#chain market

[harshitasoni]

UAE Coffee Chain Market by Regions, by Organized and Unorganized, by Food and Beverages – Outlook to 2021: Ken Research

How is Coffee Chain Market positioned in UAE?

With 3.4 million cups of coffee consumed every day, UAE has the fastest growing coffee market in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The UAE coffee chain market has increased from USD ~ million in 2017 to USD ~ million in 2022 at a CAGR of ~%. There are around ~ coffee outlets in UAE. The coffee consumption increased from ~ million kgs in 2017 to ~ million kgs in 2022. Furthermore, USD ~ million was spent on coffee in 2022

The coffee chain market is highly organized with the major organized players occupying ~% of the revenue share as of 2022. The market has seen a shift from traditional coffee shops to modern coffee outlets with increased focus on ambience and customized service offerings. Moreover, the customers now demand particular varieties of coffee, certain methods of processes and particular brewing methods. Modern coffee chains are now targeting wider audience by introducing products for kids and health conscious people.

The market is driven by growth of franchise coffee chains, rising per capita income, growing expenditure on non alcoholic beverages, growing retail, tourism and hospitality sector. With the growth of major tourism hubs, business parks and shopping complexes, coffee market has seen growing demand amongst tourists, professionals and youngsters.

Further, the market has seen rising demand for specialty coffee. This is driven by rising awareness amongst people about the process of making coffee. Moreover, there has been increasing competition with major international coffee chains entering the market along with increased number of individual specialty coffee outlets located in high end localities. The market has also witnessed innovation in terms of increased use of digital platform to gain customers, drive thru and digital display boards.

Further, green coffee is a new concept introduced in the market which claims to have health benefits

How Have the Different Segments Performed in UAE Coffee Chain Market?

The UAE coffee chain market can be segmented on the basis of major regions, organized and unorganized and food and beverages.

By Regions: Dubai has accounted for a major share of ~% of the number of coffee outlets in UAE in 2022. Being a major economic hub in UAE, Dubai has attracted all the major organized coffee chains to set up their outlets in the city. Further Dubai has also witnessed the growth of high end specialty coffee chains and gourmet coffee shops such as Roseleaf Café, Seven Fortunes, Common Grounds and others. Further, In 2022, Dubai recorded ~ million visitors as compared to ~ million in 2015. Some major infrastructure projects include Dubai Water Canal Project, Al Habtoor City and others. Such major infrastructure developments have enabled major coffee chains to expand in these areas. Abu Dhabi has accounted for ~% of the total number of coffee chain outlets in UAE in 2022. Sharjah has accounted for ~% of the total number of coffee outlets in UAE in 2022.

By Organized and unorganized: The UAE coffee chain market is dominated by organized players which have accounted for ~% of the market share in 2022.

The unorganized sector which majorly comprise of specialty coffee shops, modern coffeehouses and coffee chains with less than 10 outlets all over UAE have accounted for ~% of the revenue in UAE coffee chain during 2022.  There are ~ organized and ~ unorganized coffee outlets in UAE as of 2022.

By Food and Beverages: Beverages which include hot and cold coffee variants, tea and other beverages have contributed to ~% of the revenue share in UAE coffee chain market while sale of food items has contributed ~% of the revenue in 2022. Coffee is the primary product focus for majority of the coffee chains in UAE and they accordingly position themselves to address audience with favorable preferences for coffee.

Value Chain Analysis of UAE Coffee Chain Market

The UAE coffee chain is well integrated as it is dominated by organized players. The coffee beans are imported from countries such as Brazil, Indonesia, Vietnam and South Africa. The coffee plantations are either company owned or the company ties up with private plantations. There are two types of coffee namely Arabica and Robusta. Arabica requires a lot of care. It grows at ~ feet above sea level and in tropical countries where it needs moisture and heat. Robusta doesn’t require much care. The green beans are sent to roasteries which are either company owned or outsourced. Some major coffee roasters in UAE include RAW Coffee Company, The Sum of Us, Specialty batch, Boon Coffee, Mokha 1450, Maison Maatouk, Coffee Planet and Common Grounds. The average price of 500g roasted coffee is ~. Subsequently, the roasted coffee beans are shipped from the main company roasters to numerous region heads. Regional heads comprise of huge storage units with advanced warehousing facilities. The country warehouses procure raw materials from regional heads. These regional heads manage all brand outlets of various countries bulked together in a region. Machines required by the outlets are stored in country warehouses. Coffee machines have undergone tremendous evolution from once being manually operated to now being fully automatic.

