#dahiya doctrine

[tilbageidanmark]

The dull sound of war planes overhead Can be heard all night and all day Here, not far from the border.

But the people on this side of the fence Don’t notice it much any more.

Only when there's a warning of rocket attack

And the windows start rattling And the air sirens piercing shrieks Call everybody to hide:

The neighbors hurry to the bomb shelter Meeting twice a day to complain How inconvenient this war is.

Only me, a foreigner, can’t stop hearing The cries these planes are bringing To the children on the other side of the border

30 kilometers away.

© November, 24, 2024

[fspgrad]

"The Dahiya Doctrine" — Israel's ILLEGAL Military Plan For Flattening Le...

[tungledotedu]

“This is a machine that, with the help of AI, processes a lot of data better and faster than any human, and translates it into targets for attack,” Kochavi went on. “The result was that in Operation Guardian of the Walls [in 2021], from the moment this machine was activated, it generated 100 new targets every day. You see, in the past there were times in Gaza when we would create 50 targets per year. And here the machine produced 100 targets in one day.”

“We prepare the targets automatically and work according to a checklist,” one of the sources who worked in the new Targets Administrative Division told +972 and Local Call. “It really is like a factory. We work quickly and there is no time to delve deep into the target. The view is that we are judged according to how many targets we manage to generate.”

A senior military official in charge of the target bank told the Jerusalem Post earlier this year that, thanks to the army’s AI systems, for the first time the military can generate new targets at a faster rate than it attacks. Another source said the drive to automatically generate large numbers of targets is a realization of the Dahiya Doctrine.

Automated systems like Habsora have thus greatly facilitated the work of Israeli intelligence officers in making decisions during military operations, including calculating potential casualties. Five different sources confirmed that the number of civilians who may be killed in attacks on private residences is known in advance to Israeli intelligence, and appears clearly in the target file under the category of “collateral damage.” 

Several of the sources, who spoke to +972 and Local Call on the condition of anonymity, confirmed that the Israeli army has files on the vast majority of potential targets in Gaza — including homes — which stipulate the number of civilians who are likely to be killed in an attack on a particular target. This number is calculated and known in advance to the army’s intelligence units, who also know shortly before carrying out an attack roughly how many civilians are certain to be killed.

In one case discussed by the sources, the Israeli military command knowingly approved the killing of hundreds of Palestinian civilians in an attempt to assassinate a single top Hamas military commander. “The numbers increased from dozens of civilian deaths [permitted] as collateral damage as part of an attack on a senior official in previous operations, to hundreds of civilian deaths as collateral damage,” said one source.

“Nothing happens by accident,” said another source. “When a 3-year-old girl is killed in a home in Gaza, it’s because someone in the army decided it wasn’t a big deal for her to be killed — that it was a price worth paying in order to hit [another] target. We are not Hamas. These are not random rockets. Everything is intentional. We know exactly how much collateral damage there is in every home.”

According to the investigation, another reason for the large number of targets, and the extensive harm to civilian life in Gaza, is the widespread use of a system called “Habsora” (“The Gospel”), which is largely built on artificial intelligence and can “generate” targets almost automatically at a rate that far exceeds what was previously possible. This AI system, as described by a former intelligence officer, essentially facilitates a “mass assassination factory.”

[alanshemper]

The Dahiya doctrine, or Dahya doctrine,[1] is a military strategy of asymmetric warfare, outlined by former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of General Staff Gadi Eizenkot, which encompasses the destruction of the civilian infrastructure of regimes deemed to be hostile as a measure calculated to pressure combatants,[2] and endorses the employment of "disproportionate force" (compared to the amount of force used by the enemy[3][4]) to secure that end.[5]

[tropicalisima]

Please read Hannibal Directive.

[booasaur]

The entire neighborhood is just gone.

