#Access to justice and equality for all

[greenthestral]

Achieving Global Peace and Justice: The Crucial Role of Goal 16 and Strong Institutions

In an ever-changing and interconnected world, achieving peace and justice is of paramount importance for the well-being and progress of societies. Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG 16), aptly named "Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions," recognizes the significance of establishing robust governance structures, promoting peaceful and inclusive societies, and ensuring access to justice for all. This article delves into the essence of Goal 16 and highlights its vital role in fostering peace, justice, and strong institutions worldwide.

Understanding SDG 16 and Its Significance

SDG 16, part of the United Nations' 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, holds significant importance in addressing some of the most pressing global challenges. It acknowledges the inseparable connection between peace, justice, and strong institutions as crucial foundations for sustainable development and the well-being of societies worldwide. By setting this goal, the United Nations aims to provide a comprehensive framework that guides countries in their efforts to create peaceful, just, and inclusive societies.

At its core, SDG 16 recognizes that without peace and stability, sustainable development becomes unattainable. Armed conflicts, political instability, and social unrest not only lead to immense human suffering but also impede progress in various areas such as education, health, and economic growth. By prioritizing peace, the goal acknowledges the urgent need to address the root causes of violence, prevent conflicts, and build societies that can thrive in an atmosphere of tranquility.

In addition to peace, justice is an essential pillar of SDG 16. It emphasizes the importance of establishing fair and effective legal systems that ensure equal access to justice for all individuals, regardless of their socio-economic background. Access to justice is not limited to formal legal processes but extends to broader aspects, such as addressing grievances, resolving disputes, and promoting human rights. By ensuring access to justice, societies can guarantee the protection of fundamental rights, reduce inequalities, and foster social cohesion.

Strong institutions form another critical aspect of SDG 16. These institutions encompass a wide range of entities, including governments, public administrations, judicial systems, and law enforcement agencies. They play a pivotal role in upholding the rule of law, promoting good governance, and ensuring accountability at all levels. Strong institutions provide a stable framework that enables countries to effectively respond to the needs of their citizens, protect human rights, combat corruption, and provide essential services. By strengthening institutions, countries can establish an environment conducive to sustainable development and the realization of the other Sustainable Development Goals.

SDG 16 outlines specific targets and indicators to guide countries in their efforts to achieve peace, justice, and strong institutions. These targets include reducing all forms of violence and related death rates, ending abuse, exploitation, trafficking, and all forms of violence against children, promoting the rule of law at the national and international levels, and significantly reducing corruption and bribery. Additionally, the goal aims to ensure responsive, inclusive, participatory, and representative decision-making processes, strengthen the capacity of institutions at all levels, and ensure public access to information and fundamental freedoms.

To achieve these targets, countries need to develop comprehensive strategies, policies, and action plans tailored to their specific contexts. This requires multi-sectoral collaboration involving government entities, civil society organizations, the private sector, and citizens themselves. It is crucial to address the underlying factors that contribute to violence, inequality, and weak institutions, such as poverty, lack of education, discrimination, and social exclusion. By adopting a holistic approach and integrating the principles of SDG 16 into their national agendas, countries can make significant strides towards building peaceful and just societies.

Moreover, achieving SDG 16 requires international cooperation and partnerships. Many of the challenges related to peace, justice, and strong institutions transcend national boundaries, necessitating collective action. Countries can collaborate on sharing best practices, exchanging knowledge and expertise, and providing financial and technical assistance to support capacity building efforts in developing nations. By working together, the international community can promote peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and the strengthening of legal systems globally.

SDG 16 plays a pivotal role in the global pursuit of sustainable development. By recognizing the interconnectedness of peace, justice, and strong institutions, this goal provides a comprehensive framework for countries to eradicate violence, reduce corruption, promote good governance, and ensure equal access to justice. The successful achievement of SDG 16 not only contributes to the well-being of individuals and societies but also creates an environment conducive to the realization of all the other Sustainable Development Goals. Through collective action and commitment, countries can build a world where peace, justice, and strong institutions prevail.

The Link between Peace, Justice, and Sustainable Development

Peace and justice are intricately interconnected with sustainable development. Without peace, societies face constant conflicts, hindered progress, and widespread poverty. Similarly, without justice, marginalized communities struggle to access essential services, experience discrimination, and live in perpetual insecurity. Achieving sustainable development requires addressing the root causes of violence, establishing just systems, and providing equal opportunities for all individuals, regardless of their background.

Building Strong Institutions for Effective Governance

Strong institutions are the backbone of a functioning society. They uphold the rule of law, protect human rights, and ensure accountability. Such institutions foster trust between citizens and governments, creating an environment conducive to economic growth and social stability. Through effective governance structures, governments can address societal grievances, reduce corruption, and promote transparency, ultimately leading to stronger and more inclusive societies.

Advancing Peaceful and Inclusive Societies

Peaceful and inclusive societies are vital for achieving SDG 16. By promoting social cohesion, dialogue, and inclusivity, countries can reduce violence, prevent conflicts, and create a harmonious environment where all individuals can thrive. Investing in education, empowering marginalized communities, and fostering intercultural understanding are key components in building societies that value diversity and promote peaceful coexistence.

Reducing Violence and Crime Rates

SDG 16 emphasizes the need to reduce all forms of violence and crime. Violence, whether it is domestic, interpersonal, or related to armed conflicts, hampers development efforts and negatively impacts individuals, families, and communities. Through the implementation of effective policies, investments in crime prevention, and promoting conflict resolution mechanisms, countries can create safer environments that enable their citizens to lead fulfilling lives.

Tackling Corruption and Promoting Transparency

Corruption undermines trust in institutions, distorts the allocation of resources, and exacerbates inequality. SDG 16 highlights the importance of combating corruption at all levels and promoting transparency in governance. By establishing robust anti-corruption measures, implementing accountable practices, and encouraging citizen participation, countries can foster an environment of integrity, thus bolstering public trust and promoting sustainable development.

Ensuring Access to Justice for All

Equal access to justice is a fundamental human right and a cornerstone of SDG 16. Many individuals, particularly vulnerable populations, face barriers when seeking justice, including financial constraints, discrimination, and inadequate legal systems. By strengthening legal institutions, providing legal aid, and promoting fair and efficient judicial processes, countries can ensure that justice is accessible to all, regardless of their socioeconomic status.

Promoting International Cooperation and Partnerships

Achieving SDG 16 requires global collaboration and partnerships. Addressing transnational crime, promoting the rule of law, and strengthening institutions at the international level are essential components of Goal 16. By fostering cooperation among countries, sharing best practices, and providing financial and technical assistance to developing nations, the international community can work collectively towards peace, justice, and strong institutions worldwide.

Conclusion

Goal 16, "Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions," recognizes the indispensable role of peace, justice, and effective governance in achieving sustainable development. By promoting peaceful and inclusive societies, reducing violence and crime, tackling corruption, ensuring access to justice, and fostering international cooperation, countries can create a world where all individuals can live in dignity, security, and prosperity. To create a better future for all, it is crucial that governments, organizations, and individuals join forces to support and implement the targets of SDG 16, working towards a more peaceful and just world.

[inniave]

Section 504 is under threat.

If you don't know, Section 504 says you can’t discriminate against disabled people if you get federal funding. This includes schools and hospitals; it covers situations such as ASL interpreters for deaf people in hospitals, letting students with type one diabetes receive insulin in schools, wheelchair accessibility, accommodations, and much more.

17 states are suing to completely overturn Section 504. Those states are: Alaska, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, and West Virginia. If Section 504 is overturned, the effects would be devastating.

If you live in one of those states, please contact your attorney general and tell them to drop the suit immediately. You can find the contact information for your AG & an example letter at the link below:

[ivygorgon]

📨 An open letter to the President & U.S. Congress; State Governors & Legislatures

🫄 Abortion as reproductive healthcare is a right, PERIOD.

✍️ 56 signers so far! Help us get to 100 signers!

Bodily autonomy is a fundamental right—if even a cadaver cannot be forced to donate organs, why should pregnant individuals be denied control over their own bodies? The Supreme Court’s stance on abortion rights threatens to strip people of their freedoms, endangering lives and disproportionately harming marginalized communities. Forced pregnancy violates human rights and will lead to preventable deaths. We must codify reproductive healthcare, including abortion, into federal law to protect the rights and lives of all Americans.