Other raw materials include cups, plates and cleaning material. Cups are procured from neighboring countries such as Saudi Arabia due to cost advantages.  The cleaning material required is mainly procured locally.

Trends, Developments, Issues and Challenges in UAE Coffee Chain Market

The market has seen a shifting preference for modern coffee shops where people could sit and relax with a cup of coffee. As customers have become more exposed to a variety of coffee, coffee farm information transparency and brewing methods, the demand for specialty coffee shops that focus on the use of single-origin beans (which involves coffee grown within a single known geographic origin) has increased. Furthermore, digital transformation has helped various players in industry to increase their sales by better targeting their customers. The market has seen major players adopting sustainable procurement practices. In order to do so, the coffee chains have tied up directly with the farmers located in coffee producing procuring raw materials at a fair price, thus eliminating the middlemen.

Major coffee chains have rigorously invested in new concepts and ideas to remain competitive in the market. In order to suit the busy lifestyle of the customers, many coffee outlets have introduced drive thru to increase their sales. Further, they have added a kids section in their menu to cater to a wider audience. Moreover, the coffee chains have introduced a breakfast menu targeting customers going to work in the morning. Furthermore, with the rise in number of tech savvy people, coffee chains have launched apps which support online ordering and payment facilities.

What IS the Competition Scenario in UAE Coffee Chain Market?

The UAE coffee chain market is dominated by international brands operating through franchise model. Along with organized chains there are number of local independent specialty coffee shops operating in the space. There are around ~ coffee outlets in UAE as of 2022. These chains compete on parameters such as geographic coverage, price, quality of food and beverages, services, customization, customer experience, ambience, promotional offers and brand image. These organized players have played a significant role bringing in the modern café culture in UAE. They have positioned coffee outlets as a place where people can socialize and relax along with a cup of coffee. Innovation is another factor driving the coffee sales in UAE. The coffee chains have introduced various new ideas and concept in this market such as drive thru, green coffee and localized interiors of the outlets to engage the audience better.

The 10 major organized coffee chains in UAE are Starbucks, Costa Coffee, Tim Hortons, Caribou Coffee, Caffe Nero, Dunkin Donuts, Gloria Jean’s Coffee, Café Bateel, Krispy Kreme and Blends and Brews.

What is the Future Outlook for UAE Coffee Chain Market?

The UAE coffee chain market is estimated to reach USD ~ million in 2028 from USD ~ million in 2022 at a CAGR of ~%. Further the number of coffee outlets is expected to reach ~ by 2028. The market will be driven by rising population, changing lifestyles, expanding tourism and UAE’s anticipated hospitality boom as it prepares to host Expo 2020 Dubai. Further, the market is expected to witness growing preference for healthy drinks thus facilitating the growth of green coffee. There is also a positive outlook in the grocery retail category with a particular focus on the convenience segment which is being pursued aggressively. The specialty coffee shops market has enormous potential for growth as increasing number of people are buying coffee based on a more informed choice and progressively more cultivated palate due to the awareness spread by roasters, specialty baristas and the owners of homegrown cafes. The major coffee chains are expected to adopt sustainable methods of importing coffee raw materials. Technical Upgradation and vertical integration of the supply chain will help in lowering the cost and increase profitability. The machinery used in the process of making coffee is expected to undergo automation, cutting down operational and manual cost.

[baileyboo2016]

I did it! I made the entire Chain as…whatever this is!

They’re just little fellas :3

[icewindandboringhorror]

HAPPY 16TH BIRTHDAY!!! To this elderly bapy boye!!! he...!!!

[mostlysignssomeportents]

The new globalism is global labor

For the rest of May, my bestselling solarpunk utopian novel THE LOST CAUSE (2023) is available as a $2.99, DRM-free ebook!