This is the Dahiya doctrine:

The Dahiya doctrine, or Dahya doctrine, is an Israeli military strategy involving the large-scale destruction of civilian infrastructure in order to pressure hostile governments. The doctrine was outlined by former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of General Staff Gadi Eizenkot. Israel colonel Gabriel Siboni wrote that Israel "should target economic interests and the centers of civilian power that support the organization". The logic is to harm the civilian population so much that they will then turn against the militants, forcing the enemy to sue for peace.

[darkmaga-returns]

Here are some facts from a major new 188 page report. The findings were presented this week to the BBC’s chief executive news editor Richard Burgess. As a result, we know the following about the Beeb:-

The BBC has never mentioned Israel’s policy to kill its own civilians (to prevent hostage-taking) on 7 October - the Hannibal Directive.

The BBC has never mentioned Israel’s longstanding Dahiya Doctrine aka the “mow the lawn” strategy - a 20-year policy to push Gaza back to the “Stone Age”.

The BBC has failed to report the many dozens of genocidal statements from Israeli officials since 7 October. It was completely silent on Netanyahu himself calling Palestinians “Amalek” - a Biblical call for extermination.

The BBC has shut down the use of the word “genocide” by guests on air over 100 times since 7 October. Its own journalists are, of course, not allowed to use the term.

The BBC has reported on just 6% (compared to 62 per cent of the smaller number in Ukraine) of the more than 225 journalists killed by Israel in Gaza, despite it killing more than all other major conflicts of the past 160 years combined.

The BBC has never invited Israeli historian Avi Shlaim - a prominent Oxford academic critical of Israeli policy - on air.

The BBC has dismissed concerns about British spy planes over Gaza operating from the UK airbase in Cyrpus. “I don’t think we should overplay the UK’s contribution,” Burgess responded.

The BBC has profileed Israel victims 30 times more than Palestinian victims.

The BBC has interviewed Israelis twice as often as Palestinians.

The BBC has asked 38 guests to condemn Hamas, none to condemn Israel.

The BBC has mentioned “occupation” 14 times in sampled news articles (0.3%) when providing context to the conflict.

The BBC has covered Ukraine twice as often as Gaza.And one for luck! 13 - The words ‘barbaric’, ‘barbarian/s’, ‘barbaric’ were used over four times as much for attacks on Israelis as compared to Palestinians by BBCpersonnel. The BBC used the words ‘atrocity’ or ‘atrocities’ against Israelis were 17 times more than for Palestinians. ‘Murder’, ‘murdered’, ‘murderous’, ‘murderer/s’ were referenced 220 times by BBC presenters and reporters for actions against Israelis and just once for Palestinians.

[whilereadingandwalking]

The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017 by Rashid Khalidi is an excellent read that really helped change and refine my outlook on the systematic repression Palestine has faced, emphasizing that Israel was formed on the basis of colonial oppression, military force, and the near-total support of the United States.

More than anything else, this book emphasizes that nothing we're seeing today is new. Israel has a long, documented history of intentional disproportionality of violence and force in conflicts, of targeting civilians, refugee camps, and journalists, and of trying to stamp out the Palestinian identity through fierce propaganda work. It really helped contextualize the conflict for me.

For example, I learned that since 2006 the Israeli military has been operating under the "Dahiya doctrine," a strategy that one general explained as: "We will apply disproportionate force...and cause great damage and destruction there. From our standpoint, these are not civilian villages, they are military bases....This is not a recommendation. This is a plan. And it has been approved."

I was most affected by the proof of how absolutely the United States has been involved as a continual ally of Israel, letting the state of Israel set the terms of every negotiation or conflict. The book also makes the case that only when the US (rarely) intercedes, does Israel tend to back off from its ever-increasing shows of force against Palestine, which reinforces what I already believed, which is that our government must withdraw support of Israel's military advances and demand a ceasefire for there to be any hope of peace or pause in the genocide happening right now.

The book is not perfect. I often got confused about chronology. I understand that this is an analysis rather than a straightforward history, but Khalidi tends to circle back, dive into the past and back into the present, in a way that sometimes lost me. All that said, this book was an intensely valuable read for understanding the history of Palestine and of today's conflict, and I thank everyone who recommended it.