▶ Created on May 26, 2022 by Ret. SGT Guild, Breeding Chattel

📱 Text SIGN PINRVQ to 50409

🤯 Liked it? Text FOLLOW IVYGORGON to 50409

[tarre-was-right]

FINALE - You might want to read the propaganda this time. Lots of misinfo in fandom on these two in particular.

Remember, this is NOT about who would win in a fight. This is about who makes the best leader for Mandalore as a whole.

Explanation post

Seeding

Propaganda below the cut! You can submit more on this post and I will reblog it back to here! I was going to keep the text-only bits above the readmore, but we got enough in that it takes up more space than I thought.

Yes, I will even reblog the stuff based on fanon, but I will judge you for it.

SATINE KRYZE

Anon: Satine because she served. Mandalorian fashion week would love her. Manda'slay.

Anon: Satine Propaganda: Was supported by the STRONG MAJORITY, led Mandalore to be in peace for NEARLY 20 YEARS, didn't ban mando'a or armour or any part of the culture like fandom claims, is a good fighter, considered EVERY Mandalorian a Mandalorian and didn't discriminate

@lightsaberwieldingdalek: Satine propaganda: she actually ran a functioning government. Not a mercenary band, or a death cult, or a terrorist extremist organisation, an actual functioning government. Yes there was corruption, corruption she did her best to stop to the point of personally getting in firefights with smugglers, but she took a planet devastated by civil war and by the end of her rule she had schools, public works, and a justice system. - Sure, the rest can run military operations (and we don’t know Satine couldn’t, only that she *won’t*) but can they make the bins get emptied regularly to go to the recycling plants?

@lightsaberwieldingdalek: I understand Jaster has the tacticool appeal, and has the iconic armour, but guys. He did an interpretation of some problematic historical values for the more modern day, led a mercenary band, and under unknown circumstances his group started calling him the historical-cultural title of the ruler of their entire cultural group. I know he’s cool looking, and shoots real good, but at most he’s the equivalent of someone who could be a cult leader but doesn’t want to be. - Meanwhile. Satine. You have issues with her ethical code, and she’s not a cool cause she doesn’t wear the armour. And yet she is the one who *actually ran mandalore*. For 20-ish years, and not only kept it stable but built it up from the ruins of civil war! - Yes yes T-helmet cool and military man competence nice, but that cannot equal taking the ruins of a war torn society and turning it into a mostly peaceful (when terrorism happened it was a big shocking deal, not normalised) urbanised people who eat well, have access to luxury and specialised education (get a offworld Jedi to come lecture) and can ACTUALLY BREATH IN THE ATMOSPHERE RUINED BY ALL THE WARLORDS LIKE JASTER TRYING TO FIGHT THE REPUBLIC TO PROVE THEMSELVES.

Anon: Satine propaganda: she knows what the aftermath of war is like. Jaster knows war from a soldier's perspective, a commander's perspective. But Satine knows it from a noncombatant's perspective. She's seen the aftermath and wreckage it leaves behind. Rebuilding after a war takes far longer and likely costs more than the war itself. I don't think Jaster cares about what happens after the battle. But Satine most certainly does.

@archangelsunited: Efficient and long lasting leader of her faction for years, was able to navigate neutrality with the Republic during the Clone Wars. Excellent Hair pieces.

@publiusmaximum: She allowed her society to experience it's first moment of peace and prosperity in a thousand years. - After she was killed, her society was taken over by fascists and gangsters. In short order Mandalore was razed, made uninhabitable, and her people scattered. - Satine was right about everything.

JASTER MEREEL

Anon: Jaster is the one who should rule Mandalore and all Mandalorians, although he started small he searched to make a new code of conduct for Mandalorian bounty hunters, he tries to keep the culture intact yet keep Mandalore progressive and not stuck in the past and from killing each other.

@spacetime1969: He literally rewrote what it means to be Mandalorian, and he created an entire movement around said philosophy that had a good chance of becoming the controlling party of Mandalore if he hadn't been assassinated. What more do you want?

Anon: Jaster for the win, he's the most recent one who actually knows some shit (as much as I love Din Djarin this poor man doesn't know ANYTHING), besides Jango and Boba but they're both very unstable individuals.

@nerdpickle: Jaster, his philosophy perfectly balanced tradition and reform, keeping the best of both worlds, he was also one of the few people chosen by the people

Mereel is a strong and powerful leader. He defeated the traiter Tor Viszla in battle and even took in a poor, orphaned Concordian child after the battle. No more will Mandalore be forced to consider such petty ideals as peace in order to avoid outright war. Instead, we shall be known throughout the galaxy as the greatest mercenaries the galaxy has ever known. Under his rule, we shall triumph over the foolish savages of planets unconquered and be paid handsomely for it!

Anon: Mereel is a strong and powerful leader. He defeated the traiter Tor Viszla in battle and even took in a poor, orphaned Concordian child after the battle. No more will Mandalore be forced to consider such petty ideals as peace in order to avoid outright war. Instead, we shall be known throughout the galaxy as the greatest mercenaries the galaxy has ever known. Under his rule, we shall triumph over the foolish savages of planets unconquered and be paid handsomely for it!

@archangelsunited: Had a structured document for Mandalorian Culture in the modern (tm) day. He fought with the warriors he sent out and took personal interest in the results of his actions (Jango Fett mentorship). Pissed off Tor Vizla.

@nerdpickle: Satine’s Mandalore was like Switzerland, except without the well trained military, incredibly advantageous terrain, high gun ownership and giant nuclear armed alliance providing a free buffer zone on all sides.

SATINE

@bosooka: Originally here

i wrote way too much for my original draft of this (and it turned into a "fuck jaster mereel" party) so here's an abbreviated version

Why Satine is a Better Ruler Than Jaster in 2 Simple Points

Point #1: Satine actually maintained order on Mandalore for decades

This one is simple. Mereel became Mandalore in ~60BBY and Tor Vizsla tried to overthrow him a mere two years later (and nearly succeeded). He was only in power for six more years before he was betrayed by the very same violent people he allowed to remain by his side because of his belief that a Mandalorian warrior was "merely a highly-paid soldier".

Contrast Satine: ruled from approx. 42BBY until 19BBY, a reign of 23-odd years. For twenty-odd years of her reign New Mandalore was completely peaceful and there were no challengers to her authority among the people or elsewhere. Death Watch only became an issue again when they received Separatist (and ultimately Sith) backing, and Dooku discarded them for being useless. Had Death Watch not allied itself with Maul's Shadow Collective I don't think she would have been overthrown at all.

Point #2: Satine kept Mandalore out of places it didn't belong

As we've established, Mereel had no issues with Mandalorians being mercenaries, used however their clients saw fit. I won't go into the weeds of the ethical implications of mercenaries and why they are illegal under international law on Earth, but in short: letting anyone pay one to kill others is the easiest way to become the cudgel of a fascist. Coincidentally exactly what the Fett clones become when Sidious uses them to exterminate the Jedi. Mereel's "reforms" of the Mandalorian ways did not prevent his troops from getting into a fight they couldn't win against the Jedi on Galidraan (and yes, the Mandalorians shot first:

not that anyone in the fandom remembers this...) after they but an insurrection down on behalf of the corrupt governor of the planet. To be clear, the True Mandos knew that the governor of Galidraan was corrupt and most likely harboring Tor Vizsla, but they still agreed to kill "insurrectionists" for money. Their problems came when Death Watch arranged to make it look like they had also killed women and children. Truly a war between saints and monsters.

Meanwhile Satine: the head of the Council of Neutral Systems, she refused to take sides in a war pushed by the greedy and violent. Yes, she was briefly protected by clones when it comes to light that Death Watch is aligned with the Separatists, but it was immediately followed by the Republic attempting to militarily occupy Mandalore and Satine risking life and limb to keep her people autonomous. Satine refused to become a useful idiot for warmongers, even knowing that it would have been economically advantageous for her to do so. Unlike Jaster Mereel, she has ideals that she values more than credits. He would have accepted an offer from the highest bidder and turned Mandalore into a machine of war for the Sith, just like his Crusader ancestors once did.