Depending on how you look at it, I either grew up in the periphery of the labor movement, or atop it, or surrounded by it. For a kid, labor issues don't really hold a lot of urgency – in places with mature labor movements, kids don't really have jobs, and the part-time jobs I had as a kid (paper route, cleaning a dance studio) were pretty benign.

Ironically, one of the reasons that labor issues barely registered for me as a kid was that my parents were in great, strong unions: Ontario teachers' unions, which protected teachers from exploitative working conditions and from retaliation when they advocated for their students, striking for better schools as well as better working conditions.

Ontario teachers' unions were strong enough that they could take the lead on workplace organization, to the benefit of teachers at every part of their careers, as well as students and the system as a whole. Back in the early 1980s, Ontario schools faced a demographic crisis. After years of declining enrollment, the number of students entering the system was rapidly increasing.

That meant that each level of the system – primary, junior, secondary – was about to go through a whipsaw, in which low numbers of students would be followed by large numbers. For a unionized education workforce, this presented a crisis: normally, a severe contraction in student numbers would trigger layoffs, on a last-in, first-out basis. That meant that layoffs loomed for junior teachers, who would almost certainly end up retraining for another career. When student numbers picked up again, those teachers wouldn't be in the workforce anymore, and worse, a lot of the senior teachers who got priority during layoffs would be retiring, magnifying the crisis.

The teachers' unions were strong, and they cared about students and teachers, both those at the start of their careers and those who'd given many years of service. They came up with an amazing solution: "self-funded sabbaticals." Teachers with a set number of years of seniority could choose to take four years at 80% salary, and get a fifth year off at 80% salary (actually, they could take their year off any time from the third year on).

This allowed Ontario to increase its workforce by about 20%, for free. Senior teachers got a year off to spend with their families, or on continuing education, or for travel. Junior teachers' jobs were protected. Students coming into the system had adequate classroom staff, in a mix of both senior and junior teachers.

This worked great for everyone, including my family. My parents both took their four-over-five year in 1983/84. They rented out our house for six months, charging enough to cover the mortgage. We flew to London, took a ferry to France, and leased a little sedan. For the next six months, we drove around Europe, visiting fourteen countries while my parents homeschooled us on the long highway stretches and in laundromats. We stayed in youth hostels and took a train to Leningrad to visit my family there. We saw Christmas Midnight Mass at the Vatican and walked around the Parthenon. We saw Guernica at the Prado. We visited a computer lab in Paris and I learned to program Logo in French. We hung out with my parents' teacher pals who were civilian educators at a Canadian Forces Base in Baden-Baden. I bought an amazing hand-carved chess set in Seville with medieval motifs that sung to my D&D playing heart. It was amazing.

No, really, it was amazing. Unions and the social contract they bargained for transformed my family's life chances. My dad came to Canada as a refugee, the son of a teen mother who'd been deeply traumatized by her civil defense service as a child during the Siege of Leningrad. My mother was the eldest child of a man who, at thirteen, had dropped out of school to support his nine brothers and sisters after the death of his father. My parents grew up to not only own a home, but to be able to take their sons on a latter-day version of the Grand Tour that was once the exclusive province of weak-chinned toffs from the uppermost of crusts:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Tour

My parents were active in labor causes and in their unions, of course, but that was just part of their activist lives. My mother was a leader in the fight for legal abortion rights in Canada:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/doctorow/8882641733

My dad was active in party politics with the New Democratic Party, and both he and my mother were deeply involved with the fight against nuclear arms proliferation, a major issue in Canada, given our role in supplying radioisotopes to the US, building key components for ICBMs, testing cruise missiles over Labrador, and our participation in NORAD.

Abortion rights and nuclear arms proliferation were my own entry into political activism. When I was 13, I organized a large contingent from my school to march on Queen's Park, the seat of the Provincial Parliament, to demand an end to Ontario's active and critical participation in the hastening of global nuclear conflagration:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/doctorow/53616011737/

When I got a little older, I started helping with clinic defense and counterprotests at the Morgentaler Clinic and other sites in Toronto that provided safe access to women's health, including abortions:

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/morgentaler-honoured-by-order-of-canada-federal-government-not-involved-1.716775

My teens were a period of deepening involvement in politics. It was hard work, but rewarding and fundamentally hopeful. There, in the shadow of imminent nuclear armageddon, there was a role for me to play, a way to be more than a passive passenger on a runaway train, to participate in the effort to pull the brake lever before we ran over the cliff.