[87dvhnk]

@radicallycooljewishgirl you are a coward. maybe your group would recieve less heat if you quit wreaking havic in the middle east like a tantrum-throwing child while blaming palestine, lebanon, and iran for defending their nations, then hiding behind the us, all while lebanon and iran show the patience of saints, frankly; justifying the near-century long genocide of the palestinian people, if not actively commiting genocide; rioting to defend israeli soldiers' right to rape palestinian men, women, and children; bombing foreign embassies and multiple nations, all justifiable acts of war; intentionally targeting journalists and medical personnel; commiting war crimes so often and with such dependability that you yourselves created a name for the practice: dahiya doctrine; producing insane lies thst only the utterly retarded and racist could ever believe it then calling everyone who shows evidence otherwise an anti-semite, engaging in visious smear campaigns to deplatform them; and working as a collective to undermise the democratic processes of other nations and attack the lauded principle of free speech enshrinea in the ameirncan constitution in american public instituitons.

so anyway if you're a zionist or an israeli, eat shit and die. god bless hezbollah and god bless hamas god bless iran and god bless russia and god bless the houthis and god bless any group with enough dignity to reject american hegemony, imperialism, exploitation, and slaughter.

i hate america and its malignant tumor, israel, more than any goddamn thing. if i ever get vanned under charges of treason, listen to me: i did that shit.

[edwordsmyth]

"The essay is an embodiment of a more expansive intellectual labyrinth that haunts Western intellectuals. It characterizes the Palestinians as “necessary and inevitable victims,” rendering them visible only as archival footnotes in yet another efficacious settler colonial enterprise. Is it not curious, one might ask, that the very sympathy shown to Palestinians appears directly proportional to their perceived inability to confront the uniform machinery of settler colonialism? There is a hidden gratification in witnessing this tragic narrative from afar. Israel’s persistent upper hand serves as a powerful catalyst for Western intellectuals’ feel-good sympathy, a kind of pseudo-solidarity that whispers to Palestinians: “We are with you, but only so long as you remain tragic victims sinking graciously into your own abyss.” One might even argue that this sympathy is contingent upon the Palestinians’ maintenance of their tragic status quo.

There’s a safety in this for those intellectuals: the Palestinian experience, as heart-wrenching as it is, remains comfortably distant, a spectacle to be consumed. This pre-inscribed script becomes an eerie marker of the limitations of critical intellectual engagement with Palestine and the Palestinians.

As a result, when Palestinians dare to rebel and challenge their imposed fate after years of oppression, the responses are predictably schizophrenic. The same intellectuals who once sobbed at our plight are now torn. Many become moral policemen, quickly brandishing the baton of condemnation, but even more importantly, readily “adopting” with full intensity Israel’s curated and sensationalized version of the events of October 7 in the so-called Gaza envelope (the Israeli settlements bordering Gaza).

The collective voice, which once resonated with sympathy, now echoes with cautionary tales that warn against the wrath of the oppressed, which is barbaric, primordial, and awakens right-wing fascism.

The real paradox is in the mistaken understanding of how Zionist vengeance works — it doesn’t simply react to Palestinian actions, provocations, or even their capacity to invoke terror, but goes beyond the conventional realm of cause and effect and seeks to punish the audacity of mere Palestinian existence. Even a Palestinian like President Mahmoud Abbas, who allows Israel to continue expanding its settler colonies in the West Bank and serve its security and financial interests, is an affront to the settlers. All that the Palestinian Authority (PA) has received in return for its security and civil cooperation with Israel is financial sanctions and a hidden desire to get rid of Israel’s dependency on the PA’s security cooperation.

The Dahiya doctrine is evident in Gaza today. Israel has declared that any attack on it that it deems significant will result in the comprehensive destruction of both civil and governmental infrastructure, including bombing villages, cities, and towns back into the “stone age” through wholesale destruction. In other words, any form of resistance, regardless of the target, will be met with no less than a scorched earth policy from the air.