Tl;Dr

Satine was actually respected as an authority on Mandalore for literal decades and was only challenged by a miniscule faction of terrorists who had to get foreigners to interfere in their political processes (FML) in order to actually take power from her

Satine kept Mandalore out of conflicts it did not belong in, which largely protected it from military occupation and destruction until the year she died; Mereel made a career out of interfering in the affairs of other planets if they were paid to do so

Unlike Mereel and his successor, Satine had morals to motivate her decisions that were not the pursuit of cold hard cash, including the protection of Mandalorian independence and neutrality

[dduane]

Do you have any suggestions for something easy-challenging to bake? Like something that's sure to turn out if I follow all the steps, but that's more complex than "stir all the ingredients together and pour into the pan."

I have access to a food processor, a 40 y/o sunbeam stand mixer (no bread hooks), your basic baking dishes, no spring form pan, a maybe 10" cast iron skillet, and a 4qt Dutch oven with a [confusingly, glass] lid that's heat safe up to 400°F.

Leave all that with me for a bit, OK? This week has been logistically challenging for one reason or another (yeah, this situation's part of that...) and the normal workflow has been suffering.

Meanwhile, though, I have to mention this (even though you don't have a springform pan), as I don't think I've ever baked so good a cake that was this simple to put together. In fact it's almost exactly the inverse of what you're asking for, but it is really REALLY good. ... I'd be entirely tempted to try baking it in a paper-lined loaf pan with a paper sling: or else in two lined cake pans with a slightly shorter baking time. (Or, you know what? The dutch oven. Line it with paper and butter everything in sight.)

Anyway, this cake—

I was frankly stunned by how simple it was to throw it together. (I mixed the damn thing in a saucepan.) ...Obviously the issue of substitutions comes up for those who don't have access to Guinness, or don't want to use it. In this cake's case I would seriously consider simply swapping in an equal volume of black coffee. The final result is exquisitely choco-squidgy, and I don't imagine that added mocha overtones would be a problem.

(sighing) Something to try next week, when—please gods—things around here have calmed down a little. Meanwhile, I've got your query nailed up here safe where I know where to find it. Leave the question with me and I'll get back to you. 🙂

(...seriously, though, look at this thing! This is without any question the darkest chocolate cake I've ever baked. I'm not sure the photo does it justice.)

[leovenuslatina]

Tryna get drunk and nasty? ⋆.˚ .𖥔˚

──★ ˙ ̟🍷 !!

THIS READING IS 18+ MDNI !!!!!

⋆ ˚｡⋆୨୧⋆ ˚｡⋆

this reading is all about what kinks your FS might have

🍓

₊˚⊹ ᰔ౨ৎ₊this is just a reminder that tarot isn’t permanent or set in stone YOU decide how your life goes no one or nothing else now take a deep breath and choose the pile that calls to you ₊˚⊹ ᰔ౨ৎ₊˚⊹

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pile 1 - justice, queen of swords, king of wands

🪄

your FS is obsessed w eye contact while you ride him. while you suck him off. he wants you to look him right in his eyes. i pulled a lot of sword and wand energy so i’m getting he has a kink for watching you please him. he likes seeing you skin on his knob lmao. he thinks you look so pretty and perfect on your knees for him eyes tearing up and mascara running down your face just all fucked up on his dick. what it comes to pleasure he’s very equal he likes pleasing you as much as you please him. he may be a dom. liking to take control which makes a lot of sense with him liking to see you on your knees his favorite thing to do it tell you what to do. he may also have a slight pain kink he likes to spank you and choke you but i also think he may like pain inflicted on him he likes when you bite him and when your nails scratch down his back.

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pile 2 - the magician, judgment, the well

💤

pleasure kink and somno your FS he likes watching you moan and squirm for him. he likes when you’re moaning his name while he goes down on you. he loves making you finish on his fingers everything from the way you sound to the way your body reacts to his slightest touch is just magical to him. both his tongue and his fingers are extremely skillful making your body his playground. he also maybe into ddlg he really likes taking care of all your needs. he loves being the person you depend on for pleasures or just a nurturing touch.

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pile 3 - two of wands, page of swords, the empress

❣️

your FS has a breeding kink FOR SURE. he really likes the idea of finishing in you know that his seed will make you a big family. he also really like doggy doing you from behind and traveling his hands all over your body. he also may like doing you in front of a mirror watching him slide in and out of you and seeing your face is a huge ego boost for him. he likes being rough too he likes pulling your hair and pinning you down (all with you consent of course) and just having his way with you. he’s like really obsessed with your boobs and doing stuff with them lol use your imagination he definitely has a body worship kink your body is like a whole masterpiece to him. a masterpiece he can’t believe you allow him access to. 💭. also like you’re the prettiest girl in the world to him and i’m seeing he’ll try anything for you. 🥹

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for paid private readings dm me 💘

3 questions - $20

6 questions - $30

long channeled message - $90

plzzz no questions about health or death ☠️

[communistkenobi]

could you expand / share reading materials on "gender is a structure that mediates access to personhood"? i feel like that's an important point that i don't fully grasp. especially because it is my understanding that until relatively recently even white, bourgeois, cis-heterosexual, perisex etc women were also denied personhood, but were already gendered as women, right?

thanks in advance!

I’m so sorry you sent me this ask like three months ago and I’m only getting around to it now lol

This is going to be a long post. I will be talking a lot about citizenship and rights in this post. I’ll include citations, but two overarching texts I will be engaging with a lot are Unequal Freedom (2004) by Evelyn Nakano Glenn and The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1989) by Gøsta Esping-Andersen.

This is also not meant to be a comprehensive answer to your question. I am much less familiar with migration & refugee scholarship, which is obviously deeply engaged with the concept of citizenship as an apparatus for granting rights. I’m flagging this because my answer has a particular focus that is not generalisable. Everything I say is not “the answer” to your question, but an answer informed by specific domains of scholarship.

First, I think a good place to start is that when we talk about ‘personhood’ as a status that a human being can or cannot possess, we are often talking about a status that is realisable through citizenship. ‘Personhood’ is itself a legal term, and we can see this in how stateless people (i.e. people with no citizenship) are treated - because rights are granted by and administered through states, being without state citizenship means you are unable to realise any set of rights, and therefore, you are rendered as a non-person. The UN has two separate conventions on the rights of stateless people for example, as being stateless is necessarily an international issue. I think this approach helps makes sense of why “human rights” is a popular framing in discussions of how to remediate inequality (e.g. “trans rights are human rights”). The “human” part of that equation is only realised through the attainment of “rights,” i.e., through citizenship. Citizenship = personhood can also be seen when people invoke “second class citizens” as an articulation of legal, political, and societal discrimination - i.e., groups of people who have less/no access to rights compared to other groups within a state. Systems of classed citizenship often emerge from regimes of settler colonialism, slavery, and apartheid (Glenn discusses this in her book).

The basic Marxist intervention in this discussion is that this class system still exists even in places that have abolished slavery, abolished apartheid, and/or gone through formal decolonisation, because state law under capitalism is fundamentally unjust. Marx calls law the “mystification of power” (I believe he says this in The German Ideology? I'm rusty on my Marx readings lol) - he argues that law is a bourgeois system of justice that caters to the wealthy and powerful and disenfranchises the poor and marginal, but appears as neutral and fair through a liberal “theater” (Marx’s term from The 18th Brumaire) of equality and democracy, mystifying its actual effects and purpose (The Red Demiurge (2015) by Scott Newton is a book about Soviet legal history that goes into some of this. His focus is on the evolution of the Bolshevik relationship to law as the USSR developed and encountered quite literally new legal problems that emerged as a result of the formation of a socialist state). This is also part of the Marxist critique of nationalism - if state citizenship is what grants access to rights, and citizenship is classed (through your relationship to production, through white supremacy, through patriarchy, through colonial status, through religious status, through etc), then equality does not legally exist, that all equality is bourgeois equality, i.e., not universal, not equal.