In hindsight, though, I can see that even as my activism intensified, it also got harder. We struggled more to find places to meet, to find phones and computers to use, to find people who could explain how to get a permit for a demonstration or to get legal assistance for comrades in jail after a civil disobedience action.

What I couldn't see at the time was that all of this was provided by organized labor. The labor movement had the halls, the photocopiers, the lawyers, the experience – the infrastructure. Even for campaigns that were directly about labor rights – campaigns for abortion rights, or against nuclear annihilation – the labor movement was the material, tangible base for our activities.

Look, riding a bicycle around all night wheatpasting posters to telephone poles to turn out people for an upcoming demonstration is hard work, but it's much harder if you have to pay for xeroxing at Kinko's rather than getting it for free at the union hall. Worse, the demonstration turnout suffers more because the union phone-trees and newsletters stop bringing out the numbers they once brought out.

This was why the neoliberal project took such savage aim at labor: they understood that a strong labor movement was foundation of antiimperialist, antiracist, antisexist struggles for justice. By dismantling labor, the ruling class kicked the legs out from under all the other fights that mattered.

Every year, it got harder to fight for any kind of better world. We activist kids grew to our twenties and foundered, spending precious hours searching for a room to hold a meeting, leaving us with fewer hours to spend organizing the thing we were meeting for. But gradually, we rebuilt. We started to stand up our own fragile, brittle, nascent structures that stood in for the mature and solid labor foundation that we'd grown up with.

The first time I got an inkling of what was going on came in 1999, with the Battle of Seattle: the mass protests over the WTO. Yes, labor turned out in force for those mass demonstrations, but they weren't its leaders. The militancy, the leadership, and the organization came out of groups that could loosely be called "post-labor" – not in the sense that they no longer believed in labor causes, but in the sense that they were being organized outside of traditional labor.

Labor was in retreat. Five years earlier, organized labor had responded to NAFTA by organizing against Mexican workers, rather than the bosses who wanted to ship jobs to Mexico. It wasn't unusual to see cars in Ontario with CAW bumper stickers alongside xenophobic stickers taking aim at Mexicans, not bosses. Those were the only workers that organized labor saw as competitors for labor rights: this was also the heyday of "two-tier" contracts, which protected benefits for senior workers while leaving their junior comrades exposed to bosses' most sadistic practices, while still expecting junior workers to pay dues to a union that wouldn't protect them:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/11/25/strikesgiving/#shed-a-tier

Two-tier contracts were the opposite of the solidarity that my parents' teachers' union exhibited in the early 1980s; blaming Mexican workers for automakers' offshoring was the opposite of the solidarity that built transracial and international labor power in the early days of the union movement:

https://unionhall.aflcio.org/bloomington-normal-trades-and-labor-assembly/labor-culture/edge-anarchy-first-class-pullman-strike

As labor withered under a sustained, multi-decades-long assault on workers' rights, other movements started to recapitulate the evolution of early labor, shoring up fragile movements that lacked legal protections, weathering setbacks, and building a "progressive" coalition that encompassed numerous issues. And then that movement started to support a new wave of labor organizing, situating labor issues on a continuum of justice questions, from race to gender to predatory college lending.

Young workers from every sector joined ossified unions with corrupt, sellout leaders and helped engineer their ouster, turning these dying old unions into engines of successful labor militancy:

https://theintercept.com/2023/04/07/deconstructed-union-dhl-teamsters-uaw/

In other words, we're in the midst of a reversal of the historic role of labor and other social justice movements. Whereas once labor anchored a large collection of smaller, less unified social movements; today those social movements are helping bring back a weakened and fragmented labor movement.

One of the key organizing questions for today is whether these two movements can continue to co-evolve and, eventually, merge. For example: there can be no successful climate action without climate justice. The least paid workers in America are also the most racially disfavored. The gender pay-gap exists in all labor markets. For labor, integrating social justice questions isn't just morally sound, it's also tactically necessary.