The world has sent a clear message to the Palestinians: there will be no legal respite, no political relief, only limited support for nonviolence, and occasional condemnations when and if Israel is perceived to commit crimes. In fact, there is violence in this insistence on nonviolence by the international community because it is effectively an invitation for Palestinians to lie down and die.

The various layers of Israel’s defensive structure include the geographic proximity of its military installations and its civilian settlements, including the wide presence of military-trained police forces in civilian areas. The wide ownership of guns, specifically in frontier areas like the Gaza envelope, would also be an important consideration for any military planning or offensive operation.

With the available information, we can surmise that the operation had three main tactical goals: capturing Israeli soldiers in exchange for prisoners, getting information or weapons from Israel’s many military bases, and making it hard for any police or military force to easily clear and retake the Gaza envelope (which they would probably do by negotiating over hostages they held in the settlements inside the Gaza envelope).

This meant that fighters set up camp inside Israeli settlements to try to delay the recapture of the envelope. They did this by fighting or negotiating for a long time to free the hostages while stopping civilians from resisting the deep maneuver within Israeli territory. The problem is that growing evidence shows that Israel wasn’t interested in negotiating over hostages and instead prioritized retaking the Gaza envelope by shelling its own settlements, killing the fighters, and perhaps leading to the death of its own civilians.

The Palestinian military strategy aimed to delay and postpone, while Israel’s strategy focused on the rapid recovery and reclamation of its territory. And it is highly unlikely that this policy did not at least exacerbate the extent of the civilian casualties. Numerous testimonies from Israeli survivors indicate that Israeli military and police units may not have exercised caution in the battles around the Gaza envelope. This evidence has encouraged a group of Israelis to write an open letter encouraging their fellow citizens to demand the truth of the events of October 7.

The primary difference, then, between when Israel commits its crimes against Palestinian civilians and when Palestinians do it stems from an international network that legitimizes, clarifies, and codifies the logic behind Israeli military actions. This gives it an appearance of respectability, even when the underlying rationale appears deeply flawed or seemingly justifies the large-scale killing of Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

Hamas can remain barbaric, and Israel can remain a strong “democratic and liberal” ally of the United States. The first engages in a mindless act of profane violence, while the second engages in calculated and methodical strikes, a sacred form of violence.

Not delving into the military logic of the attack exemplifies an aversion to confronting the reality of violence and the logics that animate it, an avoidance that is endemic among certain intellectuals. It’s not just about the refusal to bring these topics to light, but about what this refusal signifies about the problematics of dealing with the logic of Palestinian violence, especially in an environment that simply casts it as profane, detestable, and morally degraded.

Perhaps what is central to any moral judgment is that these judgments need to be rigorously subjected to evidence, especially when Israel refuses to share much of the evidence it has. Did Hamas issue orders for the killing of civilians, or was the killing of civilians an excess on the part of the fighters? How many of the Israelis were killed in the exchange of fire with fighters? Did the Israeli military effort to retake the Gaza envelope take into consideration the presence of Israeli civilians? These questions are important, not only because they will provide us with a clearer picture, but because the official Israeli version of events was employed to justify the Dresden-like air campaign against Gaza and the mass murder of Palestinians.

Why wouldn’t an assault on Israel’s primary nerve — its deterrence and military power — not lead to a humbling experience that might open new avenues for a new political solution? While such prospects seem distant in the heat of battle and in light of Israel’s genocidal intent, the actual battle on the ground is what will decide the future.

Skirting their political utility and military logic and confining them to mere “vengeance” ignores the fact that all wars and battles, no matter how horrific, bloody, and tragic, might ultimately create the space for new possibilities — even hopeful ones. This line of thinking also ignores the world as Palestinians experience and perceive it — that is, as long as Israelis live in this assured certainty of their all-encompassing power, the will to change the reality of the Palestinians will remain absent.