Gøsta Esping-Andersen provides a really helpful theory of thinking about citizenship rights within a capitalist state (his book only focuses on Western imperial core states, so just flagging that lol). He begins by arguing that:

all markets are regulated by the state, there is no actual “free” or anarcho-capitalist market,

because of this necessary regulatory function provided by the state, the commodity of wage-labour (i.e., the process of selling your labour-power as a “good” or commodity on a market in exchange for money in the form of wages) is likewise always regulated to some degree, and so finally,

welfare should be understood as the regulatory system of the commodity of wage-labour.

This regulatory apparatus is what grants people “social citizenship rights” - sick leave, pensions, disability and unemployment insurance, welfare payments, food stamps, tax bracket placements, childcare, healthcare, education, housing, so on and so on. Within this framework, Esping-Andersen demonstrates that various welfare regimes produce different citizenship classes - Canada, Australia and the US, for example, explicitly reproduce an impoverished “welfare class” through a marginal, means-tested welfare regime that only provides benefits to the very poorest. Various European countries by contrast tend to have what he calls a “corporatist” welfare regime that often grants different social citizenship rights based on which occupation you have, which he argues emerged from feudal and pre-capitalist religious (esp. Catholic) social forms of organisation.

ANYWAY, the purpose of doing all that set-up is to contextualise how we arrive at the question of gender. Feminists make the basic point that citizenship is also classed by gender - in Unequal Freedom, Glenn talks about this in the US, where white women were legally treated as extensions of their husbands and had no access to property rights, voting rights, and so on. Black women, in contrast, were treated sexually as women by slaveholders (i.e., raped and abused) but denied any and all personhood on the basis of their slave status. Citizenship in the US was historically based first on your ability to hold property (reserved for white bourgeois men), and then on your ability to “freely sell” your labour-power on the market - white women were denied citizenship on this basis because they were consigned to managing what was defined as the “private realm,” i.e., the realm that houses free labourers (white men). This public/private distinction emerges through capitalist markets and the commodity of wage-labour, which produces a sharp distinction where productive labour takes place “out there” (paid for in wages by the capitalist class) and reproductive labour takes place “in here” (i.e., labour that is not paid for in wages* by the capitalist class and forms the social basis of reproducing the public labour pool). 

*for white women. see below

As Glenn argues, this public/private distinction in the US is fundamentally racialised. We can see this difference in the emergence of the suffragette movement, where white women appeal to their whiteness (i.e., free labour status) as the rationale for being granted the right to vote. Black women were disqualified from this movement, and did not benefit from white women’s demands for equal citizenship on the basis of them providing all this unpaid reproductive labour to their white husbands, as Black and other racialised women often provided domestic housekeeping labour for white women (unpaid during slavery and for indentured servants, for wages after its abolition). This leaves Black women without a private realm, subjecting them to a “purely public” arena that is uniquely difficult to organise for unionisation and/or improve working conditions (Deborah King talks about this further in Multiple Jeopardy, Multiple Consciousness (1988)).

Trans-feminism explicates this further - coercive sex assignment at birth classes people on the basis of reproductive capacity. “Females” are impregnated, “males” do the impregnating. This particular system of sex assignment is deeply tied to colonial population management concerns, where measuring the labour capacity of colonised subjects was a matter of managing white wealth (as well as making sure “there weren’t too many of them” compared to white people in colonies - this was especially a major white anxiety after the Haitian Revolution at the turn of the 19th century, the largest slave revolt in history. See Settlers by J Sakai). You can read Maria Lugones’ papers The Coloniality of Gender (2016) and Heterosexualism and the Colonial/Modern Gender System (2007), Alex Adamson's (2022) paper Beyond the Coloniality of Gender, and Guirkinger & Villar's (2022) paper Pro-birth policies, missions, and fertility for some introductory reading.

(Note: patriarchal gender hierarchies predate and exist outside of European colonial domination - it is a popular white queer talking point that Europe invented gender, that indigenous peoples actually all had epic radically equal genderfuck systems that were destroyed by Europe, and this is a very patronising and racist historical generalisation that I want to avoid making. Third World/Global South feminism is a necessary corrective to this - an arena of scholarship I am sadly not well versed in. Sylvia Wynter is the only scholar I’ve engaged with on this topic, which again, is a very limited slice. I welcome reading recommendations in this area).

While sex assignment is coercive for everyone, it is a particular problem for trans people, who are accused of impersonation and ID fraud if our sex markets conflict with our gender presentation, or we don’t “look like” our sex marker to cis people. Because you need a government ID to do basically anything - getting a job, applying for an apartment, getting a driver’s license, going to school, buying a phone plan, being on unemployment, applying for disability, filing an insurance claim, doing your taxes, opening a bank account, getting married, going to the hospital, buying lottery tickets at the corner store, etc - and sex markers appear on basically all government ID in many countries, trans people are systematically denied a whole range of citizenship rights (and thus personhood) on the basis of this sex assignment. Trans people are not merely treated as the wrong gender, they are ungendered, and by this process, rendered ineligible for personhood. Like just as an example, gay marriage is a luxury to trans people, as gay marriage is based on the state recognising both you and your partner’s gender in the first place. (See Heath Fogg Davis’ paper Sex-Classification Policies as Transgender Discrimination (2014) for example. Butler also talks about this on a more fundamental level in Bodies That Matter (1993), and Stryker & Sullivan also discuss this in The Queen's Body, the King's Member (2009)).  

This is likewise the impetus behind anti-trans bathroom bills and sports bans - citizenship guarantees, among other things, a right to public space, and these bans are meant to deprive transgender people access to those spaces. These bans should be understood as a way of circumventing the much more difficult process of revoking the citizenship of trans people outright by using a component of citizenship (sex assignment at birth) to impoverish the quality of citizenship that trans people have access to. This is why bans on medical transition are not actually just about medical oppression, but the oppression of trans peoples’ abilities to live in society in general. An instructive parallel is abortion bans for pregnant people, who, in addition to facing medical oppression and violence by being denied healthcare, are likewise systemically marginalised through being forced into the role of “mother” (again we see how cissexualism reduces people to reproductive capacity), economically marginalising them by reducing their capacity to earn a wage, tying them to partners/spouses that now have greater economic and social leverage over them (and thus have greater capacity to assault, rape, and murder them), depriving them of the choice of alternative life paths, and so on.

It’s generally much more difficult to get the state to sign off on unilaterally oppressing a group of citizens by depriving them of citizenship completely, so attacking a group through more narrow and particular policies like healthcare or the use of public space (with the ultimate goal of depriving them of their rights in general) is often much easier and more productive. See Beauchamp's 2019 book Going Stealth: Transgender Politics and US Surveillance Practices, who talks about this in the context of anti-trans bathroom bills in chapter 3. This is also a common thread in disability scholarship, as disabled people are likewise denied much of the same citizenship rights through similar logics - the book Absent Citizens (2009) by Michal J Prince talks about this in the Canadian context. To give an example he uses in the book, in Canada, accessible voting stations were only federally mandated in I believe the 90s, meaning that disabled people were practically disenfranchised until about 30 years ago in Canada, even though there were no laws explicitly banning disabled people from voting.

As a result, any barriers put in place by the state to change your legal name and sex marker should be understood as a comprehensive denial of personhood, not only because we as trans people want our IDs to reflect who we are, but because those barriers make it difficult to do literally anything in civil society. This the basis behind the cry of “trans rights are human rights” - taking away our healthcare rights also fundamentally denies us equal citizenship (and thus personhood), because healthcare is where we get all those little permission slips from doctors and psychologists to change our name and gender marker in the first place. This is of course not remotely the same as being made stateless (trans refugees are placed in a particularly harrowing and violent legal black hole, for example) - I as a white trans person living in the imperial core still benefit from a massive range of material, political and social privileges not afforded to many others, but my transness positions me at a deficit relative to cis people who have the same state citizenship as I do. As I hope I've made clear, it's not a binary case of either having or not having citizenship, but that citizenship is classed, and the quality of your citizenship is heavily dependent on a whole range of social, political, legal, economic, and historical factors that are all largely out of your control.

So not only is gender a barrier to citizenship, it mediates access to realising the full range of personhood within a regime of state citizenship. Trans people are not the only group effected by this, as I described above, but trans people are a group that makes obvious the arbitrary, coercive, and unequal nature of sex assignment through its connection to state citizenship.

