,” The Quint, 14 January 2020.

[8]

R. Venkataramakrishnan, “The Art of Resistance: Ringing in the new year with CAA protesters at Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh,” Scroll.in, 6 January 2020.

[9]

A. Bakshi, “Portraits of resilience: the new year in Shaheen Bagh,” 2 January 2020.

[10]

J. Thakur, “Shaheen Bagh Kids and Jamia Students Make Space for Art, Reading and Revolution,” The Citizen, 11 January 2020.

[11]

F. Ameen, “The Library at Shaheen Bagh,” The Telegraph (Culcutta), 20 January 2020.

[12]

A. Purkait, “In Shaheen Bagh, Children Paint Their Protest while Mothers Hold Dharna,” Makers India, 22 January 2020.

[13]

S. Chakrabarti, “Shaheen Bagh Heralds a New Year With Songs of Azaadi,” The Wire, 31 December 2019.

[14]

P. Sainath, “Maharashtra crosses 60,000 farm suicides,” People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), 21 July 2014.

[15]

R. Sengupta, “Every day, 28 people dependent on farming die by suicide in India,” Down to Earth, 3 September 2020.

[16]

“Dilli Chalo | Farmers’ protest enters fifth day,” The Hindu, 30 November 2020.

[17]

S. Joy, “At least 25 crore workers participated in general strike; some states saw complete shutdown: Trade unions,” Deccan Herald, 26 November 2020.

[18]

“Farmers’ Protest Highlights: Protesting farmers refuse to budge, say ‘demands are non-negotiable,” The Indian Express, 1 December 2020.

[19]

G. Bhatia, “Tractors to Delhi,” Reuters, 29 January 2021.

[20]

“Langar Tradition Plays Out in Farmers Protest, Students Use Social Media To Organise Essentials,” India Today, 2 December 2020.

[21]

J. Sinha, “Protest site draws ‘Sewa’ – medicine stalls, laundry service, temple & library come up,” Indian Express, 11 December 2020.

[22]

B. Kuchay, “A school for the underprivileged at Indian farmers’ protest site,” AlJazeera, 24 January 2021.

[23]

D. Silva and M. Moschella, “Seattle protesters set up ‘autonomous zone’ after police evacuate precinct,” NBC News, 11 June 2020.

[24]

C. Burns, “The Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone Renames, Expands, and Adds Film Programming,” The Stranger, 10 June 2020.

[25]

H. Allam, “‘Remember Who We’re Fighting For’: The Uneasy Existence Of Seattle’s Protest Camp,” NPR, 18 June 2020.

[26]

K. Burns, “Seattle’s newly police-free neighborhood, explained,” Vox, 16 June 2020.

[27]

h. Weinberger, “In Seattle’s CHAZ, a community garden takes root | Crosscut,” Crosscut, 15 June 2020.

[28]

D. Graeber, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, 2004.

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