One thing such a fusion can produce is a truly international labor movement. Today, social justice movements are transnational: the successful Irish campaign for abortion rights was closely linked to key abortion rights struggles in Argentina and Poland, and today, abortion rights organizers from all over the world are involved in mailing medication abortion pills to America.

A global labor movement is necessary, and not just to defeat the divide-and-rule tactics of the NAFTA fight. The WTO's legacy is a firmly global capitalism: workers all over the world are fighting the same corporations. The strong unions of one country are threatened by weak labor in other countries where their key corporations seek to shift manufacturing or service delivery. But those same strong unions are able to use their power to help their comrades abroad protect their labor rights, depriving their common adversary of an easily exploited workforce.

A key recent example is Mercedes, part of the Daimler global octopus. Mercedes' home turf is Germany, which boasts some of the strongest autoworker unions in the world. In the USA, Mercedes – like other German auto giants – preferentially manufactures its cars in the South, America's "onshore-offshore" crime havens, where labor laws are both virtually nonexistent and largely unenforced. This allows Mercedes to exploit and endanger a largely Black workforce in a "right to work" territory where unions are nearly impossible to form and sustain.

Mercedes just defeated a hard-fought union drive in Vance, Alabama. In part, this was due to admitted tactical blunders from the UAW, who have recently racked up unprecedented victories in Tennessee and North Carolina:

https://paydayreport.com/uaw-admits-digital-heavy-organizing-committee-light-approach-failed-them-in-alabama-at-mercedes/

But mostly, this was because Mercedes cheated. They flagrantly violated labor law to sabotage the union vote. That's where it gets interesting. German workers have successfully lobbied the German parliament for the Supply Chain Act, an anticorruption law that punishes German companies that violate labor law abroad. That means that even though the UAW just lost their election, they might inflict some serious pain on Mercedes, who face a fine of 2% of their global annual revenue, and a ban on selling cars to the German government:

https://pluralistic.net/2024/04/10/an-injury-to-one/#is-an-injury-to-all

This is another way reversal of the post-neoliberal era. Whereas once the US exported its most rapacious corporate practices all over the world, today, global labor stands a chance of exporting workers' rights from weak territories to strong ones.

Here's an American analogy: the US's two most populous states are California and Texas. The policies of these states ripple out over the whole country, and even beyond. When Texas requires textbooks that ban evolution, every pupil in the country is at risk of getting a textbook that embraces Young Earth Creationism. When California enacts strict emission standards, every car in the country gets cleaner tailpipes. The WTO was a Texas-style export: a race to the bottom, all around the world. The moment we're living through now, as global social movements fuse with global labor, are a California-style export, a race to the top.

This is a weird upside to global monopoly capitalism. It's how antitrust regulators all over the world are taking on corporations whose power rivals global superpowers like the USA and China: because they're all fighting the same corporations, they can share tactics and even recycle evidence from one-another's antitrust cases:

https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2024/05/big-tech-eu-drop-dead

Look, the UAW messed up in Alabama. A successful union vote is won before the first ballot is cast. If your ground game isn't strong enough to know the outcome of the vote before the ballot box opens, you need more organizing, not a vote:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/04/23/a-collective-bargain/

But thanks to global labor – and its enemy, global capitalism – the UAW gets another chance. Global capitalism is rich and powerful, but it has key weaknesses. Its drive to "efficiency" makes it terribly vulnerable, and a disruption anywhere in its supply chain can bring the whole global empire to its knees:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/09/21/eight-and-skate/#strike-to-rule

American workers – especially swing-state workers who swung for Trump and are leaning his way again – overwhelmingly support a pro-labor agenda. They are furious over "price gouging and outrageous corporate profits…wealthy corporate CEOs and billionaires [not] paying what they should in taxes and the top 1% gaming the system":

https://www.americanfamilyvoices.org/_files/ugd/d4d64f_6c3dff0c3da74098b07ed3f086705af2.pdf

They support universal healthcare, and value Medicare and Social Security, and trust the Democrats to manage both better than Republicans will. They support "abortion rights, affordable child care, and even forgiving student loans":

https://prospect.org/politics/2024-05-20-bidens-working-class-slump/

The problem is that these blue-collar voters are atomized. They no longer meet in union halls – they belong to gun clubs affiliated with the NRA. There are enough people who are a) undecided and b) union members in these swing states to defeat Trump. This is why labor power matters, and why a fusion of American labor and social justice movements matters – and why an international fusion of a labor-social justice coalition is our best hope for a habitable planet and a decent lives for our families.