[syndrossi]

Regret AU, Part Two

Procrastination is a helluva writing drug. You can find part one here.

x~x~x

It should not feel like treason to be reporting treason, and yet guilt plagued Willam for the full day of travel it took to reach Gulltown. He was a knight of House Royce, and it was his own house that he would betray in revealing the truth.

And yet his young cousins were also of Royce blood. Would he not be betraying them, if he had instead chosen to keep silent about Rhea’s lie? Every night they cried for their parents, and yet their father by blood lived. Rather than live at the charity of those willing to foster two orphans, they could be raised as princes of the realm.

They were such bright little sparks, too. Allard was a few years his junior, and young to be raising two toddlers. Nor is he possessed of the warmest disposition. Willam could not imagine the sullen boy he remembered listening patiently as Raymar tried to teach him Valyrian, or indulging Jon’s endless requests to play chase.

“Gwayz?” Willam asked, pointing at the oak they were approaching.

Raymar giggled. “Guēse.”

He did not know if that meant “oak” or merely “tree,” as there had been little variety during this stretch of the journey. Is that why Elys taught him Valyrian? Did she herself hope that perhaps they might meet their father someday?

Jon, who had gone to sit up by Jorge at the front of the wagon, straightened with interest. “Runestone!”

Despite knowing precisely where they were, Willam had to fight down a flash of panic. “Gulltown,” he corrected. The children had known only the tiny village where they had spent the first two years of their life. Runestone would have been the first proper town they had seen.

Gulltown was tenfold the size of Runestone, and its port larger than that of King’s Landing. The Trident carried goods from the westernmost shores of the Westerlands, to the flats of the Riverlands, all the way through the Bay of Crabs. Most vessels from Essos went no further than Gulltown, preferring to offload their goods within the city. Smaller vessels would then ferry wares to the Saltpans, where they would either find their way north along the high road, south along the kingsroad, or west along the river road.

Raymar also wanted to look at the distant port city, so Willam swapped places with Lora, balancing both children on his lap as they slowly approached the walls. Jon cheerfully pointed out the Gull Tower to him, providing Raymar the opportunity to give the Valyrian translation for “tower.”

They seemed in good spirits until Jon caught his elbow, just as they were nearing the gates. “Are mama and papa here?”

Willam’s breath caught. The permanence of death was an elusive concept for toddlers, he had found. Jon had tearfully asked him just last night whether they would come back if the boys ate all their supper and breakfast.

“They are not,” he said, laying a hand on his dark hair, then giving his cheek a stroke. “But there will be much to see within.”

Raymar, who had turned to him with equal hope after Jon’s question, blinked back tears. “Will you go away too?”

Willam immediately recognized the signs of an impending meltdown and gave them the biggest smile he could manage. “Never. I shall always be at your side.” That was the best he could hope for; if time and the king’s justice proved him a liar, at least they would have their father.

Their wagon was admitted without delay, Willam’s surcoat gaining a respectful nod. They were pointed toward the keep, where he knew Lord Grafton would gladly receive them. But if word were to reach Rhea—

Willam shook his head. He needed access to the rookery, regardless of whether they chose to accept Lord Grafton’s hospitality.

“We shall seek an inn tonight,” he informed Lora.

The hour was growing late, after all. He could present himself to Lord Grafton on the morrow, and busy himself this evening drafting the most important letter he would ever write, one that could doom both his house and the woman to whom he had sworn his sword.

If she is their mother, surely Prince Daemon would not go so far as to seek her head. The prince was known to be ambitious, however. If it won him Runestone through his sons, would greed rule his heart?

Then again, it was not a certainty that Prince Daemon could be reached by raven at all. To Willam’s knowledge, he was yet fighting in the Stepstones, which only a scant few ravens would be trained to fly to. Perhaps that would be for the best; the king could be trusted at least not to act out of greed.

The streets of Gulltown were clogged with wagons, horses, and others on foot, which slowed their progress considerably. He continued holding the twins, who were looking about at the many sights and sounds competing for their attention.

“Ser Berry!” Jon exclaimed, bolting upright onto his knee and forcing Willam to steady him. “It is Ser Berry!”

Raymar followed his brother’s gaze and gasped, while Willam looked about in confusion. They had passed the occasional guardsman, but there were no knights within view.

“They burned Ser Berry,” Raymar said, voice wobbling. “I miss him.”

Finally, his gaze landed upon what Jon seemed to be pointing at: a merchant’s stall that held a host of children’s toys: dolls of straw dressed in simple clothing, wooden horses and boats, jars of smooth, colorful stones, and more. On the higher shelves were finer offerings that included stuffed dolls of varying animal likenesses, a glittering dragon figurine that seemed to be made of silver and onyx with strange coils near the wings, and small games of linked hoops, carved discs, and cloths of what seemed to be colored powders.

“Ser Berry,” Jon repeated, tugging his elbow. “He is brown!”

Willam’s gaze locked on one of the stuffed dolls, one of an impressively life-like bear. It was plump like a pillow, likely filled with cotton or feathers, and the outer material appeared to be some animal’s pelt. Understanding flooded him. They would have burned the boys’ things, once they recovered from their sickness. Which would have included toys. He had wondered why their belongings had been so meager.

“Continue along this street,” he instructed Jorge. “At the junction, veer right. The Coddled Carp will be but a few lengths down the road. We shall meet you there.”

He scooped the boys up in his arms and leapt off the wagon to delighted laughter from both. Children should have toys.

Together they approached the merchant’s stall, and Raymar gasped once more as his gaze fell upon the dragon. “Sōvion!”

The merchant was a man roughly of age with Willam, with dark brown hair that was pulled into a tight knot at the back of his head, leaned forward, regarding Raymar with interest. “Not a butterfly, little one. Zaldrīzes.”

The man took the delicate-looking figurine, and wound a small knob. As he released it, the dragon’s wings flapped up and down before slowing to a halt again. Raymar burst into excited babbling that the man seemed to understand perfectly, answering him in what Willam could only assume was Valyrian. After a few back-and-forths, the man turned to Willam, speaking the same tongue.

Willam shook his head. “I do not speak Valyrian.”

“Oh,” the man said with surprise. “You are Westerosi. I thought—” His gaze fell upon Raymar once more. “It is unusual to hear High Valyrian here. Usually it is that bastard tongue they speak in our sister cities.”

Willam had already guessed from the man’s accent that he himself was from one of the Free Cities. “Where do you hail from?”

“Volantis,” the merchant said.

His brow rose. “You are far from home.” It was quite a distance to travel simply to sell children’s toys, though he did concede that the craftsmanship was excellent up close.

“But I bring many delights, good ser,” he said with a bow. “I am Felydas.”

Raymar was enraptured by the dragon figurine, but Jon was still staring at the bear doll with yearning. Felydas plucked it from its shelf and handed it toward a suddenly-shy Jon, who glanced uncertainly at Willam. He nodded, and Jon took it in his arms, hugging the doll to his chest. Out of curiosity, he gave the fur a stroke. Rabbit, if he had to guess, and very soft.

“Ser Berry,” Jon whispered, staring into the doll’s onyx eyes.

Felydas had picked up a small bell from behind the shelves, which he rang, and after a few seconds, another man entered the booth from behind, introducing himself as Denyno. He was older, with streaks of grey in his light brown hair, and patches in his closely-shaved beard and whiskers. There was a strange discoloration to his lips, and Willam recalled that many men from across the Narrow Sea painted their lips, like women.

He and Felydas conferred briefly in Valyrian, before the older man addressed Raymar, who again answered in kind. Willam frowned, uncertain what to make of their apparent interest in him. Is it the oddity of a Westerosi child being able to speak their tongue? Or have they marked his coloring and drawn other conclusions?

“There are a few other toys that are not on display that your charges may find to their liking,” Denyno said. “It is always a risk to leave things in the open.”

Jon had gotten his brother’s attention, and both were now hugging the bear doll between them, babbling excitedly in a mish-mash of tongues that he could only half decipher.

“They have simple tastes,” Willam said politely, deciding that it was better not to linger. “How much for the bear?”

“There is much more,” Denyno insisted. He took three of the colored stones from their jar, and began muttering under his breath. Willam stared, startled, as they seemed to rise in the air, spinning in a slow circle. Each stone began glowing, until it looked like three balls of fire sweeping through the air.