And even if the Palestinian resistance fails to snatch a relative victory in this battle, the alternative would have been a slow death.

This is the kind of genuine critical engagement with the Palestinian resistance that we require. It isn’t solely about Palestine’s stance against ethnic cleansing, or its own fight to reclaim Palestine — rather, it is a liberation movement with global resonance that represents a universal struggle.

Perhaps the perception that the events of October 7 were nothing more than an expression of intra-Palestinian necrosis is more an indication of what intellectuals secretly wish for us. But we in Palestine desire and fight for a world that includes us, and a world that includes everyone else. Mourn us if you want, or don’t. Condemn us, or don’t. It’s not like we have not heard the cries of condemnation before."

[stupidjewishwhiteboy]

So I was on Twitter looking at various arguments vis a vis Gaza (because I want my blood pressure to rise, apparently) and I saw someone cite the Wikipedia page for the “Dahiya Doctrine”, which they claimed was the IDF’s official policy for taking revenge on civilians.

Because I had never heard of the Dahiya Doctrine, I decided to look at the Wikipedia page, only to discover that the Wikipedia summary was essentially to assert that it’s an official IDF policy of damaging civilian areas to force civilians to pressure their government to sue for peace, which is different than what the person on Twitter was saying, and possibly worse actually, depending on your point of view.

Then it went into a section of a bunch of quotes of IDF officers asserting the Doctrine, almost all of whom were delivering the standard “Hamas/Hezbollah are so entrenched in so-called ‘civilian’ areas of Lebanon/Gaza that we feel they are now legitimate military targets” argument that IDF spokespeople have been saying for the last 20-some years (this “doctrine” predates the current war and many of the examples cited were from conflicts before 2023).

I feel like you don’t have to view the IDF officers’ position as moral or justifiable under the laws of war to see that both the Wikipedia article’s summary and the description of it by the rando on Twitter were both making bad faith interpretations of the same.

[donjuaninhell]

Not to be a guy who asks "are the zionists okay" but I scrolled through the blog of one who I used to know in irl and he's??? Reblogging from troll accounts that are disguising fucking blood libel as pro-Zionist between actual legitimate Zionist posts completely uncritically?????

Honestly anon? No I don't think that they are okay. The longer this drags on and the more that the images and videos from out of Gaza (or the West Bank for that matter) run completely counter to the U.S./Israeli propaganda narrative, the greater the cognitive dissonance that is necessary to claim the usual liberal Zionist talking points like "Israel is only acting in self-defense" (then why have they killed hundreds in the West Bank where Hamas is not in power), that "things would be better if the Palestinians just embraced non-violence" (they have on multiple occasions, the Israelis keep fucking killing them), or how the "IDF is the most moral army in the world" (then why is there mass looting of Palestinian homes by IDF soldiers). The collapse of these narratives has been so swift and so complete with every new things we learn about what happened on October 7th and afterwards that I think it's really short-circuited a few people's brains. There's been the revelation that many civilian deaths were the result of IDF following orders to institute the Hannibal directive, the forty beheaded babies story being a lie dreamt up by a fanatic, to the collapse of the NYT story on mass rapes (turns out the lead journalist was former Israeli intelligence), the story that Al-Shifa Hospital was some sort of terrorist base, and the lie which has had the most consequence: that UNRWA workers were directly involved in Oct. 7th the evidence for which is so flimsy as to be laughable if the consequences hadn't been so dire.

The speed at which these narratives have collapsed and how quickly Israel has run through any goodwill following Oct. 7th is honestly astounding. It took the Americans around two years give-or-take following 9/11 to exhaust the world's goodwill, Israel managed to speed-run this in less than two months. When boomer left-libs like my parents are starting to say things like "I don't know what's wrong with the Israelis" that's a new thing. I'm a little older than many of my followers so I remember things like the 2006 Lebanon War and watching it thinking "this seems excessive, what aren't they telling us?" It took years before the existence of the Dahiya Doctrine became known. And the images from Operation Cast Lead in 2008 (the conflict which was impetus for me to really dig into researching the conflict) weren't coming this fast or this graphic. This has got to do numbers on your psyche if you're a typically "progressive" person but also supporting the Israeli cause. It's like that Eli Valley cartoon riffing on the Incredible Hulk. I think the way some of them are coping is by telling bigger and bigger lies, becoming more extreme, retreating into more closed off bubbles. It's fear, fear of being wrong.