If you'd like an essay-formatted version of this post to read or share, here's a link to it on pluralistic.net, my surveillance-free, ad-free, tracker-free blog:

https://pluralistic.net/2024/05/20/a-common-foe/#the-multinational-playbook

[lazycranberrydoodles]

COME ON GUYS DON'T LET DIANXIA DOWN

[modormouth]

ffx anima in low poly

closeups + commentary under the cut if you're interested

anima is one of my favorite ff monster girls! it was fun modeling her + this one took me about a week to do. i was painstaking nailing down that creepiness factor that hooked me years back when i first played ffx.

getting the face down was the trickiest part. taking about a day alone to do. chains + model = 900 polys roughly.

there will be more low poly ff monster girls ;)

[romanceatheart]

[moonlitministry]

Not sure if i made entirenly clear that the keychains are already available on preorder since the link is somewhere at the bottom of the post haha so i'm just leaving another one here

[spacehero-23]

Idk if you take art requests, but if you do, have you ever thought of drawing James and Matthew together?

hiiii i'm perfectly fine with requests 🤍

plus you gave me an excuse to finally finish my old sketch based on clint and nathasha from endgame!

now the big question is who'd end up sacrificing themselves? (my money's on matthew)

also! here's another sketch that idk if ill ever finish but i do like it quite a lot

[deancasforcutie]

WHY in Year 4 of Canon Destiel am I still seeing posts like "If they didn't want us to see it as gay, they shouldn't have [x surface-level observation]"??? why the self-doubt you can do better than that!

if they didn't want us to see it as gay, they wouldn't have made it canonically gay! they wouldn't have kept it canon no walk-backs for these four years running! they wouldn't have followed it up with A Supernatural Romance spinoff where everyone is bi because Dean is and whose creatives all said lol yeah our parallel structure and queer rep support Destiel, and Jack knows what's next! people figured out and settled this in like 2019, our job NOW is to point and laugh at the regressive weirdos online who think they're doing something by erasing queer text and the creative fight against censorship for it

[pansexual-lilychen]

something that i will NEVER get over is how much i truly deeply loved james and how much i resonated with him in tftsa and gotsm just for him to just … completely change with no explanation to the point where he is just a new, unrecognisable character in tlh. i miss the old jamie.

[hero-of-apples]

Baby

Wind: IF YOU CALL ME A LITTLE KID ONE MORE TIME YOU WONT LIVE LONG ENOUGH TO REGRET IT!!!

Also Wind, getting caught by the guards for something: don’t arrest me! I’m just a little kid! *puppy dog eyes*

[jaxlightstairs]

I hadn't noticed 🥺

Cast Long Shadows (GotSM)

Chain of Thorns

[tu-vieja-steve]

In another universe, the tda and tlhd books were released at the same time

Like the last three tmi and tid books. Can you imagine? That era would have been WILD. And imagine if they had let Cassie split up QOAAD the way she wanted. Lady Midnight, Chain Of Gold, Lord of Shadows, Chain of Iron, Queen of Air And Darkness (Part I), Chain of Thorns, Queen of Air And Darkness (Part II) and then Ghost of the Shadow Market? THAT ERA WOULD HAVE BEEN PURE GOLD, the fandom would have been soooo wild and alive I'm just a girl who misses our fandom u.u

[readitwatchitwriteit]

Does anyone else feel like james and Lucie were the exceptions to almost every herondale rule?

Neither were afraid of ducks

They didn't have any parent or siblings family tradagdies

They had reasons they could not be with the person they wanted to he with, but they were not reasons of their own making, and they did not purposely push their love interests away.

They knew they were herondales and knew what that meant.

[kit-herondale-blackthorn]

So you’re telling me that this huge debt that Belial owes Jem in Learn About Loss—

—was actually proposed by Belial himself because Jem once volunteered to pass on a message from him?

That— That’s just ridiculous.