He had seen a troupe of mummers once where one had juggled sticks that burned on one end, but there was something unnatural about this display that made the back of his neck prickle.

The fireballs shrank slightly and began to move independently like fireflies, drifting away from the Volantene and closer to them. Willam could feel the heat of one as it passed by his face, confirming that it was no mere show, and a shout of horror escaped him as the children grabbed for the floating orbs of fire, each catching one between their hands.

Rather than cry out in pain, they giggled, cupping their hands so that they could stare at the fire within. Willam grabbed at their wrists and tried prying the flaming orbs loose, but as soon as he touched a finger to one, he could feel the skin begin to burn.

The flames went dark, to mournful sounds of disappointment from the children, and the stones dropped onto the ground. Willam spread their palms flat, flabbergasted to find not even so much as a blister upon them.

“You have my apologies, ser,” Denyno said. “It is a parlor trick where I am from, one that children find most thrilling.”

“You—” Could have burned them. But he hadn’t, and now Willam was beginning to doubt his own senses. Had he merely imagined the heat, allowing the illusion of it to convince him that it could burn him? But a glance at his finger showed the skin reddened, with a blister forming along the first crease.

“The bear is yours,” the man continued. “Of no charge, for the unpleasant surprise. If you should like the dragon figurine, that is twenty stags.”

Raymar had already grabbed it off the counter, murmuring to it softly in either Valyrian or toddler babble. Willam swallowed the sharp words that had built in his throat, and silently counted out twenty stags, pushing the silver to the Volantene, who barely seemed to take note of it as he scooped the coins up, his gaze fixed upon the children instead with a glint that left Willam ill at ease.

“It is said that twins are a sign of the gods’ fortune,” he said. “You are most blessed, ser.”

“Good day,” Willam said curtly, taking the boys by the hand and wishing he had a third for his sword.

The prickle on the back of his neck did not subside until they reached the junction further down the road and turned out of sight. Only then did he feel as though he could breathe more easily, and let the children’s innocent cheer warm him. The Coddled Carp was warm and not overly crowded, owing to its steeper prices, which was why he had chosen it. It was a favored stop for knights and men of means passing through.

Lora seemed to relax once she caught sight of him, and they joined her at the table she had claimed. “There are plenty of rooms for board. I asked for two.”

“Where is Jorge?” he asked, setting the children between them.

“He is seeing to the wagon.”

Food had already been set out at the table, grown slightly cold, but neither Jon nor Raymar seemed to mind. They stabbed at their bowls of stew, making a merry mess, but most of it made it into their bellies. Willam kept his eye on the door, still feeling spooked.

No one knows who they are. There is no reason for anyone to seek to harm them, or take them.

“I will stay with the boys,” he said. “They fuss if I do not put them down.”

With full bellies and a long day on the road behind them, their eyelids were beginning to droop. I shall have time aplenty when they are asleep to write. The innkeep would have some parchment on hand that he could make use of, he hoped.

The room was spacious after several days crammed into a wagon, with two beds of well-compacted mattresses. He laid the boys’ bedroll atop one, then helped them clean their faces in the provided wash basin. With the many distractions of the day, Willam allowed himself to hope that the boys would fall asleep immediately, but as soon as he tucked them within the blankets with their new Ser Berry between them, the tears returned, and grew within seconds to full-throated wailing.

Their sorrows were many. Willam was not mama, and he had not read them a story or fed Ser Berry, and if they had found Ser Berry, could they not find mama if they only looked…? Willam took turns rocking them, resorting out of desperation to made-up stories about a bear seeking trout from the river, only to be thwarted by a series of obstacles: fishermen, herons, even beaver dams.

They quieted to hear the story, and he tucked Ser Berry between them once more, and fortunately they fell asleep before he had to invent an appropriate ending for Ser Berry’s trials. There was a small table with a single, creaky chair, and Willam settled into it wearily before taking out parchment and ink.

In all of his training and subsequent trials, he had not once thought that his greatest challenge might one day be to write a letter, or that he would be mimicking different voices in a desperate bid to ease toddlers into sleep. He felt exhausted, and the blister on his finger would only grow as he gripped his quill.

Prince Daemon, he wrote.

x~x~x

Volantene agents keeping an eye out for children passing through a busy port city under the front of a toy booth? It's more likely than you think! (Honestly, it's more of a home base/hub.)

[writingfeedsthedarkestones]

Okay so this might be nothing, but I've been thinking about it.

So, DC × DP world, yeah?

Phantom isn't really a big time hero yet, he's still focused on Amity, but he's being scouted for the Justice League, and he notices something.

Is... is Green Lantern firing ecto-blasts? Because those really look like ecto-blasts.

It takes him a while to actually get close enough to confirm, but yeah, those are definitely ecto-blasts, but Green Lantern isn't dead. Also, there's a whole group of them, so what gives? Are they using ecto-weapons? How? Why? They seem convinced it's some kind of alien tech, but Danny KNOWS what ecto-blasts look and feel like.

Obviously, he has questions. But as a minor hero like him, you can't just go up to a founder of the Justice League and start asking questions like that.

But, he can do a bit of his own research, right? The Watchtower has some files he can access, and the rundown on the Lantern Corp seems... familiar. Energy blasts and powers fueled by strong emotion, that's definitely ectoplasm. It can form shapes, act partially intangible or not, all things Danny has seen in the Ghost Zone.

Okay. But there's other Lantern Corps, different colours. But Danny knows that Ectoplasm can take different shapes and colours, he's definitely encountered pink before, and his own ghost powers sometimes show up as blue. So if the different emotions corrospond to the different colours, it would make sense.

The rings are powered from something in space, he knows that. He's not sure WHAT, he doesn't have access to those files, but he knows the rings need to recharge from it. If it's something like his parent's tech, than maybe it needs to re-up the ectoplasm every once in a while, like a phone battery.

So, Danny is 99% sure that Green Lantern uses ectoplasm, but what can he do about that? What should he do? Green Lantern is a senior hero and might not even listen, and would that even matter? It's not like not knowing has caused problems, but still, knowing something GL doesn't is making Danny anxious.

And for a while, he doesn't do anything. He goes on missions, he protects his town, he goes to college. It isn't until a massive threat sweeps across the earth that he finally does something.

The Lantern Corp is down. All of their rings are drained, they don't have time to charge them, but the League only just figured out how to stop the threat, and the Lanterns would be the best way to do it. They're all arguing in the Watchtower, trying to decide who to send in instead, when Danny finally blurts out "I can recharge the rings!"

Everyone goes a bit quiet, then start yelling all at once at him. He only manages to get them to listen by yelling over all of them again to be quiet.

Eventually, he explains, and watches as Green Lantern goes from disbelief, to bafflement, to determination. The rest of the Justice League seems equally surprised when Danny channels some ectoplasm into the ring, and it starts glowing again.

They defeat the threat, with the Green Lantern Corp and Danny fighting side by side. It's the biggest role he's had in one of these fights, and he's nervous, but when they all get back to the Watchtower for the debrief, he gets a pat on the back by Green Lantern, and a nod from Batman.

[writingwithfolklore]

What kind of writer are you?

There are about a million different ways and styles to write, and they’re all valid. But if you’re in a space in which you need to market yourself or your writing, it’s helpful to be able to put terms and descriptions to your way of writing, so here’s a handy little quiz to figure out which terms fit your writing best.

Planner vs. Pantser:

Planners plot out their works, from an outline to character development and arcs, worldbuilding, and everything in between.

Pantsers start with nothing written down, letting themselves be guided by inspiration as it strikes.

You may also be a mix. Maybe you plan out some aspects while leaving others to inspiration in the moment.

Commercial or Literary:

Commercial writers focus on engaging, fast-moving plots and equally engaging characters. Think The Inheritance Games, The Maze Runner, Divergent, The Hunger Games. They have clear genres and stick to the expectations of their genre (fantasy, mystery, etc.) and they tend to sell well.

Literary writers focus more on beautiful language and challenging the reader, usually commenting on people or society. These pieces are seen as works of art that hold a deep, important meaning in society—they say something. Think To Kill a Mockingbird, The Great Gatsby, The Secret History, Flowers for Algernon.