If you ever want to read some truly delusional posts I recommend checking out the "jumblr" tag (there are also some very brave and very intelligent anti-Zionist Jews also posting in that tag who have my admiration and respect for fighting the good fight, I've followed several of them in the past weeks) where you can find Zionists making such convincing arguments as "what Israel is doing to the Palestinians isn't genocide because a genocide requires intent and incitement, and Israel hasn't expressed intent, besides the word genocide has lost all meaning anyway because of leftist anti-Semitism, it's really more like ethnic cleansing which can be voluntary". An assertion contradicted by the words and actions of Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant, senior Israeli military officials, members of the Knesset including the deputy speaker, Minister for National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, an open Kahanist, the Hebrew language media, Israeli civilians, Israeli artists, active duty personnel in the IDF, Mossad run Telegram channels, President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. They also like bringing up the existence of Arab Israeli citizens "oh they have equal rights!" (an easily disprovable claim) as a shield against the charge of genocide. It gets ugly too, I came across a post the other day of some American Zionist claiming that Hind Rajab could not possibly have been killed by the IDF because there would be no benefit in it to them, she must have been killed by Hamas who then blamed it on the IDF.

And because it's Tumblr it's all so frequently delivered in either that cutesy and twee cry bully tone of "oooh but I'm just a small little guy =uwu= and everyone is being mean to me!" or in the voice of the condescending gifted child "I am much smarter than you and this is why". It's frequently paired with a picrew avatar and queer identity flag. A few of them have "leftist" or "BLM" or "antifa" in their bio without a whiff of self awareness (no guesses as to the political ideology undergirding one of the groups from which the ruling Likud party claims descent). I'm not as hostile to identity politics as some leftists are, I think they can be a valuable tool to agitate for the needs of specific groups, but I can't help but see it as a damning indictment of the shallowness of the sort of "progressive" identity politics popular on here. It was developing a politics rooted in material analysis that lead me into criticism of Israel and if you don't have that, well, shallow identity politics aren't going to save you from being on the wrong side of history.

[spookystarfishzombie]

the Palestinian people in gaza are protesting against hamas right now. Please pay attention to their pleas for freedom on all sides.

I was going to post about this earlier but I've seen far too many conflicting reports coming in recently that I want to withold from posting on it further bar this ask.

I follow a lot of Palestinians on Instagram who are very suspicious of the Western media coverage who were silent throughout the genocide or posted false information, but now they're posting about this because it fits the western narrative that Hamas = bad. I've even seen some people say this is a psyops, I've seen people say this was a mass protest against the ongoing genoide & western media has flipped the narrative, I've seen some people claim that this was originally posted on an isr*eli news site who have done nothing but lie to make the settler state look good ergo this could also be false, I was recently educated about the dahiya doctrine which makes sense here, and of course it could straight up be true, a small percentage want Hamas out. But the more I dug into it, the more suspicious I got. I therefore don't feel it's right to post so prematurely on it when there's a lot of doubts & suspicions surrounding these protests.

Let's not forget, Isr*el is the number one reason this is happening. If Hamas are kicked out or not, isr*el will keep massacring Palestinians. They've been doing it since the 1940s (hamas was created in 1987) & will keep on doing it until they have total control of the land & all the indigenous people are ethnically cleansed. I find it weird that the protests are what people are focusing on & not that isr*el will go down in history as the biggest terrorist, welfare state around. Be very critical of everything you see & hear when it comes to Western media & isr*el.