Upmarket is a mix between commercial and literary writing—with a fast paced, accessible plot and deep characterization, but also the lyrical, beautiful prose leanings of literary writing. Also known as Bookclub fiction, upmarket is considered the best of both worlds.

Target Audience:

0-8: Children’s.

              Includes board books (0-3), picture books (3-8), early reader (5-9), chapter book (6-10ish)

8-12: Middle-grade

12-18: YA

18-~29: NA

29+: Adult

Genre:

Crime: Focuses on justice, on putting right a wrong usually through puzzles, and usually against high stakes. Read more about crime here.

Fantasy: Features magical and supernatural elements. Subgenres include urban fantasy, magical realism, high fantasy, low fantasy, which all contain a different balance of realism versus ‘fantastical’ elements. Read more about fantasy here.

Horror: Intended to scare or thrill. Typically focuses around a central villain that reflects a society’s fears. Includes subgenres such as found footage, Lovecraftian, psychological, slasher, which all center down a different ‘other’ that plays the central villain. Read more about horror here.

Thriller: Takes the basics of crime/mystery and adds a deeper element of danger. Also, your protagonist may not be a traditionally trained detective, but may still have helpful knowledge to the case. Read more here.

New Adult: Characters and intended audience are a bit older, from 18-25ish. Tends to deal with issues surrounding with technically being an adult but not old enough to have the wisdom that comes with it—a ‘new’ adult, you could say. Read more here.

Romance: Focuses on relationships between characters, but can vary across many subgenres such as: commercial romance, romantasy (romance-fantasy), erotica, historical romance, LGBTQ+ romance, etc. Read more here.

Science Fiction: Surrounds real or imaginary science and technology as a core part of its plot, setting, or theme. The science, while it can be fictional, is depicted as based on real scientific principles, rather than magic. Read more here.

Speculative: An umbrella term that covers all fiction that breaks from reality—can include elements of fantasy, sci-fi, horror, etc. But remarks in some way about the future (or current nature) of society—thus, speculation. Read more here.

YA: Written for readers from 12-18. Tends to focus on challenges of youth, but can also delve into other genres (romance, fantasy, etc.) Known for being mostly written in commercial style—fast paced plots, engaging characters. Read more here.

(see my post word count matters)

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

(Psst... Did you know I launched a website?)

Head on over to www.gatesannai.com (or click here!) for exclusive blog posts, updates on my work, and pictures of my dog.

While you're there, consider signing up for my newsletter too :-)

[jokewishes]

The young justice has the biggest beef with each others mentors

like Kon is ready to fight batman at any given time. no he does not care that batman has access to kryptonite.

Bart can and will sass superman given the chance

Tim is still kinda mad at wonder woman for letting Cassie get sucked into a cult.

Cassie likes to fuck with all of their teams equal amounts.

[ivygorgon]

📨 An open letter to the U.S. Supreme Court

🫄 Abortion as reproductive healthcare is a right, PERIOD.

✍️ 57 signers so far! Help us get to 100 signers!

Bodily autonomy is a fundamental right—if even a cadaver cannot be forced to donate organs, why should pregnant individuals be denied control over their own bodies? The Supreme Court’s stance on abortion rights threatens to strip people of their freedoms, endangering lives and disproportionately harming marginalized communities. Forced pregnancy violates human rights and will lead to preventable deaths. We must codify reproductive healthcare, including abortion, into federal law to protect the rights and lives of all Americans.

▶ Created on May 26, 2022 by Ret. SGT Guild, Breeding Chattel

📱 Text SIGN PTKRPA to 50409

🤯 Liked it? Text FOLLOW IVYGORGON to 50409

[hpfemininomenonfest]

FINAL POSTING DAY!

The last set of works for the HP Femininomenon Fest are out now !!

There are now 146 works in the collection, all of them female and/or genderqueer centric, ranging across the entire Harry Potter universe!

We will be making a big final post, as well as sharing stats and masterlists on this account over the next coupel of days, but for now:

You can find all of the fics and arts in our ao3 collection here

You can also find art on this page using "#HPFemFest2025 art"

All edits are saved into a public collection on TikTok here, and a masterlist will be shared shortly!

The amount of love and support throughout this fest has been absolutely incredible, so this is a massive thank you to everyone who took part - whether you were creating for it, or roaming through the collection over the last few days to share some love, thank you. It means the world. 💞💞

And a massive thank you to the moderators for making this happen! @heartsoncover @badhairred @kelpforestfire @itsradla @lemonlans @starprongs @middleagedenragedmama

I'm also linking here some charities and organisations for you to be supporting right now - we put this fest together right after the US election in November, and the last few months have been incredibly difficult for so many different groups of people - we all need a bit of extra love right now, and these organisations are going above and beyond in doing everything possible to combat the bigotry and facism in America right now:

ABORTION AND AFAB HEALTHCARE:

National Organization for Women

Planned Parenthood

Midwest Access Coalition

LGBTQIA+:

Elevated Access (+ abortion)

Trans Youth Equality Foundation

Sherlock's Homes Foundation

Lambda Legal

IMMIGRATION, EQUAL ACCESS + POC MOVEMENTS:

American Civil Liberties Union

Southern Poverty Law Center

NAACP

CAIR

Americans for Immigration Justice

Youth Center for Immigrant's Children

PROTECTING LITERATURE:

PEN America

Freedom to Read Foundation

PROTECTING DEMOCRACY:

Common Cause

People For the American Way

CLIMATE SCIENCE LEGAL DEFENCE FUND

EVERY TOWN FOR GUN SAFETY

No one is free until we're all free - in every sense of the word.

[dostoyevsky-official]

The Courts Can’t Stop the Trump-Musk Coup

Many of Trump’s orders are illegal, and unconstitutional, and brazenly so. Most good-faith lawyers can see that, but “good faith” does not describe the current state of the federal judiciary. Trump and MAGA have captured and corrupted the courts: They have seeded the lower courts with federal judges more loyal to Trump and his white-supremacist movement than they are to the law. They have stacked the Supreme Court with justices hostile to civil rights and equality. This doesn’t mean that cases brought by the ACLU, AFL-CIO, or Democratic state attorneys general are destined to fail. Their cases are righteous (and, legally speaking, right) and must be brought. Some might even succeed.

But the courts will not “save” us. They will not be the backstop protecting us from the Trump-Musk takeover, and any person who tells you otherwise, especially if that person is an elected Democrat in Congress, is selling you an excuse for inaction and complacency. Trump and Musk are barbarians at the gate; calling in the lawyers to tell them they’re trespassing isn’t going to halt their advance. Courts are not known for their harm prevention—they’re best used when trying to hold someone accountable for the harm they already caused.

The most obvious reason for this is that the courts move slowly. They are designed to move slowly. [...] If we’re very lucky, in a year or two we’ll get final rulings on whether Trump is allowed to do the bad things he started doing two weeks ago.

[...] The quickest tools the courts have at their disposal is the “temporary restraining order” (aka “TRO”) and the “nationwide injunction.” You’ve likely heard these terms before. These are temporary orders issued by a court that purportedly prevent the implementation of new laws or policies pending a full trial (or hearing) and ruling on the “merits” of a legal challenge. Often, these temporary orders themselves are appealed all the way to the Supreme Court (which potentially delays the timeliness of these emergency actions), with the administration trying to lift the temporary stops so it can implement its policies while the courts sort out whether the policy is legal.

[...] In theory, these orders should be effective stopgaps. The problem is that the court has no enforcement mechanism. It has no army, no police force, no power to impose its will. Instead, the executive—in this case the president—is supposed to enforce the court’s orders. But what if Trump doesn’t? There is little reason to believe that Trump will enforce an adverse court ruling against himself. There is no reason to believe he’ll enforce one against Musk. He’s clearly not interested in enforcing the court order (and, you know, the entire piece of legislation passed by Congress and signed by his predecessor) against TikTok.

[...] Consider the constitutional crisis unfolding right now. Musk has reportedly seized access to the private information of every US taxpayer, and the payroll information of every government employee. He has no right to this information but… he has it. Who’s going to undo that damage? A court order released Thursday afternoon purportedly limited Musk’s access to Treasury files to two “special employees” with “read-only” access to the data. Musk has reportedly agreed to follow those rules. Who is going to make sure he does? Who is going to lead the crack team of forensic digital investigators to make sure that Musk is in compliance with this or any future court order? My guess is “no one.” Musk currently has a stranglehold on the government, and enforcement of his limitations is going to run on the “trust me, bro” system.

[...]There are any number of Trump orders that this Supreme Court is going to rubber-stamp, all while promoting the conservatives’ “unitary executive theory” that grants the president powers more commonly associated with those of a king. As we’ve already seen with the court’s decision to grant Trump immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts, Roberts and his co-conspirators have pre-decided that the best way to handle Trump is to ride it out, generally give him what he wants, and accrue as much power for themselves as possible. Power that they’ll be happy to redeploy once he’s gone and they are again dealing with an executive who will faithfully enforce their orders, like literally any sad-sack Democrat who ever manages to win election again.

I’m not saying that the courts do not matter. As I said, some good decisions will squeak through. [...] But the courts will not save us. Even a friendly court is not designed to save democracy from a democratically elected president, and most courts are not our friends to begin with.

[mariacallous]

The politicization of transgender children in the US is one of the most astounding coups of propaganda and organized animus in recent history. Rarely has so much attention and rage been directed at such a minuscule number of people, and more rarely, still, have those people been the most vulnerable and blameless among us: kids and teens.

The first state to pass a ban on transition-related care for minors was Arkansas, in April 2021; less than four years later, more than half of states have such a ban on the books. In 2016, North Carolina lost an estimated $3.76bn in revenue following boycotts after they passed a law banning trans people, including transgender students, from using appropriate restrooms in public facilities; now, 14 states have such bathroom bans on the books, and the boycotts have receded.

These changes in public attitudes towards trans youth – from a broad if imperfect sentiment of tolerance to a widespread and politically weaponized attitude of hostility toward a small minority of kids – did not emerge by accident. It was the product of a deliberate, conscious effort to radicalize large swaths of the United States, and significant chunks of state policy, into a hostility towards a few children.

That effort seems set to bear fruit now, at the US supreme court, in US v Skrmetti, a lawsuit brought by the ACLU and the Biden Department of Justice challenging Tennessee’s HB1, a sweeping ban on transition-related care for minors that was passed in 2023. The law prohibits any puberty blockers or hormones from being prescribed for the purposes of gender transition, but it does not prohibit these medications from being prescribed for any non-transition-related purpose. A minor can be prescribed puberty blockers, for instance, if their doctor believes they are experiencing early onset, or “precocious”, puberty; they cannot be prescribed puberty blockers to delay the onset of a puberty that may change their bodies in ways they do not desire for gender identity-related reasons.

That means, too, that a child assigned male at birth could access, say, testosterone treatment, but a child assigned female at birth could not. In oral arguments on Wednesday, solicitor general Elizabeth Prelogar and Chase Strangio of the ACLU – the first trans attorney to argue before the supreme court – explained that this was a straightforward case of sex discrimination, and hence needed to be subjected to a heightened standard of judicial review under the 14th amendment’s equal protection clause.

It will not be. A majority of the court’s conservatives seemed poised to uphold the ban on transgender healthcare, though for a variety of different reasons. Brett Kavanaugh made his usual mealy-mouthed paean to states’ rights, an argument he always makes in questions of federally guaranteed equality provisions, but not before extolling the hypothetical suffering of teenagers who may access gender-affirming care but then later come to regret it. (One wonders if there are any choices from his own adolescence that Brett Kavanaugh has come to regret.) Clarence Thomas and chief justice John Roberts, meanwhile, both advanced the idea that the physiological differences between male and female bodies could moot the equal protection clause’s reach, giving states broad leeway to regulate medicine in ways that would uphold gender hierarchy.

For his part, Samuel Alito also seemed interested in the idea that states might have a right to effect gender discrimination via their regulation of medicine. He repeatedly cited the 1974 case Geduldig v Aiello, in which the supreme court ruled that states could discriminate on the basis of pregnancy, and that pregnancy discrimination was not sex discrimination – because even though only female people become pregnant, not all of them are pregnant all of the time. (At the time, Congress found the outcome in Geduldig so egregious that it passed a law clarifying that pregnancy discrimination does count as sex discrimination for the purposes of federal civil rights law, and the precedent was largely mooted, but Alito’s controlling opinion in Dobbs has revived it.)

But Alito, true to form, did not confine his opining to the notion that discrimination against trans people does not count as sex-based discrimination: he went on to suggest that trans people are not quite real, peppering Strangio, in a scene that seemed intended to humiliate the trans attorney, with questions about whether trans identity was truly an “immutable” characteristic. For his part, Strangio responded with a dignity and respect that Alito’s line of questioning did not merit.

It was not the only low moment. James Matthew Rice, the Tennessee solicitor general who defended the ban in court, repeatedly compared gender affirming care with suicide, as well as to lobotomies and eugenics. During his time, justices Ketanji Brown Jackson and Sonia Sotomayor, with occasional assists from Elena Kagan, tried to chase Rice down on the inconsistencies in his own argument.

Tennessee claimed, after all, that the law did not discriminate on the basis of patients’ sex, but rather on the basis of the purpose of their treatment; when the liberal justices pointed out that this was a distinction without a difference, because the purpose of the treatment was dependent on the patients’ sex, Rice simply repeated his assertion that there was a difference, there, somewhere. Jackson, in particular, worked to get Rice to explain his position for some time. He declined to.

To call the Tennessee ban sex-neutral is laughable, almost insulting. The statute itself makes gender conformity its explicit justification in its text, saying that it aims to prohibit “sex inconsistent treatment”, or anything that “might encourage minors to become disdainful of their sex”. The law has long included sex role stereotyping within the purview of sex discrimination; Tennessee has sought to enforce sex roles, and sexed embodiment, with the force of the state. There is no good faith reading of the law that would allow it to withstand the scrutiny that the 14th amendment requires. But luckily for Tennessee, this is not a good faith court.

[dailyanarchistposts]

The way most people talk about climate change we are led to believe we all have an equal part in creating the capitalist nightmare we live in, but that’s a lie. The unsustainable and extractive nature of capitalism grew directly from the ideological and material foundations of European colonization. We cannot hold the entire human species responsible for that. It’s victim blaming.

The vast majority of waste is produced by the same people and institutions who hold power. Fighting for our planet, the health of our land, our food, our homes, our communities, is where the fight against capitalism and white supremacy collide. Any fight for environmental justice must also be a fight for racial justice because BI&POC are the ones who disproportionately bear the weight of climate change.

White Settler Colonialism Is Destroying the Planet, Not Poor BI&POC

Don’t believe the Malthusian and eco-fascist myth that there are too many people on the planet to care for. This is a lie peddled by capitalists, eugenicists, and people who advocate for genocide. We know that every landbase has its limit for how much life it can support (indigenous peoples have been saying this for hundreds of years), but “overpopulation” rhetoric is overwhelmingly used as a means to enforce colonial hierarchies where wealthy white people can maintain lives of access and privilege while poor BI&POC barely survive.

Instead of telling poor BI&POC to have less children or to stop wanting better lives, we should build a movement to fight climate change which centers racial justice, abolishes capitalism, and forces wealthy, predominately white populations to stop hoarding resources.

Here are some Earth Day facts for tomorrow so you don’t fall for the lies:

Just 100 companies are responsible for 71% of global emissions. (Source: the Guardian)

Black communities are exposed to 56% more pollution than is caused by their consumption. For Latinx communities, it is 63%. (Source: American Journal of Public Health)

97% of waste produced in the United States is corporate waste. 80% of businesses are owned & operated by white people. (Source: “The Story of Stuff” & US News)

Indigenous peoples make up less than 5% of the planet’s human population, yet they are protecting 80% of its biodiversity. (Source: National Geographic)

The world’s richest 10% produce half of carbon emissions while the poorest half contribute only 10%. (Source: Oxfam)

The world’s wealthiest 16% use 80% of the planet’s natural resources. (Source: CNN)

We are not all equally “responsible.” White settler colonialism and capitalism are destroying the planet, not poor BI&POC.